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Despite the fact that Thomas Paine was one of the protagonists of the late eighteenth-century Atlantic revolutions, the dissemination of his political thought in revolutionary Italy has not been the subject of much research. While some remarkable works have appeared in recent years that focus on his reflections in Italy, for almost two centuries his oeuvre has remained under-studied and his most famous works were not translated into Italian. This article proposes to investigate the critical reception of Paine’s writings in Italy in the last decade of the eighteenth century within the framework of the political philosopher’s activity during the Revolution. An examination of Italian counter-revolutionary thinkers’ perception of Paine’s theories will lead to an analysis of the political aims and editorial characteristics animating the Italian editions of Paine’s writings that appeared at that time. These translations did not concern his most famous works, in which Paine reflected philosophically on political issues, but rather little-known pamphlets with concrete political aims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an analysis of the French Revolution, which profoundly influenced political and social structures from the 18th century in the world, alongside the social class structures in pre-revolutionary France. The analysis employs a historical and methodological framework to examine the definitions, positions, ideologies, and political stances associated with these structures. The first focus addresses the pre-revolutionary social class structures, while the second investigates the ideological and political manifestations of these classes. Key concepts from economic, social, and political theory will be utilized to inform this examination. Furthermore, the article discusses the reasons the French Revolution is regarded as distinct compared to other revolutions within Europe's political history. By comparing the perspectives of Anglo-Saxon and French historians, the article analyzes the fundamental theses underlying these contrasting approaches. Additionally, it examines the political and ideological representations of social classes during the Revolution and explores how class tensions evolved into a revolutionary movement. The main finding of the article is that ideological and imagined assumptions regarding the French Revolution lead to a paradigm shift in the history of the French Revolution as empirical and monographic research is conducted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Enlightenment thought and its contemporary followers usually support two contradictory principles simultaneously. The first is universality. Truth is universal because it is truth for all. Claims to universality are made in logic and science, but also in areas that are culturally or politically controversial. Recently, universalism has become a key term to express a fundamental critique of identity politics. For much of European history, Christianity provided such a universal truth. But with the decline of its cultural hegemony and the rise of particular nation-states, conflicting truth claims became weapons in violent conflicts, leading Hobbes to argue that dangerous truth claims must be neutralized by robust political power. In the eighteenth century, rationalism became more optimistic, interpreting universalism as cosmopolitanism based on universal reason and progress through history. The second principle is historicism, which is the self-reflexive look at the historical origins of universal claims and theories. Historicism emerged in the nineteenth century as a response to the application of rationalism to history. It challenged the universal claims of the French Revolution, emphasizing instead the unique value of each historical entity. This revealed a fundamental paradox: when universalism becomes self-reflexive, it recognizes that it has non-universal historical origins, thereby undermining itself. After the devastation of World War II and the Holocaust, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) represented a significant effort toward a new universalism. It sought to establish human rights as universal principles for the emerging world order. But history repeated itself: Historicism once again weakened confidence in human rights. The enemies of human rights take advantage of this weakness. We therefore have to live with the paradox that universalism is necessary because humanity shares a single world, but that historical self-reflection is also unavoidable. In other words, the Enlightenment principle of universalism must accept historicism as an integral part of itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When discussing the French Revolution and Napoleon in his lectures from 1933 to 1939, Alexandre Kojève had in mind events in Russia. The clash between the "old order," with its Masters, and the worker Slaves corresponded for him more with the images of pre-revolutionary Russian journalism than with the wigged aristocrats and French bourgeoisie of the end of the eighteenth century. In his lectures, behind Napoleon, as a revolutionary emperor, there exists, however secretly or openly, the figure of Stalin, with his plans for the "building of socialism in one country," his five-year plans, collectivization, and terror. Kojève's ontology and anthropology diverge both from Hegel's version of the two as well as with Marxism, incorporating different theses from Nietzsche and Heidegger's Daseinanalytik. Just as in The Phenomenology of Spirit, terror plays a central role in interpreting revolution, yet it is conceived in the spirit of a Heideggerian "being-toward-death." The relation between Master and Slave begins with fear of death, and it is destroyed by fear of death in the face of revolutionary terror. In this article, Kojève's philosophy converges with the various versions of "left Nietzscheanism," which were particularly