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The growing population of young people in the world today makes them an indispensable factor in international, regional, national and local development today. The UN World Programme of Action for Youth (WPAY) and the African Union's African Youth Charter all attest to the concern development stakeholders pay to youth development. This paper analysis youth policy within 9 member states of the Central African Sub region, showcasing the vital, yet significant role that polities are creating in fostering an enabling environment for youth participation. It explores the tenets of youth policy within this sub region by depicting how the participation of youths in societal activities and decision making instances should be an asset and a prerequisite for sustainable economic growth and social development. It also expresses abysmal concern about the magnitude of youth unemployment and underemployment throughout in Africa and its profound implications for the future of our societies, particularly those residing in the Central African sub region. The study is descriptive and applies a qualitative approach based on expert interviews and desk research. It employs the explanatory case study approach, and the combined anthropological research techniques through the use of key informant interview, written records and non-participant observations. The authors also conducted research in major databases like google scholar, PUB Med with the search phrase being youth policies, participation and youth governance. The 2016 Youth Development Index Report indicates that all 9 Central African countries have a low index, and 4 of the 9 countries are ranked in the bottom 10 of the classification. The findings also reveal that conflicts, underdevelopment and lack of political willingness are customarily accountable for the lagging of this Sub region in youth policy matters. The paper also proposes indicators to monitor and evaluate Youth Policies in the Central African Sub region, using the model proposed by Tanya BASARAB, develop initiatives to promote youth participation, and encourage networking among youth organizations and institutions with the Central African Sub region.

This paper examines three interrelated factors outside of formal provision of technical and vocational education and training (TVET) in sub-Saharan Africa that have undermined TVET systems. The first is the process, pace, and levels of industrialisation, which has had a direct effect on TVET provision: low numbers of well-paying jobs requiring technical expertise. This has an indirect effect, which is the second crucial factor: lack of economic development and change in labour markets. There are very few jobs that would be considered 'middle class' or 'mid-level' in wealthy countries. Most people are in survivalist work. An international consensus since the 2000s on palliative approaches to development which address the effects but not the causes of the lack of economic development in Africa has resulted in mass poor quality provision of education--the third factor. Education systems are rapidly expanding and achievement levels rising, in the context of very little possibility of labour market rewards for most people, and substantial labour market rewards confined mainly to graduates. This reinforces deeply embedded cultural preferences for general education, which originate in the type of education systems established by colonial powers, as well as the relationships between educational credentials and elite jobs.

This policy brief titled "Promoting Inclusive Economic Growth and Development in Angola: A Policy Agenda for Diversification and Innovation" provides a comprehensive analysis of the economic challenges faced by Angola and proposes a policy agenda to foster inclusive growth and development. The brief highlights the heavy reliance on oil exports and the need for diversification, identifies key challenges in sectors such as human capital development and infrastructure, and presents policy recommendations for economic diversification, enhancing human capital, improving infrastructure, and addressing governance and transparency issues. The proposed policy agenda aims to promote sustainable economic development, reduce poverty and inequality, and improve the well-being of the Angolan population. The brief offers valuable insights and practical solutions for policymakers, researchers, and stakeholders interested in addressing the economic challenges and unlocking the potential of Angola's economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After decades of underdevelopment and conflict in the face of massive resource wealth, Angola is putting in place new strategies to dramatically increase its participation in its oil & gas and related services sectors. Although ‘local content’, or ‘Angolanização’, has been in place for decades, it has largely failed to increase the developmental benefits accruing from the country's resource wealth. The new local content push is likely to succeed at promoting economic growth. However, the policies have also become important mechanisms for unequal growth and new forms of elite accumulation. This paper reviews the historical context, legal framework, and current impact of local content in order to emphasise their dual role in creating development while concentrating elite power in Angola. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

