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Citizens United has stimulated a cottage industry of legal scholarship on corruption. A prominent stream of this literature is self-consciously atheoretical and suggests that the current state of corruption jurisprudence suffers from a misconceived reliance on liberal political theories and a rejection of the public good. We argue that it is impossible to understand specific acts of corruption without a political theory explaining why such actions are wrong. We show that the current jurisprudence relies on a mistaken intellectual history of the public good and a political theory of American constitutionalism that commodifies citizenship and treats political participation as a market good. Pace Teachout, we cannot draw the bright lines many legal scholars desire without a better political theory of the primary goods we want to protect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between democratic participation and the well-being of the people – a fundamental aim of Confucian government. It argues that although the value of democratic participation for people's moral cultivation may be dubious (as suggested recently by Sungmoon Kim), democratic participation is key to meeting other salient aspects of people's well-being. Drawing on developments in Western epistemic analyses of democracy, this paper shows that the complexity of political issues in developed countries makes democracy an important decision-making process to enhance the well-being of most of the members of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literature in democratic innovations highlights format or process-centred strategies to classify democratic innovations. However, both format and process-centred classification strategies suffer from conceptual stretching, leading to cases' omissions or overlapping typologies. This research proposes a new analytical approach to classifying democratic innovation based on prototypical radial categorization. Prototypical radial categorization classifies objects considering their similarity to a central category and empirically establishes how observations are related to normative accounts of democratic innovations. The proposed categorization strategy is empirically evaluated on real-world democratic innovations drawn from Participedia, the largest crowd sourcing platform in democratic innovation. Participedia database is analyzed through multiple factor analysis (MFA) and hierarchical clustering on principal components (HCPC). The analysis highlights four clusters that are a subset of two main groups that coincide with the normative categorization of participatory and deliberative democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The democratic principle of political co-determination requires, for its realization, workplace processes that are often left out of political discussions. The supposition that workplace dynamics are separate from the political realm of democratic governance has led to blind spots regarding the close relation between the two, and how the former deeply shapes the latter. Workplace dignity and co-determination provide the psychological and social foundations for an active citizenry, and workplaces can act as a microcosm for broader democratic process. The current essay describes the social philosophies linking work to democracy and explains how this crucial link to democratic theorizing was subsequently lost. Describing five ways in which workplaces can, in principle, undermine chances for democratic co-determination, the essay then examines the normative conditions for work that would be needed to regenerate the basis for democratic participation. A business ethics that claims to support democracy must therefore seriously consider the nature of workplace injustices, not only as personal injury, but also as affronts to social and political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Derecho del Estado is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Democratic theory tends to proceed on the assumption that law requires democratic legitimation because it is coercive. However, the claim that law requires democratic legitimation is distinct from claims about the nature of law. This paper takes issue with the notion that law is coercive by an exploration of three distinct understandings of the nature of law: the state-based conception of law, law as the rules of institutionalized normative systems, and law as social norms. Drawing on insights from legal and democratic theory, the paper defends the view that the 'law' to which democratic claims apply are the rules of conduct of institutionalized normative systems. Since rules that belong to such systems are found in associations beyond or below the level of the state, the scope of democratic participation is significantly wider than is usually recognized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The inclusion-moderation thesis posits that radical movements can be moderated through participation in democratic pluralist politics. Repeatedly applied to Islamist movements questions remain over its conceptual ambiguity and empirical veracity. Despite such weaknesses this thesis continues to be utilized to explain the diverging trajectories of the Islamic movement within Israel – its Southern accommodationist parliamentary branch (IMSB) and its separatist Northern branch (IMNB), now officially banned by Israel. This article examines this significant yet understudied movement, as a means of challenging the reductionist reading of Arab Islamist politics in Israel while at the same time rethinking the perimeters of inclusion-moderation theory. The case suggests that Islamist strategic moderation may be a result of both state repression and political inclusion but rarely does it lead to complete ideological transformation. This research suggests the IMSB's pragmatic evolution, owes less to Knesset participation and more to internal organizational debate, a convergence of broader Arab-Israeli positions, and a response to the failings of post Arab Spring Islamist politics. Conversely, the IMNB's perceived radicalism, is less to do with its extreme ideology but rather its own strategic framing and Israel's ongoing fears of the mobilizing potential of Al-Aqsa mosque. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I explore the concept of democracy as unstable and exclusionary. Drawing upon both the historical emergence of the concept and an overview of recent events in the US alongside concerns for the decline of democracy globally, I question the stability of the concept and the lack of definition within educational application. These concerns provide the background for the four articles in this issue of ACT, which interrogate various assumptions related to democratic practices in music education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Global Sport Management is the property of the Global Alliance of Marketing & Management Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper provides a case study regarding an innovative model of grass-roots democracy, called democratic confederalism, which is currently being implemented in Northern Syria. The difference between democratic confederalism and previous experiments with grass-roots democracy is that its evolutionary pattern aims to include heterogeneous local communities living in the same territories, with the objective of becoming an administrative model for the whole Syrian country, without shattering its national constitution. In fact, the evolution of the political and administrative system and the introduction of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria were specifically aimed at including all ethnicities and not focusing on the Kurdish population only. Following a literature review aimed at defining the theoretical background of democratic confederalism, the case study is presented. Data collection occurred through semi-structured interviews and informal talks with key stakeholders in the Kurdish movement; the findings and main implications of the model are described and analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work first analyses the relations between governamentality and resistance struggles. It seeks to know whether it is still possible to understand the role played by both the agonistic and libertarian struggles in today's democratic world, which is managed by a bureaucratic machine that works on the regulation and control of social life. On the other hand, what would be democracy in peripheral countries like those in the Americas? What about Brazil? In the following, the work investigates the role of today's small parties, the so called peripheral parties, seeking to see in them new and creative political potential. In the case of Brazil and of Europe, small parties seem to play an innovative and surprising role, contradicting theories and political analysts, as they can mobilize social sectors that didn't use to have any visibility before. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Champions of constitutions and bills of rights regularly portray them as possessing significant, sometimes mysterious, powers. One characterisation is that newly implemented constitutions may invigorate a democracy, particularly at the ballot box. This paper challenges that notion by scrutinising a relatively unexplored area of constitutional performance: voter turnout. In particular, it examines a number of jurisdictions that have recently implemented constitutions and bill of rights, finding that in many of them, voter turnout decreased after passage, sometimes significantly. As the argument for a codified British constitution endures, the findings of this paper provide provisional evidence that those advocating for such a device should be wary of touting its potentially invigorating democratic effects. Ultimately, however, the paper calls for more research into the area of constitutions and democratic performance, such as voter turnout. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Defection from North Korea to South Korea has increased dramatically, but little is known of its political consequences. Do North Korean defectors successfully adopt democratic norms, and if so, what factors aid this process? Through a novel survey of defectors, I find that national identification plays a significant role in motivating their fledgling sense of democratic obligation. Greater feelings of national unity with South Koreans lead to a stronger duty to vote and otherwise contribute to the democratic state. This effect is more powerful than that of conventional contractual factors, on which most state resettlement policies are based, and is surprising given that defectors’ nationalist socialization mostly took place under the authoritarian North. The findings suggest the need to reconsider integration approaches toward North Korean defectors and similarly placed refugees elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Today expectations of accountability and trustworthiness in governing entities is greater than ever before. The process of change has been given impetus by new information and communication technologies resulting in e-government and e-democracy. This research aims to analyze transparency and democratic participation in Italian and Spanish LGs. The web pages of Italian and Spanish LGs with more than 100,000 inhabitants are analyzed using twenty determinants of fiscal transparency and eight determinants of e-democracy. Results show considerable similarity between Italian and Spanish LGs with regards to the disclosure of financial information, while the adoption of e-democracy tools requires further development in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on alternative media indicates the blurring of boundaries between users and producers, thereby increasing the capacity of the ordinary citizens and activists to participate in the production of news and content. During the Gezi Park events in 2013, the news of police brutality spread quickly on social media whilst the mainstream media looked the other way. Thousands of protestors used social media networks to disseminate information, create awareness about police interventions, direct protestors to safe zones and medical help points, as well as mobilize people to support Gezi Park resistance. This article explores the ways in which Twitter as a social platform empowers citizens in democratic participation. It focuses on the motivations of citizens for their involvement in news and content provision during the protests as an act of democratic citizenship and participation. The data reviewed are drawn from an original research project in which a quantitatively driven social network analysis (Twitter) is used to identify the most frequent users who tweeted during Gezi protests and later include these users in qualitative in-depth interviews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding public preferences for governing processes is an understudied area of research. In this paper, I evaluate a set of critical assumptions relating to process preferences that the literature has thus far not addressed. I specifically address the claims made by John Hibbing and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse in their seminal book, Stealth Democracy, which suggests that people prefer political decisions to be made via expert-based governing arrangements to promote a level of efficiency and effectiveness within the government that elected officials cannot provide. Using original questions from