widespread in prerevolutionary Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El caballero de Erlaiz is one of the novels by Pío Baroja that have been most neglected. Written after his return from exile in Paris during the Spanish war, it contains an embarrassing incursion in the 18th century and the War of the Pyrenees, that is, in events more distant than the ones he had usually written about in trilogies like La selva oscura, pieces such as Zalacaín el aventurero or the series Memorias de un hombre de acción, which deal with the 19th and the 20th centuries. In this paper I suggest that below this journey in History Baroja was not only praising the spirit of the Enlightenment but also developing a criticism of the present, through a reconsideration of History and the genre of historical novel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines thirty-six new letters and one essay on the French Revolution written by Adam Ferguson, and uses them to reconstruct a discussion carried on among Ferguson, Hugh Blair and Sir John Macpherson during the revolutionary 1790s. The new evidence from Ferguson casts doubt on his identification as a 'civic humanist', and shows that he never welcomed the French Revolution, even in its early stages. Remarkably, Ferguson also briefly supported a European union based on arms and commerce. The examination of John Macpherson—a little known but interesting figure—shows that he had a sophisticated view of commercial society and a unique theory about the dangers of systemic financial risk. Finally, the conversation contained here primarily pertains to commercial society, public credit and perpetual peace, and adds a new Scottish angle to our understanding of these major idioms in eighteenth-century political thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Kulturwissenschaft is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Minerva's French Sisters: Women of Science in Enlightenment France" by Nina R. Gelbart is a group biography that explores the lives of six exceptional French women who made significant contributions to science in the eighteenth century. Gelbart celebrates these women's achievements and aims to increase their visibility in the history of science. The book examines the challenges these women faced due to gender biases and highlights the opportunities they seized in a period of scientific and institutional malleability. While some scholars may question Gelbart's characterization of the French Revolution and the Enlightenment, the book provides compelling and colorful biographical portraits of these remarkable women. [Extracted from the article]

“It was the best of times, it was the worst of times, $\ldots $ ” So begins Charles Dickens’ A Tale of Two Cities, set during the French Revolution of the late 18th century, highlighting the coexistence of radical opposites and contrasting extremes in a period of uncertainty, political upheaval, and rapid technological development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Haitian Revolution represents the only permanently successful uprising of enslaved people in world history. So far, it has attracted little attention in Germany, both publicly and in historical research, even though it is now considered the third great revolution of the late eighteenth century, alongside the French and American Revolutions. In French debates on colonial heritage, on the other hand, the Haitian Revolution has gained a great deal of prominence, as it has in discussions on postcolonialism and questions about the racist character of capitalism. The article analyses these debates and shows how the Haitian Revolution also raises fundamental questions about the character of the Enlightenment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changes in the conduct of military operations during the wars of the French Revolution were the basis for the theory of lines of operation formulated by Jomini in his Traité de grande tactique. The notion of lines of operation gained a new meaning that paved the way for the conceptualisation of the operational art and the transition from tactical debate to strategic thinking. Jomini's contribution to the development of strategic thought is considered from the dual perspective of the break with the military writers of the 18th century and the judgments made on the Traité by Napoleon and Clausewitz. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Chilena de Derecho is the property of Revista Chilena de Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article challenges the widespread assumption that terrorist ideology was invented in the mid-nineteenth century by figures such as Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Mikhail Bakunin. Instead, the article argues, the foundations of terrorism were laid at the end of the eighteenth century by the Enlightenment philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte and his disciples, who in turn exerted a strong influence on later radical thinkers. In showing how the intellectual reverberations of the French Revolution gave rise to anarchist ideology as well as actual acts of terrorism in Germany, the article traces the link between the state terror of the French Revolution and the emergence of insurgent terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: I teach Mary Wollstonecraft’s Letters Written During a Short Residence in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark (1796) in an undergraduate English literature course on “Survival Narratives of the Eighteenth Century” at the University of California, Davis. The aim of this course is to show how significant perilous voyages were to the ways in which writers in eighteenth-century Britain imagined and interpreted their world. The course draws from the burst of new scholarship on rethinking the traditional “rise of the novel” narrative in imperial, oceanic, and global contexts and develops interpretive frameworks for the eighteenth