BSTRACT Discussions on the politics of Chinese engagement with African development have been marked by increasing concern over Chinese use of aid in exchange for preferential energy deals. Normative liberal discourse criticizes the Chinese for disbursing 'rogue aid' and undermining good governance in the African continent. These criticisms not only ignore the longer-term motivations and modalities of Chinese aid and the historical diversity of Chinese relations with Africa, but also uncritically assume 'Western' aid to be morally 'superior' and 'more effective' in terms of development outcomes. This paper consists of three parts. First, it will discuss the debates surrounding Chinese engagement in Africa, especially around aid and development issues. Second, the paper maps the historical development of China-Africa engagement and investigates the impacts of the changing modalities of Chinese aid with reference to case studies of two countries: Angola and Ghana. It then offers a comparative analysis of the similarities and differences between these two cases. The principal argument is that Chinese and Western donors employ different ideologies and practices of governance to conceal their own interests and political discourses in the African continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutional factors are increasingly highlighted to explain the "resource curse" or, why some countries with rich natural resources have little long-term economic and political development. This paper makes the analytical distinction between institutions of extraction (institutions enabling and protecting rents extraction) and institutions of redistribution (institutions of power and revenue sharing). The paper uses Angola to illustrate that the former are protected and buttressed to enable rents-appropriation,whereas the latter are side-lined and impaired to prevent power and wealth redistribution. The strengths of the former and the weaknesses of the latter have led to monopolization, elite predation, and usurpation. Angola also strengthens the hypothesis that countries are cursed only when the oil boom appears before accountable and democratic state institutions are established and consolidated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Africa's foremost 'emerging market' Angola is receiving increasing recognition for its oil wealth, leading to attempts to engage it as a strategic partner, especially amongst the 'rising powers'. In particular, there has been considerable escalation in development cooperation between Angola and China recently, though relatively little is known about the precise terms of this 'partnership' despite China's key role in Angola's post-conflict reconstruction. The growing importance of Chinese credit lines and increasing presence of Chinese corporate agencies across Angolan territory raise important questions about development, poverty reduction and inequality; governance and labour relations; and Angola's institutional capacity and the social structure of its cities. This paper critically examines the specific outcomes of Angola's 'partnership' with China along with the hybrid conceptions and tangled geographies of 'development' produced as a result. In particular, it seeks to interrogate the visions of Angola's future articulated by the Angolan state and the reference points and 'models' of development that they draw upon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Natural resource-abundant countries constitute both growth losers and growth winners, and the main difference between the success cases and the cases of failure lies in the quality of institutions. With grabber-friendly institutions more natural resources push aggregate income down, while with producer-friendly institutions more natural resources increase income. Such a theory finds strong support in data. A key question we also discuss is if resources in addition alter the quality of institutions. When that is the case, countries with bad institutions suffer a double resource curse – as the deterioration of institutions strengthens the negative effect of more natural resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Development Research is the property of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores the role of Luanda's property and real estate development within the postwar Angolan system of centralized clientelism, drawing on the political settlements theory applied to urban analysis. It argues that profit-driven urban policies were fundamental to ensure Angola's political stability but detrimental to its development, leaving behind financial distress and a splintered urban landscape, which is a significant impediment to pursuing a much-needed economic structural change. The tensions in the urban realm between factions of the recent power reconfiguration constitute a fertile terrain to explore the relationship between political regimes and urban transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Entrepreneurship is widely argued to be critical for economic development and alleviating extreme poverty. However, entrepreneurship research in sub-Saharan Africa has not received much attention over the last few decades possibly due to a lack of sufficient resources. It is becoming increasingly important as Africa, especially sub-Saharan Africa, is developing rapidly and moving from a resource-based economy to one of innovation and progress. Using data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM), this paper discusses the opinions of national expert informants in Angola, Madagascar, Mozambique and South Africa and looks at the factors which are possibly hindering and inhibiting entrepreneurial development. The results indicate that there are four main inhibitors ranging from lack of access to finance, government policies, regulations and practices for entrepreneurs and the poor levels of entrepreneurship education. Some recommendations are made as to what can be done to assist in promoting economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on developments in the real property business in Angola. Prime office space in the center of the city overlooking the bay sells for about $6,500 per square meter. An average flat can cost $12,000-$15,000 a month which is prohibitive even for some businesses hoping to take advantage of the country's booming economy, which is expected to grow in 2007 at 20-30%. The country exported nearly $30 billion of oil in 2006. The heavily congested capital has only a strip of property that most expatriates would consider suitable.

