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The dual citizenship has been the subject of intense political debate in Pakistan barring the elected representatives, in parliament, the provincial assemblies and the presidency, from holding dual nationality. The perceptions that holding a foreign citizenship challenges the undiluted loyalty to country further engender question mark over their political participation in country's affairs. A qualitative study has been carried out in the city of Rawalpindi to explore the stance of Pakistani nationals on such exclusion of Pakistani dual citizens from mainstream politics of Pakistan asking should the individual's association to the state be an exclusive one? In this paper, in‐depth interviews were conducted with a sample of 40 male and female respondents (22 Pakistani citizens, 18 Pakistani dual citizens) and 6 constitutional experts. The results indicate distrust among Pakistani citizens when considering dual citizens' right of representation in general elections of Pakistan, stemming from a mistrust of their "split loyalties". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article uses the case of Denmark to critically discuss key assumptions in the theoretical literature on dual citizenship. When Denmark surprisingly accepted dual citizenship in 2015, the decision reflected two distinct lines of argument: first, accepting dual citizenship would allow Danes living abroad to keep their Danish citizenship; second, because it is considered illegitimate to make people stateless, allowing dual citizenship would simultaneously allow for citizenship revocation of dual citizens who engage in or support acts of terror. This rationale stands in striking contrast to how dual citizenship has been previously theorised. The gradual acceptance of dual citizenship in Western countries since the early 1990s has been seen either as a symptom of a post-national era or as a pragmatic adjustment to the transnational realities of international migration. By contrast, the case of Denmark shows that dual citizenship may serve as a lever to protect the political community of the nation-state from terrorism and, as such, function as a tool of securitisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In line with studies of dual citizenship that point to the need for in-depth understanding of the reasoning behind this legislative change, this study provides an analysis of the discourse that lawmakers parlayed during the debate that resulted in the passage of the Philippine citizenship retention and reacquisition law in 2003. Because of the constitutional prohibition against dual allegiance, legislators constructed a narrative with emotive force to justify emigration as well as naturalization in the destination, the latter act portrayed as devoid of political love that Filipinos supposedly reserve for the homeland. Emblematic of affective citizenship even while the state actually instrumentalized it, the passage of the law affirmed a traditional notion of exclusive singular citizenship, while concomitantly providing indirect tolerance of dual, nonexclusive citizenship for conationals overseas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late modern era, emigration and concomitant citizenship renunciations in countries that do not allow dual citizenship can be the result of lifestyle preferences or better work opportunities. Although emigration is an integral dimension of cosmopolitanism in an era when national borders are porous, Singapore discourages the emigration of its citizens but prefers its new migrants to maintain cosmopolitan links. This is perhaps anomalous to its cosmopolitan vision. Eurasians of mixed European and Asian ancestry are a small minority ethnic group who have emigrated out of Singapore in large numbers. This work examines how their cosmopolitan politics of belonging have been at odds with the state's authoritarian tropes of citizenship as 'push' factors responsible for this minority ethnic group's dwindling population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization, collapse of the Soviet Union, refugee crises, and the European Union enlargement have been the dominant causes of increased migration. While many countries in the world are relaxing their citizenship laws to comply with the challenges presented by increased migration, Lithuania continues to arm itself with legal and political barriers to restrict legalization of dual citizenship. This paper focuses on the existence and development of very strict dual citizenship laws in Lithuania and their effect on the country and its emigrants. It aims at uncovering the biggest obstacles to relaxing dual citizenship regulations. This study reveals many benefits of dual citizenship and balances them against the dangers dual citizenship may create. It also examines the citizenship regulations of the countries Lithuanians are mainly emigrating to. This paper argues that the resistance to dual citizenship does not benefit the country and Lithuanians living abroad, falls behind the global citizenship trend, and threatens the survival of the country. The goal of this paper is to amplify the ongoing debate pertaining to the restrictive dual citizenship regulations in Lithuania and to provide solutions to the existing stagnant situation. While it is true that the number of people leaving Lithuania is increasing every year, the laws of the Republic of Lithuania remain very restrictive towards dual citizenship, which does not serve the interests of Lithuanians, both home and away, falls behind international citizenship tendencies, and threatens the survival of the country due to high emigration rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In times of economic crisis in the destination country, migrants might decide to stay or leave. Having