century’s changing relationship to commerce and exploration. Wollstonecraft’s travelogue is the final text in a syllabus that begins with Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe (1719) and continues with Phillis Wheatley’s poetry about ocean voyages and Olaudah Equiano’s The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano (1789). Wollstonecraft’s account of traveling in Scandinavia, written in the aftermath of the French Revolution, is more concerned with the survival of the human species than the survival of the individual. But reading Wollstonecraft’s travelogue in a course on survival narratives primes students to understand how the material conditions of reading and writing—often taking place under extreme circumstances—shaped the literature being produced in the eighteenth century. In this essay, I describe a metacognitive exercise in which students reflected on Wollstonecraft’s meditation on survival in an era of environmental catastrophe with their own “travelogues” written from where they logged into the Zoom classroom. With classes online at the time due to COVID-19, many of my students drew on this lesson to discuss how a moment of crisis shaped their skills and experiences as writers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Bahith Journal is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This document is a review of the book "História da liberdade religiosa: da reforma ao iluminismo" by Humberto Schubert Coelho. The author analyzes the period from the Reformation to the Enlightenment, highlighting the metaphysical and scientific discussions in the West, the consequences on freedom of thought, and the separation between science and religion. The book is organized into six chapters and addresses the struggle for religious freedom from the 13th to the 18th century, presenting the protagonists and their interactions. The author also highlights the relationship between religion and science, mentioning figures such as Francis Bacon, René Descartes, and Galileo Galilei. The article discusses the history of religious freedom, addressing the emergence of science in the modern era and its relationship with Catholic theology. The role of spiritualist movements, such as evangelicals, in the 17th and 18th centuries is emphasized. The Leibniz-Wolff system is presented as an expression of German Enlightenment committed to proving the existence of God and the immortality of the soul. The author also mentions the influence of characters such as Fénelon, Malebranche, Bayle, La Rochefoucauld, Bossuet, La Bruyère, and Racine in the French Enlightenment. The text also discusses the influence of Voltaire and other thinkers on the French Revolution, highlighting the criticism of religion and the state. The author concludes by emphasizing the importance of understanding religious freedom to promote a culture of peace and harmonious coexistence among different groups. [Extracted from the article]

The article offers information on the Stadtmuseum Carnavalet in Paris, France which reopened in 2021 after five years of construction id-16th century for built a judge of the Paris Parliament. It mentions Evidence of Renaissance architecture with the charm of an inner courtyard and hundred years after it opened the Carnavalet Museum. It also mentions Restoration of furniture and objects benefit, however, arises the question whether it makes sense in 85 rooms.

Historians tend to take 'dynasty' for granted. It is assumed that 'we' know what 'dynasty' is; and that the concept unproblematically corresponds to the empirical reality of a historical institution present in all 'pre-modern' rulerships. Taking as its point of departure the peculiar history of the word itself, which acquired its current meaning only in the second half of the eighteenth century, this article sets out a research agenda for historicizing 'dynasty'. It argues that 'dynasty' is not simply a neutral historical term, but a political concept that became globally hegemonic in the aftermath of the French Revolution and the expansion of European colonialism. The article maps out three main trajectories for rethinking history beyond the totalizing concept of 'dynasty'. First, it points toward a more complex and less hierarchical vision of pre-capitalist, especially extra-European, societies. Second, it considers how capitalism produced new modes and ideologies of hereditary transmission of sovereignty and property and theorizes a link between 'primitive accumulation' and the political form of the royal/princely 'House'. Third, it centres the role of colonialism – European imperial expansion as well as anti-colonial non-European nationalisms – in globalizing 'dynasty' as a category of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the work of Inca Garcilaso de la Vega and his vision of good governance in the Viceroyalty of Peru during Spanish colonization. The author argues that Inca Garcilaso's work criticizes Spanish rule and advocates for a government based on Inca principles. It also examines the influence of Inca Garcilaso's Royal Commentaries on political thought in Europe and America in the 18th century, as well as its comparison with Peruvian writer José María Arguedas. The text addresses topics such as identity, mestizaje, social justice, and utopia in Latin American societies. It also analyzes the relationship between private property and communism in the context of the French Revolution and 19th-century revolutionary movements. Additionally, it reflects on the importance of utopian memory and ethics in projects of radical social transformation. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Topiques, Études Satoriennes is the property of Topiques, Études Satoriennes, Journal of the SATOR (Société d'Analyse la Topique Romanesque) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the College Of Basic Education is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Though a great deal has been written about the social and economic situation of the nobility in France at the end of the Old Regime, we know very little of the commoner agents in charge of overseeing their possessions. Such agents were particularly important during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as substantial elements of the aristocracy began leaving their traditional lands in the countryside to take up residence in Paris or in other large towns of the kingdom. Here I would like briefly to examine the case of one such agent, Adrien-Joseph Colson, a lawyer by training who served for almost forty years as the Paris-based intendant of the Longaunay family. We have a remarkable picture of Colson and his activities because of the preservation of over a thousand letters addressed to Roch Lemaigre, the local steward on the Longaunay lands in Berry, a correspondence pursued for almost eighteen years before and during the French Revolution. The letters are all the more revealing in that Colson makes it clear that Lemaigre was his closest friend in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period from 1789 to 1794 in Britain witnessed both an accelerated momentum for reform movements as well as a crisis point for the realisation of their aims, in part through widespread official panic about the domestic appropriation of notions of political liberty associated with the French Revolution. In Scotland, the trajectory for political reform reached back before these crisis years through the movement to make the administration and representation of the nation's expanding cities more transparent and accountable to an ascendant commercial class. The burgh reform movement, like the campaign to abolish the slave trade and the movement for parliamentary reform in the early 1790s, took advantage of periodical print as a principal vehicle for the dissemination of its key legislative aims. The essay examines John Mennons's Glasgow Advertiser (1783–1801) as an important case study for how this Scottish public sphere projected these three temporally and ideologically overlapping reform campaigns during a compressed and concentrated period of political volatility, focusing in particular on the newspaper's attempts 'to maintain a posture of strict independence in the face of sharply polarizing opinions and official harassment', as Bob Harris argued. The essay maps the trajectory of these three reform movements in the Advertiser's pages, and details how its column inches during the 1792–4 crisis years reflected a commitment to presenting key issues around parliamentary reform to meet a new demand for constitutional information amongst the west of Scotland's labouring classes, whilst continuing to maintain its pages as a platform for the ideological concerns (and manifest anxieties) of the region's propertied readers. What resulted was a unique Scottish periodical space that reconstructed binary debates on the nature of the British constitution—sometimes in items directly juxtaposed on its pages—emerging from increasingly segregated spatial contexts within the Scottish public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A widely-relevant consideration of conceptual and methodological points in military history drawing on the case-study of ancien régime European warfare and the impact of the French Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author offers her thoughts concerning an essay by historian Jonathan Dewald that was published in the journal about the inability of the nobility in power during the Ancien Régime in France to prevent or derail the French Revolution in 1789. The article examines concepts such as social status, power, and popular opinion in France concerning the necessity or worthiness of nobility.

The author responds to an article published in the journal about the subject of the role of the French nobility of what is known as the Ancien Régime in the origins of the French Revolution, notably the self-assessment of the French regarding economic and social trends, the demographic changes of the nobility themselves, and perceptions of the alleged political failure of the French elite.

ABSTRACT Postracial utopias in twentieth- and twenty-first-century American culture are marked by paradoxes in which racial categories continue to signify, as many scholars have observed. Extending these approaches to late eighteenth-century France, when utopian thinkers dreamed of abolishing categories of "color" and "blood," this article focuses on the 1798 play Tenais and Zeliska. A utopian vision of a South Asian kingdom in which phenotype and lineage no longer serve as markers of identity, and in which prejudice has been nearly eliminated, the play is nevertheless marked by ambiguities that have been seen as characteristic of present-day postracial utopias. The figure of the racially mixed subject, in particular, becomes a site of contradiction. Read by others as an embodiment of discrete and shifting physical signs that link her to diverse identities, the character of Zeliska signals the tensions within utopian fantasies of a future without prejudice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1793, the National Convention passed two hallmarks of Jacobin legislation: sweeping price controls called the General Maximum and a ban on women's political clubs. At the center of both issues were factional clashes among the Montagnards, Girondins, and Enragés, on the one hand, and Parisian market women called the Dames des Halles and the leading women's club called the Société des Citoyennes Républicaines Révolutionnaires, on the other. Montagnard deputies pointed to marketplace brawls between the Dames and the club women to argue that women were irrational and had no place in formal politics. Consequently, the dominant historiographical narrative frames their ban as codifying Rousseauian gender norms and ideologically stunting women's citizenship at the outset of French democracy. However, this article analyzes the