Copyright of African Studies Review is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Angola is one of the most contradictory countries in the world. It has among the worst health and educational indicators, due to the war that tore it apart for more than 30 years. At the same time, it has one of the world's fastest rates of economic growth, thanks to the oil money that flows into the country. The country needs to (re)build its infrastructure – roads, schools, hospitals, and so on – and to develop its educational and health systems. Oil companies are deeply involved in this, through the process known as angolanização (Angolanisation). Through their corporate social responsibility (CSR) policies, they finance and implement social projects. They are thus replacing development NGOs, which never seized the market for the reconstruction of Angola. This article analyses the specificities of the oil companies' participation in the public health sector, looking at the changes their intervention is causing in the model of development. It concludes with an analysis of the consequences of these changes for the shape of the Angolan State. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Angola is a country blessed with abundant natural resources, a resilient national spirit and other essential ingredients for a bright future. One lacking ingredient for such future is a robust and diversified economy supported by vibrant democratic institutions. While Angola has made significant strides in that direction since the end of its protracted civil war, it still has a considerable way to go. Economic development and political transparency go hand in hand and both require rigorous and equitable enforcement of sound laws. In this article, Professors Feijó and Nadorff describe and analyse the anti-corruption laws of Angola as well as its treaty obligations in this area. They conclude that Angola has adopted an adequate number of anti-corruption laws and technically met most of its international obligations. What it most lacks is effective enforcement of these laws. The authors suggest several short- and long-term priorities designed to transform Angola’s legislative transparency framework into practical reality. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article compares Japan's aid policies to Angola and Mozambique since 1950. It argues that East-West rivalry prevented Japan from providing aid to them, particularly after 1975. The post-Cold War period enabled Japan to assist the countries' transitions from war to peace as part of a peacebuilding approach originating in Japan's traditional development cooperation in Asia. As recipient countries of Japanese aid, they are contrasting examples of sub-Saharan Africa reform ownership and explain why Mozambique is a priority nation to Japan in development terms while Angola, until recently, was not. The article affirms that Japanese decision-making with regard to Angola and Mozambique reflects both international pressures and domestic interests influenced by international factors and domestic changes. It concludes that the TICAD's development approach, which emphasizes the applicability of the Asian experiences in Africa, peacebuilding, and human security as a component of Japanese foreign policy, has boosted Japan's 'soft-power' role in the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western reactions to China's increasing investment in a number of countries in Africa, as well as Chinese counter-reactions, are often conceptualised as symptoms of a 'honey pot' conflict. Such an impression stems from viewing contemporary African development as a 'new scramble' for the continent's natural resources. However, the study critically unpacks these claims in various fundamental ways, demonstrating how it is untenable. Objections are based on a brief survey of Chinese discourses regarding Western criticism as well empirical objections based on the supposedly 'conflictual' cases of Angola and Sudan, where one in fact finds mutual toleration between the West and China. These realities contradict the assumptions of a honey pot conflict. The study concludes with the alternative proposition that any Sino-Western conflict can be more aptly described as partly self-interest driven, but at the same time normative, and is related to Western concerns about a 'spoiler' role played by China in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the economic conditions of Angola. The human and natural resources play an important role in the economic growth of the country. Credit Guarantee Insurance Corp., the largest insurer of company debtors in South Africa, said that opportunity exist in the construction, agriculture, infrastructure, tourism and oil/mining sectors in the country. Furthermore, Angola will become the China of the African continent with its continuous economic development.