obtained dual citizenship facilitates both options: on the one hand, it allows for a secure stay, without fear of losing residence permits. On the other hand, it allows for either a connected return or new cross-border mobility options, especially in the case of citizenship from the EU. It can also be considered a significant milestone in someone’s migratory trajectory, especially among those who started their migration as undocumented. This paper discusses the ways in which dual citizens interpret this status after the 2008 economic crisis in Spain and shows how it provided many with the opportunity to embark on new migrations within the EU. Drawing on 80 interviews with dual citizens born in Colombia and Ecuador who resided in Madrid and London, the authors argue that dual citizenship is understood as a resource that offers a sense of personal security and an enhancement of one’s position in the global hierarchy of citizenships. Respondents in this study do not consider formal citizenship as a necessary step for emotional belonging, which they base on their daily interactions and relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the rise in terrorism after the turn of the millennium, multiculturalist countries such as Australia, Britain and Canada introduced policies that make it easier to revoke the citizenships of dual nationals. These policies primarily target naturalized immigrants and their descendants. Ongoing debates indicate that more countries plan to follow suit. Some scholars argue that easy revocation policies create two-tiered political communities, where one group of citizens have a stronger status security than the other. This study builds on their perspectives, and argues that majority members should be more likely to hold anti-immigrant attitudes in countries where state policies discriminate against citizens in terms of status security. To test this hypothesis, this study employs multilevel regression analysis. Data come from European Values Study (2008), European Social Survey (2014), and Eurobarometer (2015), and cover thirty European countries. Findings offer support for the proposed hypothesis. In countries where immigrants have low status security, majority members are more likely to have negative attitudes toward immigrants. The results hold not only for immigrants in general but also for Muslim immigrants in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors argue that the political exclusion of displaced people living within states under a variety of humanitarian and policy categories is simultaneously constitutive of mainstream political belongingandsocial belonging for those excluded. Based on long-term research engagement with displacement in Georgia, Jordan and Sudan, they analyse situations in which an initial crisis-based humanitarian status has become protracted, and in which people have been labelled both forced migrants and citizens, giving rise to tensions with the mainstream but also creating social identities that foster belonging from experiences of exclusion. By analysing these processes as abjection – forms of state control and boundary-making that exclude members from what requires their inclusion – they show that a type of ambiguous citizenship emerges from protracted situations of displacement. People ‘out of place’ but within a state exclude themselves from full citizenship rights by nurturing an alternative status derived from their experiences with displacement regimes. When established and enduring for a lengthy period, such displacement statuses become social categories and identities through processes of abjection. The authors conclude that citizenship itself becomes ambiguous through norms of belonging, the formation of new social categories, and because forced migrants help to constitute the political. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literature on diaspora engagement policies, transnational and extra-territorial citizenship has painted the increasing recognition of dual nationality and the extension of state policies to the diaspora as a signal of states leaving behind the paradigms of exclusive nationality and residence as conditions to exercise citizenship. In doing this, this literature tends to treat citizenship and nationality as synonyms. By analysing the citizenship policies of 22 Latin American and Caribbean states towards their nationals who reside abroad and/or acquire another nationality, we add key nuances to such consideration: nationality and citizenship may relate to different legal statuses – with important consequences for migrants – and there might be differences also between the citizen rights of nationals by origin and of nationals by naturalization. In particular, we show that citizenship and nationality interact in different ways when it comes to the preservation of rights for emigrants: the distinctions allow restricting the portability of citizenship rights for nationals by birth, and other groups of nationals, depending on the exclusivity, and origin, of their national belonging. These distinctions tell a potentially different story of how citizenship is conceived of by states as they approach the challenges of membership and participation posed by emigration, and paint a less rosy picture with regard to the demise of exclusive nationality. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The authors comment on Alice Bloch's commentary on their paper which looked at how the political repertoires of sending states were changing in response to migration. Topics covered include the changing form and function of the nation-state, the rise in multiple memberships, be they dual citizenship or some form of partial membership without residence, and the deployment of diasporic policies to consolidate emigrants' attachments and contributions to their homelands.