mechanics of the Maximum to argue that the ban on women's clubs emerged from contests over price controls, market regulation, and the economic dimensions of citizenship itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The radical ideas of the French Revolution are generally regarded as the offspring of the theory of social contract. However, even though the Revolutionaries cherished Rousseau's legacy, the period was not without instances in which this legacy could be subject to variation and the notion of social contract could be attributed, in a decidedly negative tone, less to Rousseau than to Hobbes. In this context, the present study of Jean-Baptiste Salaville's L'Homme et la société, ou nouvelle théorie de la nature humaine et de l'état social (1799) demonstrates that the idea of natural sociability could provide an opportunity to elaborate a radical republican future without the notion of social contract. Salaville's political vision, built on the tradition of natural jurisprudence, posited a new idea of the general will and empiricist legislation in the last days of the French Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cloots is one the possible representations of the new revolutionary man, the most atypical one. A Prussian nobleman, an exponent of Radical Enlightenment, a cosmopolitan intellectual, when the French Revolution broke out he embraced the new revolutionary ideals and became a fervent militant. The Revolution in France was a first step in a broader process which aimed at the whole world, renewal did not concern only the French nation but the entire human species. Without ever belonging to one party, Cloots took part in all and finally identified with the Sans-culottes, in the hope that their sovereignty would one day extend to the whole world in the form of a Universal Republic of Mankind. The role of the universal Sans-culottes was that of rising above the discord and conflict tearing through France in that particular historical juncture. They tried to impose a model of life and action able to ensure peace and justice among men: a future in which - as Cloots made clear - freedom and happiness would be unlimited. In advocating the universality of the new revolutionary man, at a time when the attacks of counterrevolutionary forces were at their peak, Cloots was asking the French to renounce their historical identity tout court. He was in other words stressing the relationship between universality of rights, which the public discourse was keen to identify as its main tenet, and the contingent political situation, by which the destiny of the Revolution was being played out in one nation. Accused of betraying the principals of the Revolution, of having no longer pursued the interests of the French people, he was executed in the spring of 1794. With him the promise of a Revolution able to create a brotherhood of men with no borders was lost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article talks about the teaching of Haitian Slave Revolt and the French Revolution, to the history students. Topics include how the French Revolution responded to slavery; the economic importance of Saint Domingue, a French colony on the western side of the Caribbean island of Hispaniola; and the Great Slave Revolt of August 1791.Slaves.

In 1793, Pierre Choderlos de Laclos, author of Les Liaisons Dangereuses, was imprisoned for having suspicious political connections. Distraught, Laclos relied upon correspondence and material objects to maintain his sense of self and his connection to his family. His letters home reveal a series of emotional practices, most notably the adoration of material objects that reminded him of his relatives. Laclos's attention to these objects paralleled devotional practices, including the veneration of relics. He turned love for his family into a kind of religion, revealing new facets of sentimentalism and secularization during the eighteenth century, especially during the French Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like metropolitan France, the Caribbean colony of Saint-Domingue experienced a media revolution during the first four years of the French Revolution. In 1789, there was only one newspaper on the island, the officially licensed Affiches américaines, with two editions, one in the colony's capital, Port-au-Prince, and the other in its commercial center, Cap Français. By the time of the destruction of Cap Français, the colony's major city in June 1793, more than a dozen different newspapers had been founded in the colony, making it the second site in the New World, after Britain's North American colonies, to experience the phenomenon of a revolutionary press. Not only were there more newspapers, but their content and language were radically different from those of the Affiches. Like the newspapers created in France in 1789, those in Saint-Domingue denounced the vestiges of royal power and called on the colony's white citizens to demand the right to govern themselves. By helping to break down traditional authority, the press played an essential if unintentional role in making the revolts against white rule by Saint-Domingue's free people of color and its slave population possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aft er 1789, counterrevolution emerged as revolution's fi rst counterconcept in French political discourse. While scholars of the French Revolution commonly associate counterrevolution with a backward-oriented political program, oft en with the restoration of the ancien régime, this article challenges such a retrograde understanding. Drawing on a broad corpus of sources, it emphasizes the fl exible and pluralistic meanings of counterrevolution during the 1790s. Rather than designating a political objective, counterrevolution fi rst of all focused on the process of combating the revolution as such, which allowed for diff erent political strategies and aimed beyond a return to the status quo ante. By discussing, next