Santa Clara, on Angola's southern border with Namibia, is now a very dynamic urban hub, both economically and socially. It stands out in the remote province of Cunene, recording greater growth in the last five years than the provincial capital, Ondjiva. Its recent transformation into a thriving trading centre was mostly due to massive migration and an intensification of trade between Angola and Namibia at the beginning of this century, although the region's history in the last hundred years is a very different one. While local traders and entrepreneurs have developed their own strategies within this context, national and local administrative structures of the recently pacified country are trying to regulate trading and settlement. These forces in action produce both more sustainable and organised urban growth and at the same time influence social and economic development in the region. The main boom seems to be over, due to relatively successful regulation, which makes the region less attractive to business activity. Traders and entrepreneurs operating locally now have to find new strategies and opportunities. This article, based on empirical research and combined surveys, conducts an analysis of these dynamics and contributes to an understanding of regulation impacts, the way in which local traders cope with them, and the strategies they have developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the long civil war, when waiting for substantive reconstruction aid proved futile, the Angolan government resorted to a comprehensive credit and cooperation agreement with China in 2004. Under this deal, rebuilding is financed by an initial oil-backed loan of 2.4 billion U.S. dollars repayable in 17 years and with an unbeatable interest rate of 1.5 percent. A »topping up« of two billion U.S. dollars was agreed in 2006 when Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao visited Angola in June 2006. Through this new cooperation Angola has risen to become the largest Chinese trading partner in Africa, with a volume of 9.3 billion U.S. dollars in 2006 (2005: 6.95 billion US dollars), even overtaking South Africa. In May of 2006 the southwest African country had already become China's largest supplier of crude, surpassing Saudi Arabia. At the same time, China overtook the U.S. as the largest buyer of Angolan oil. With the help of the oil-backed loans, huge reconstruction projects are being implemented, such as a new international airport for Luanda, a new production and broadcasting center for the state Television TVA, as well as the coastal North-South Highway between Lobito and Luanda. China is also a partner in the projected second Angolan refinery to be constructed in Lobito. Furthermore, the money is being put into the ailing electricity network of the overcrowded capital Luanda, several regional hospitals and schools in all provinces. A huge low cost housing project involving the construction of several satellite cities is to be implemented in all provinces. The Angolan Government hails the cooperation with China as the only way to quickly re-launch the essential infrastructure which is so important for the revival of the war-torn Angolan economy. The short implementation time for most of the projects will surely also help to improve the Government's image before the upcoming general elections projected for 2008 and 2009. This help comes at a crucial time, and apparently without strings attached. China is also seen as a new alternative to the West in international relations, creating a new balance with more weight for developing countries On China's side, the immediate economic interest is to secure the energy supply for the booming Chinese economy Apart from that, the deal is very profitable as China can provide its state firms with formidable projects, export some of its redundant manpower as well as goods and machinery to Angola. Most of the construction work is being carried out by Chinese firms and their imported workers, due to a clause stating that 70 percent of tenders will go to Chinese firms, with 30 percent going to Angolan firms. At the same time, it secures oil for some years to come, and at beneficial terms. While the immediate advantages for both sides are more than apparent, the medium-to long-term consequences of such a massive Chinese involvement in Angola are less clear. International critics fear first and foremost that this engagement will slow down efforts aimed at bringing about more transparency and economic reform. Apart from that there has been little discussion on the insertion of post-war Angola into the global economy. How will it be possible to revive and diversify local industry - outside of oil and diamond production - in order to compete internationally? In reality, the structure of trade relations with China will be almost identical to relations with the West, with Angola exporting natural resources and importing all kinds of consumer goods. Furthermore, there is no strong impulse for the local economy as Angolan firms and the national workforce are only marginally involved in the projects. Thus job creation and know-how transfer are minimal. Some also fear that there is not enough capacity on the Angolan side to effectively manage and monitor the projects, control their quality, and continuously maintain the infrastructure.… [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the effects of Angola's agricultural, manufacturing, and mineral exports on the country's economic growth using data from 1980 to 2017. An Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model is employed to estimate the effect of sectoral exports on economic growth. The estimation results show that while exports from all three sectors (manufacturing, mineral, and non-mineral) have driven Angola's economic growth in the long-run; only non-manufacturing (agricultural and mineral) exports have led its growth in the short-run. Moreover, growth in non-export GDP was driven by mineral exports in the long-run and agricultural exports in the short-run. Considering the statistically significant and positive impact of mineral exports on the Angolan GDP as well as on its non-export GDP, this study points to a lack of evidence supporting the Dutch disease phenomenon in Angola. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports on the increase of revenue from oil profits by Angola. Production of Angola on crude per day; Loans and investment offered by China; Adoption of informal identification procedures by South African banks that tightens financial regulation.

The article reports on the economic condition of Angola. With almost 28 percent forcasted economic growth for 2006, the country is looking more attractive to foreign investors. Investors began to look at Angola as a country with great potential. Furthermore, businesses from a broad range of sectors are exploring the Angolan market.