Acceptance of dual citizenship allows migrants to naturalise in the country of residence (CoR) without giving up their former citizenship. For migrant sending countries the question emerges whether emigrants who acquire another citizenship are less attached to and politically active in the country of origin than those who do not. This would be the assumption of traditional perspectives on migration and citizenship. However, according to the transnational perspective neither multiple nationalities, nor participation in and identification with the CoR, preclude ongoing ties and participation back home. We test these perspectives with survey data on Swiss citizens residing in France, Germany, Italy and the US. Our results suggest that Swiss dual citizens abroad are not significantly less attached to and active in Switzerland than their mono national counterparts. Our data further supports the transnational perspective by showing not only simultaneity, but a mutually reinforcing relationship when transnational citizenship is practised. Identification with, and political participation in, the CoR positively relates to equivalent feelings and activities in the country of origin. Since dual citizenship sets the legal foundation for simultaneous involvement in two countries, it correctly assumes a central place in the study of transnational citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What effect does variation in dual citizenship policies of both sending and receiving societies have on bilateral migration flow? Employing a modified gravity model, we use a new dual citizenship database to examine the effects of allowance within 14 Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) receiving states and more than 100 sending states between 1980 and 2006. We show that dual-citizenship-allowing sending states experience significantly more migration than dual-citizenship-forbidding sending states. We also find a significant increase in migration flow in receiving states that allow for dual citizenship, consistent with previous research. Finally, interaction effects reveal highest flow between sending and receiving states allowing dual citizenship and lowest flow between forbidding sending states and allowing receiving states. These findings emphasize the importance of citizenship policy contexts of countries of origin in influencing a migrant’s decision to move. They also suggest that migrants are rational and informed, valuing the “goods” of citizenship—from political rights to security of status and mobility—in both origin and destination states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some countries tolerate dual citizenship while others do not? The answer concerns the interaction between regime type variation and international migration. Democracies with a relatively large migrant stock are more likely to tolerate dual citizenship than democracies with a low migrant stock. Meanwhile, democracies with relatively high emigration rates for the highly educated population are more likely to tolerate dual citizenship than democracies with low emigration rates of the highly educated. In authoritarian states, the opposite is the case: emigration of the highly educated and immigration both reduce the likelihood of dual citizenship toleration. These claims are supported by the evidence from a large n examination of contemporary cross-national data. Understanding dual citizenship helps us address larger questions about the significance of democracy and the nature and scope of nation states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign nationals have had a significantly positive influence on the regional socioeconomic developments of Hungary. Two realignments took place between the last two censuses: at first, the composition of citizenship changed; then, the local redistribution changed partly because of the different structure of citizenship. Fields of interests and research: Regional science, regional geography, regional and urban development, regional analysing methods, socialand economic geography network-analysis, applied mathematics and the application of physical science models in geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the 1990s witnessed the formulation of new nationality laws in both West Germany and Taiwan for the first time after more than 50 years of national division in each case. The adherence of West Germany and Taiwan to their pre-war nationality legislation allowed them to claim ethnic Germany and overseas Chinese constitutionally, but it resulted in the exclusion of long-term residents from their rightful positions in the German and Taiwanese citizenries. In the era of migration, the unregulated position of these foreign residents could no longer be tolerated. Confronted with the same problem, legislators in both states initiated a citizenship reform to facilitate the integration of foreigners. The author suggests that the citizenship reforms in the two cases facilitated the acquisition of nationality by foreigners without either state departing from its positions on jus sanguinis or dual nationality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a country with a history of conflict, Lebanese not only have long sought emigration as a means of improving their safety and prosperity but also have sought out second passports as ‘safeguards’ to be used when things got rough at home. Little has been done on how Lebanese view these ‘second passports’ and the actual citizenship that comes with them. This article seeks to tackle this topic through analysing interviews of 10 Lebanese citizens who also hold European citizenship through