to the French case, examples from the Haitian Revolution, Britain, Germany, and Switzerland, this article also highlights the transnational dimension of the debate on counterrevolution. It concludes with a plea for rethinking counterrevolution as revolution's asymmetric other in a more relational rather than dichotomous perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Paris sojourn of the author of A Diary of the French Revolution is possibly the most fascinating period of his eventful life. As George Washington's informant and emissary (official and unofficial) in both Paris and London, Gouverneur Morris discreetly contributed to the United States' policy toward France and England. Upon his arrival in Paris in February 1789, Morris became the privileged witness of the outbreak of the French Revolution, of which he would become an invaluable chronicler and a discreet actor for five years. A self-appointed advisor on revolutionary matters, he would interfere in French politics as a republican royalist of sorts and become the darling of the constitutional noblesse and the Jacobins' bête noire. From 1792 to 1794, he served as minister plenipotentiary of the United States. As the only foreign diplomat to remain in Paris during the Reign of Terror, Morris judiciously used his astonishing network of personal relationships with the various factions to defend American interests and to help his compatriots involuntarily caught in the maelstrom of sanguinary ideological excesses. This article re-examines Gouverneur Morris's participation in the second earth-shaking upheaval of the late eighteenth century and ponders the New York revolutionist's reasons for involvement, as well as the nature and significance of that engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about the process by which the shoemaker came to be depicted as the champion of political clubs in Great Britain during the eighteenth century. Topics discussed include a British club that had become radicalized in the wake of the French Revolution, and writers often conflating shoemakers with cobblers.

The education of children as future elites after the Restoration was a persistent concern for French émigrés after the Revolution of 1789. Focusing on discourse on émigré education and émigréschools in Britain and the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation, this article examines how, in the 1790s, the émigrés' rejection of the Republic and their quest for monarchical restoration resonated in pedagogical activities. Under difficult living conditions and unclear prospects of political exile, education became a consolidating strategy of combating the Revolution with pedagogical means. The social composition, educational programmes, and public representations of émigréschools reveal their pivotal role in émigré community life, involving priests, women, writers, politicians, local supporters -- and children. Comparison between Britain and the Holy Roman Empire allows for differentiating strategies of integration into the host societies and of immunization against revolutionary influences. Education contributed to strengthening the émigrés' identity and mobilizing their hosts for the ideological, military, and humanitarian struggle against the Revolution. The students' later careers call for reconsidering experiences of exile education among the elites of Napoleonic and Restoration France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the rhetoric of democracy and aristrocracy in the U.S. between 1793 and 1795 in addition to the social influence of the French Revolution and civic festivals in the U.S. during that time period. The article discusses parallels between U.S. and French political culture during the mid-1790s, the concept of democracy and aristocracy and class tensions in the U.S., and the use of revolutionary language.

The extensive correspondence between Albert Soboul and Armando Saitta, which covers about three decades (1955-1982), gives us more than a deeper knowledge of the biography of two of the greatest scholars of French Revolution. This correspondence shows the advent of a partnership that embodies the progress made by historians in breaking with tradition of the past and in acknowledging Jacobinism and the popular movement of sans-culotte, and more generally the whole revolutionary process, as a paradigm of modernity. The letters between the two highlight the issue of brotherhood and play a pivotal role for the understanding of civil value of historian's work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is provided which discusses juvenile education and enlightenment in Great Britain during the French Revolution period of the late 1780s and 1790s, including the role that enlightenment education played in influencing children to question their social position. The impact that the French Revolution had on radicalizing the youth of Great Britain is discussed. The article references the diary of the English Quaker Louisa Gurney.

By bringing French history and Jewish history into dialogue, this article intervenes in the vast scholarship on the relationship between commerce and toleration in eighteenth-century French thought. It focuses on the place of Jews in Montesquieu's ideas about doux commerce and explores the legacy of Montesquieu's views on the debate on Jewish emancipation in the 1770s and 1780s. It traces the survival and adaptation of the medieval trope of the Jewish usurer in a variety of discourses, ranging from irenic images of commercial cosmopolitanism to representations of Jewish moneylending marshaled by radical advocates of Jewish "regeneration." The article concludes by showing that in 1790-91 the doctrine of doux commerce did not provide a consistent argument in favor of civic and political equality even though commercial practices and policies in the French Southwest had favored the integration of Jews during the Old Regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]