naturalisation. How these Lebanese view their European citizenships will be described before turning to discussion of how this may affect the understandings of citizenship in Europe. The article concludes by looking on how the understandings of citizenship in liberal democracies in Europe on the part of citizens who normally reside outside of the state and who obtain citizenship as a ‘safety’ option may affect the broader understandings of citizenship in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decades, Sweden has liberalized its citizenship policy by reducing the required number of years of residency to 5 years for foreign citizens and only 2 years for Nordic citizens. Dual citizenship has been allowed since 2001. During the same period, immigration patterns by country of birth changed substantially, with an increasing number of immigrants arriving from non-western countries. Furthermore, immigrants were settling in larger cities as opposed to smaller towns as was the case before. Interestingly, the employment integration of immigrants has declined gradually, and in 2006, the employment rate for foreign-born individuals is substantially lower compared with the native-born. The aim of this paper is to explore the link between citizenship and employment probabilities for immigrants in Sweden, controlling for a range of demographic, human capital, and municipal characteristics such as city and co-ethnic population size. The information we employ for this analysis consists of register data on the whole population of Sweden held by Statistics Sweden for the year 2006. The basic register, STATIV, includes demographic, socio-economic, and immigrant specific information. In this paper, we used instrumental variable regression to examine the 'clean' impact of citizenship acquisition and the size of the co-immigrant population on the probability of being employed. In contrast to Scott (), we find that citizenship acquisition has a positive impact for a number of immigrant groups. This is particularly the case for non-EU/non-North American immigrants. In terms of intake class, refugees appear to experience substantial gains from citizenship acquisition (this is not, however, the case for immigrants entering as family class). We find that the impact of the co-immigrant population is particularly important for immigrants from Asia and Africa. These are also the countries that have the lowest employment rate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, more countries have started to recognize dual citizenship. Although overlooked in the literature, Africa is part of this trend with more than half of its governments now permitting their nationals to naturalize elsewhere while retaining home country rights. Why have some African countries embraced dual citizenship for emigrants, while others have not? We examine demographic, political, and economic data broadly across the continent and identify few clear patterns. We then explore the cases of Senegal, Ghana, and Kenya, finding that dual citizenship policies are driven as much by politics as they are by economic or security concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State practices relating to nationality and citizenship have historically been insulated from international law. That is beginning to change as citizenship moves into a human rights frame. Citizenship practices relating to naturalization, birthright citizenship, and dual citizenship are being measured against anti-discrimination and self-governance norms. These developments will expand access to citizenship, though the new international law of citizenship may also contribute to the erosion of-state solidarities that are important to liberal governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Issues about migrant rights and protection are raised in cases of return migration when the country that migrants return to prohibits dual citizenship although the migrant has naturalised elsewhere. This article explores the politics of membership and rights faced by former citizens returning to reside in the society they had left. Returning Mainland Chinese migrants with Canadian citizenship status have to navigate China's dual citizenship restriction and the impacts on their Chinese hukou status that confers residency, employment and social rights. This analysis also keeps in view their relationship with the country in which they have naturalised and left, namely Canada. Migrants shuttling between the two countries face a citizenship dilemma as they have limited rights in China whereas their status as Canadian citizens living abroad simultaneously removes them from some rights provided by the Canadian state. This paper thus introduces new and pressing questions about citizenship in the light of return migration trends. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the transnational political practices of the Chilean migrants residing in Switzerland. It is mainly interested in their political mobilization. It focuses on two particular questions: what are the main modes of transnational political mobilization of Chileans living in the Swiss Confederation? What are the conditions that promote the mobilization of these migrants and lead them to bring forth political demands? With respect to the first question, data shows that Chileans' political mobilization combines mostly classical homeland politics (issues related to human rights), initiated during the period of exile, with emigrant politics concerning the transnational status and rights of migrants themselves. With respect to the second question, factors which explain the political mobilization of migrants are related to access to political opportunities for Chileans in Switzerland (dual citizenship, political networks, and presence of international organizations) and limitation of rights in the home country. This goes hand in hand with a strong political identity, important collective resources and the capacity to use them politically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Visit and Employment Program (VEP) for ethnic Koreans with foreign citizenship was adopted in 2007 to resolve the 2001 ruling by the Constitutional Court on a provision of the Overseas Koreans Act which calls for differential treatment of overseas ethnic Koreans. Policies specific to ethnic return migration and international migration in general are continuously evolving in Korea. While the policy directives still tend to emphasize economic development, they seem to move toward a point of balance where potentially conflicting goals of promoting human rights, economic development, and a stable civic society can be achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past three decades, relations between African emigrants and their home-states have been changing from antagonism to attempts to embrace and structure emigrant behaviors. This transformation in the conception of emigration and citizenship has hardly been interrogated by the growing scholarship on African and global migrations. Three of the most contentious strategies to extend the frontiers of loyalty of otherwise weak African states, namely dual citizenship or dual nationality, the right to vote from overseas, and the right to run for public office by emigrants from foreign locations are explored. Evidence from a wide range of African emigration states suggests that these strategies are neither an embrace of the global trend toward extra-territorialized states and shared citizenship between those at 'home' and others outside the state boundaries, nor are they about national development or diaspora welfare. Instead, they seem to be strategies to tap into emigrant resources to enhance weakened state power. The study interrogates the viability and advisability of emigrant voting and political participation from foreign locations, stressing their tendency to destabilize homeland political power structures, undermine the nurturing of effective diaspora mobilization platforms in both home and host states, and export homeland political practices to diaspora locations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to economic needs after the 1991 reforms, India instituted a diaspora policy that extracted emigrants' material wealth in exchange for cultural capital. Increasingly caught between mounting diasporic demands for the extension of dual citizenship and domestic apprehensions hostile to such a provision, the Indian government was forced to compromise by creating the Overseas Citizenship of India. This article argues that, beyond mere contingency and dependence on the existing repertoire of national membership, this novel form of limited citizenship is also the result of a deliberate governmental strategy to assuage more activist segments of the diaspora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the traditional discourses on modern international migration, the 'sending' countries of the South are supposed to derive three kinds of static benefits—remittances, transfer of technology, and return migration. In today's postmodern transnationalization-through-migration context, the stakes are no longer static but dynamic, and the relative benefits to the 'receiving' countries of the North are much bigger than those that they 'concede'. Does the South have a say in assessing these benefits for the North? Only in an equitable adversary analysis—that is, in a strategic rather than standard cost-benefit assessment, in which each party steps into each other's shoes while on a level playing field—would the dynamic conflict of interest be addressed in ways that would produce a truly global quest for development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the legal frameworks which can be used to reduce the impact of international health-worker migration. It notes that global health-worker shortages and medical brain drain has become a concern for the worldwide medical community. It is said that the use of national or international immigration laws will not be effective in controlling health-worker migration if implemented as a stand alone solution. Agreements and codes that best address the problem are cited which include dual citizenship.

Laws regulating citizenship reflect the values and policies that a country advances in relation to the outside world. During the times of strong Brazilian immigration, only the principle of ius soli offered adequate solutions by providing that Brazilian citizenship was acquired by birth in Brazil. Children of Brazilian parents born abroad had to come to Brazil to become Brazilian nationals. The situation has changed in recent decades. A significant part of the Brazilian population has left the country for economic reasons. This favoured the principle of ius sanguinis according to which a Brazilian father or mother can obtain Brazilian citizenship for their new born by registering it in a Brazilian consulate. The article discusses the evolution of these opposed tendencies in Brazilian constitutional law and the final outcome in the Constitutional Amendment no. 54 of 2007. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global developments in dual citizenship legislation highlight changes to conceptualizations of citizenship by increasing the focus on individual rights. Questions of inclusion and exclusion have been illuminated by the move toward wider acceptance of dual citizenship. To understand global patterns and developments in dual citizenship laws this article analyzes the legislation pertaining to dual citizenship in 115 countries. The results show how dual citizenship is becoming increasingly accepted – a development that has predominantly taken place within the last 20 years. A strong regional pattern is identified, supporting the argument that dual citizenship is spreading in a fashion similar to how the idea of citizenship expanded from Europe in the 19th and 20th centuries. Potential internal and external reasons for this development are discussed and individual countries’ experiences analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizenship encompasses legal status, rights, participation, and belonging. Traditionally anchored in a particular geographic and political community, citizenship evokes notions of national identity, sovereignty, and state control, but these relationships are challenged by the scope and diversity of international migration. This review considers normative and empirical debates over citizenship and bridges an informal divide between European and North American literatures. We focus on citizenship within nation-states by discussing ethnic versus civic citizenship, multiculturalism, and assimilation. Going beyond nation-state boundaries, we also look at transnational, postnational, and dual citizenships. Throughout, we identify methodological and theoretical challenges in this field, noting the need for a more dynamic and comprehensive understanding of the inter-relationships between the dimensions of citizenship and immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For impoverished African states the attraction of inward flows of capital is vital and migrants are one such source of finance. Some governments actively encourage this, which brings out tensions between national affiliation and more particularistic forms of identification. This paper examines this in the context of Ghana. Between the mid-1970s and the late 1990s there was large-scale out-migration from Ghana, creating what has been termed a 'neo-diaspora'. The migrants have mainly settled in cities in Western Europe and North America where they have developed institutional networks linking them to other diasporic locations and to Ghana. These migrants have complex identities forged from multiple meetings in numerous places. Some of these are rooted in hometown, clan, and family attachments and the obligations this brings. The current government (in line with many developing countries) is making a major play to 'harness' the diaspora for political support and inward investment. Tensions are being played out about dual citizenship and whether the migrants' economic commitments to Ghana are matched by rights as full citizens. The Ghana government has to tread a careful path between attracting investment and garnering the right sort of political support, since people in the diaspora often have an ambivalent relationship to domestic politics. One of the vehicles through which the Ghanaian state seeks to square this is through encouraging hometown associations in various cities in the global North to fund development at the local level through various local-local partnerships. Hence, the nation, the national good, and development are being promoted through particularistic ethnic and locality-based organisations, which brings to light multiple and overlapping political communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As global integration increases, the implications for state boundaries and citizens’ identity grow more significant. Some scholars suggest that the recognition of dual citizenship reveals the extent to which cross-national immigration requires states to formally recognize a multiplicity of national identities through dual citizenship ( Aleinikoff and Klusmeyer 2002 ; Castles and Davidson 2000 ; Falk 1994 ). We propose that scholars need to additionally consider citizenship identity as a source of national assimilation of the international community and postnational citizenship in world culture ( Brubaker 1992a ; Faist 2004 ; Soysal 1994 ; Turner 2001 ). We use logistic regression to evaluate this argument by examining factors that lead states to enact legislation recognizing dual citizenship. The resulting analysis suggests that the recognition of dual citizenship reflects national, ex-colonial, and postnational cultural identities rather than the presence of cross-national immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the issue of dual citizenship in Canada. A discussion of cases which have brought attention to the issue of dual citizenship, including those of the governor general of Canada, Michaelle Jean, and the leader of the federal Liberal party of Canada, Stephanie Dionne, is presented. Debates which have centered on the issue of dual citizenship in Canada are discussed. An overview of the prevalence of dual citizenship in Canada, and of a breakdown of the ethnic groups that hold dual citizenship, is offered.

The article focuses on transnationalism, multiculturalism and active or dual citizenship in Canada. Changes which have been seen in transnationalism across the globe since the 1990s are discussed. A discussion of different views which have examined what citizenship entails, and of statistics related to dual citizenship in Canada, is presented. An overview of the impact transnationalism has on active citizenship in Canada, and of questions which remain about transnationalism, active citizenship and a sense of belonging in Canada, is offered.

There is variation among the Latin American sending countries in the timing, sequence, and form by which they have approved retention-of-nationality laws (dual-citizenship laws) and have extended political rights to their migrants abroad. This variation is the product not only of the characteristics of the migration in each country but also of the specificity of their political and electoral systems and of the historical relationship between the state and its citizens. I focus my analysis on Latin American migration to the United States, which, although not the only destination, has attracted the majority of Latin American migrants and has significantly influenced, with its immigration policies, the policies of Latin American sending countries towards their émigrés. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The greatest threat to U.S. homeland security comes from illegals who enter the country through its porous borders in order to attack. The tide of illegal immigration must be stemmed in order to secure the United States against terrorism. It is all too easy for illegal immigrants to slip in beneath the radar, eschewing the legalization process and never being detected and deported. And as long as the benefits of illegally immigrating outweigh the costs, the influx will continue. Legal immigration itself needs reform, too; particularly the visa-waiver program and the rules governing dual citizenship, which pose further security challenges. Federal government officials must overcome their fear of alienating ethnic voters and American business, enhance border security, and reform the nation''s immigration policies. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Definitions of transnationalism are modelled after first generation migrant communities in the west. Through presenting ethnographic detail on the Lebanese community in Senegal, this article applies the concept of transnationalism to the case of a historic South-South migrant community. Second and later generation ethnic groups maintain transnational ties through notions of self-identity and definitions by others, the importance given to the homeland, and political and religious ideologies. Race, geographic location, and changes in the structure of labour markets are factors that encourage continued ties with the country of origin. Furthermore, transnationalism cannot be limited only to sending and receiving countries. Colonial and former colonial powers can determine the destination of migrants, establish economic hierarchies, and offer a tertiary citizenship to transnational migrants in addition to the dual citizenship of country of origin and destination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses a theoretical framework derived from migration studies to examine different understandings of migration and national belonging in the debate preceding Sweden's full legal acceptance of dual citizenship in 2001. The empirical question concerns the place of nationally versus transnationally oriented conceptions of migration in the debate, and the analysis of a wide range of public documents demonstrates that both kinds of conceptions were present. Opponents of dual citizenship generally gave expression to a national understanding and considered migration a temporary deviation from a normality of undivided national belonging. Some proponents of dual citizenship, on the contrary, held a more transnational view of migration, and regarded mobility and the maintenance of dual or multiple national bonds as normal. However, there were also many proponents who, from a national perspective, treated migration as more or less problematic, but still advocated dual citizenship as a tool for reducing some of the individual and social problems that it brought about. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the settlement and repatriation of Koreans in Northeast China after liberation. Policy of dual nationality and land of the Communist Party; Participation of Koreans in building the political party basis; Preference of Koreans to stay in the country.

Offers observation on immigration, citizenship and national security in the U.S. Explanation on assimilation; View on multiculturalism; Information on immigrants from Middle Eastern and Arab countries; Details of dual and de facto citizenship.

Discusses the increasing practice of dual citizenship and absentee voting being approved by several countries which have become a key element in a global perpetual migration machine. Background of the ruling of the U.S. on its citizens who hold dual citizenship; Other countries which permit its citizens to have dual citizenship; Controversies which show how the issue of national identity has become entangled with the practical issues that arise from global dependence on a perpetual migration machine.

This article surveys the practice of dual nationality in the Western Hemisphere, particularly as it impacts the naturalization rates of immigrants in the United States. The article begins by looking at the extent and spread of dual nationality provisions and the pathways for its implementation. Next, the article turns to a discussion of the multiple (and at times conflicting) interests -- of immigrants, sending states and receiving states -- in dual nationality. While immigrants and sending countries are in general agreement on the positive benefits of dual nationality, commentators in receiving countries like the United States continue to express deep unease at the spread of dual nationality and its consequences for American citizenship. Are these concerns justified? Not according to U.S. naturalization rates. Data from 1965 to 1997 indicate that immigrants from countries recognizing dual nationality average higher naturalization rates in the United States than countries that do not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the concept of the dual identity of Asian Americans in several literary works. Information on the concept in several books about Asian Americans; Information on the literature on immigration; Background on the assimilation process for Asian Americans; Concepts of nationality and citizenship.

The political consequences of post-war migration to Western Europe of political refugees and migrant workers are examined in terms of their impact on the concept of membership of West European states and the rise of racism in some European countries. It is argued that permanent settlement has taken place and that positive political steps should be taken to suppress racism and to recognise that political refugees and migrant workers are members of their countries of residence. West European countries should thus facilitate political integration by easing naturalisation procedures, recognising dual nationality and allowing long-term residents, who do not wish to naturalise, to participate, at least in local decision-making. The second generation, often born in Western Europe, should have the automatic right, if they so wish, to citizenship in the country of their birth and residence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-1970s, when it became clear that some three million of the eleven million foreigners recruited to work in Germany from 1955 to 1973 would not be returning home as expected, German democracy has faced a difficult problem. What would (and should) be the political status of long-term alien residents living in a democratic society that did not consider itself an immigration land? Although it was evident to some that a major consequence of postwar guestworker policy was the creation of a difficult-to-resolve political question, the contention seemed arguable in the mid-1970s. It no longer is so today. The convening of this conference on dual nationality offered incontrovertible evidence of the long-term significance of the political dilemma to German democracy posed by guestworker recruitment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]