the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, I find concurring evidence that citizens are not strongly attached to standard participatory processes found in democracy. However, upon using more precise measurements and placing expert processes into contemporary context, preferences weaken and appear to be shallow in nature. In an era where process preferences are receiving more attention as trust in government wanes, it is important to understand the depth of these preferences and their potential to change politics. These results suggest it is imperative for future scholars to approach the study of process preferences with care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a critically reflexive account of how collaborative processes and democratic relations were negotiated in a doctoral research project which combined elements of institutional ethnography, self-study, and, significantly for this article, critical participatory action research. The critical participatory action research dimension of the project involved a group of academics working in the same university faculty, critically and collaboratively examining their own pedagogical practice and the conditions which constrain and enable critical pedagogical praxis in their setting. The article explores what possibilities for democratic participation were created and limited by the circumstances and conditions that constituted this critical participatory action research. I consider the kind of democratic participation that was possible, what enabled this kind of democratic participation, and challenges that emerged in attempts to realise democratic goals. The discussion highlights some of the complexities of fostering democratic participation in critical participatory action research within doctoral research. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Netla: Online Journal on Pedagogy & Education is the property of University of Iceland, School of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article provides an accessible overview of the growing research literature on the impact of public service and commercial broadcasting and highlights its main implications for policy discussions about the future of public service broadcasting in Western societies. It shows that the populations of countries with public service broad- and narrowcasting are better informed about government and politics, are more trusting of other people, have more positive civic attitudes, have greater confidence in democratic institutions and are more likely to engage in democratic politics. Moreover, levels of social trust are higher in countries which have a significant public service element in their media systems, even among individuals who do not habitually watch public TV channels. The article ends with a brief discussion of the implications of this research for the future of public broadcasting in the Western world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Election-related violence, because it is meant to coerce voters, may have an adverse effect on individual attitudes towards elections-and towards democracy in general. Victims of election violence may come to associate voting with conflict, which may in turn translate into lower levels of support for democratic processes and an unwillingness to participate in future elections. This may be especially true when repeated instances of electoral violence take place, as has been the case in Kenya. To explore the possible relationship between electoral violence and democratic alienation, interviews were conducted in two internally displaced person (IDP) camps in Kenya: one which housed primarily government supporters and one which housed primarily opposition supporters. Among interviewees-all of whom were victims of past electoral violence-there were pronounced differences in stated willingness to vote in future elections. These differences depended on the individual's perception of freeness and fairness of elections and whether the individual's candidate or party of choice won or lost. Additionally, as ethnicity is an important factor in vote choice and partisan support, this translates into stark differences between ethnic groups. These findings suggest that electoral violence may have an uneven effect on democratic attitudes and participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to compare discourses about national and European policies on active citizenship and democratic participation, with a particular focus on youth and migrants. For this purpose we analysed official documents of public institutions and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in order to assess how the process of Europeanization has influenced national policies with regard to increasing political participation and citizens' civic awareness. Additionally, we conducted interviews with policy makers and NGO leaders in order to integrate and compare different levels of discourse and thus identify potential dissonances. Analysis of the documents shows that there is a strong concern to match national policy priorities with those established by international organizations. Notwithstanding positive perceptions, NGO leaders and policy makers criticize the ways policies have been implemented, stressing the need to adopt a strategy that bridges the gap between the prescribed and the real, as well as the importance of overcoming the hegemony of economic factors in policy decisions. In this regard, NGO leaders criticize the cynicism of political leaders and policies motivated by demographic and economic concerns. In relation to European identity and integration, NGO leaders argue that Europe must be collectively constructed; yet, policy makers stress that the failure of the Constitutional Treaty in 2005 resulted from a deficit in the negotiation process. In sum, this article suggests that it is necessary to promote greater involvement of civil society in the design and implementation of policies which, in turn, may contribute to the strengthening of shared democratic principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the problem of the strategies and theories of democratic participation in Nigeria that breeds institutional marginality and bad governance due to shortfalls in pursuing the values of justice and empowerment as core democratic characteristics. The same democratic principles such as voting, parliament, constitution, judiciary, that are suggestive of gains such as responsible use, and peaceful transfer of power may not have translated fully into sociopolitical empowerment for responsibility and representation in the evolving democratic practice in Nigeria due problems of agency and political ideology. Democratic theorizing and participation in Nigeria has defied orthodox presuppositions seen in the disrespect for basic rights and the disregard for the rule of law in democracy that allow for fair play within and among the elites and political grassroots. Thus this study investigates the Nigerian predicament as model or case study, raising questions about the reasons for the systematic disempowerment of groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines tensions in implementing human rights education (HRE) in schools in Kurdistan-Iraq, both for teachers and for policy-makers, juggling nation-building and its application through schooling and child rights. We draw on documentary sources and fieldwork in two governorates, including classroom observations and interviews with education professionals. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child confirms the right to HRE, including learning to live together, stressing gender equity. In practice, rights operate in tension and may be denied in societal contexts where conservative, patriarchal values prevail. We report on teachers' attempts to reconcile tensions while facing limited resources. HRE is often perceived as low-status and taught without adequate consideration of everyday rights denials. Nevertheless, HRE is fundamental to democratic development and social justice and can equip citizens with skills and attitudes for a cosmopolitan worldview and peaceful development. Potentially, HRE can contribute to learners' self-empowerment and gender equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How a person actualizes democracy as part of his/her life style is highly correlated with how that person perceives democracy. The perception of democracy by teachers who bear the responsibility of raising individuals believing in democracy and internalizing it into their life styles and teachers' practices led by this perception are tremendously influential over how the students--future adults--will perceive democracy and how they will practice it. The purpose of this study is to determine the instructional practices of teachers who are in charge of raising individuals who apply and sustain democratic understanding in their lives during the process of creating a democratic society, and also to assess teachers' practices in terms of democratic participation, freedom, and autonomy. Qualitative research design has been employed in this study. Semi-structured interview forms have been used, and the data have been analyzed through descriptive analyses. Majority of teachers who participated in the study have been evaluated as individuals who internalized democratic education and management, liked their jobs, had mature thinking skills, who were energetic, tolerant, unbiased, and respectful against others' opinions. Teachers' practices in their classes were determined to be compatible with democratic and participatory understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of public intellectuals (PIs) continue to be debated, as their status and significance evolve under changing historical circumstances. I suggest PIs still play an important role in democracies, despite alterations in their circumstances, activities, and practices. While most of the familiar questions remain, it is important to take into account a number of changes that impact on PIs, their situation, and their activities. I explore the contingencies that make possible, as well as delimit and alter, the phenomenon of PIs in contemporary democratic societies. The discussion is organised around three sets of evolving circumstances in which PIs are inexorably embedded: the structural setting of mediated public spheres, with a particular emphasis on the online sector; the dynamic realm of practices associate with online civic participation more broadly; and lastly, the cultural and political climate of democratic societies confronted by serious dilemmas. The interface of these circumstances is ushering PIs into a new historical phase, where the web obviously looms large yet where the contours are still taking shape. These circumstances put new demands on PIs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Docencia Universitaria is the property of Universidad Industrial de Santander and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The emergence of cross-border communities and transnational associations requires new ways of thinking about the norms involved in democracy in a globalized world. Given the significance of human rights fulfillment, including social and economic rights, I argue here for giving weight to the claims of political communities while also recognizing the need for input by distant others into the decisions of global governance institutions that affect them. I develop two criteria for addressing the scope of democratization in transnational contexts— common activities and impact on basic human rights—and argue for their compatibility. I then consider some practical implications for institutional transformation and design, including new forms of transnational representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of globalisation, as distinguished from liberalisation and privatisation, is a natural corollary to human progress. It represents the inescapable need to integrate into the rest of the world, economically and politically. To achieve optimum outcomes in this process of integration, a nation must govern itself well with the full backing of its populace. Globalisation without centring it in its citizens, their interests and their aspirations, is doomed to failure. In the context of globalisation, the need is for 'human-centric' governance and development. The suggestions made herein include governance by consensus; by better informed political leadership; demarcation of a national sphere of governance outside the pale of party politics; a more democratic and nonetheless more effective functioning of the Parliament; an institutional arrangement for coordination among the different Constitutional authorities to achieve the national objectives; genuine self-governance at the local level; and guaranteed access to drinking water, sanitation, public health, maternity and child health; and above all, education up to a level that makes every citizen a productive member of the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing use of mini-publics in the policy process, ranging from citizens' juries and deliberative polls to the more recent British Columbia Citizens' Assembly, has coincided with the emergence of theories of deliberative democracy. A growing number of deliberative democrats have turned their attention to mini-publics arguing that they embody desirable institutional characteristics. This article analyses the extent to which mini-publics live up to the deliberative ideal and the ways in which the analysis of the practice of mini-publics allows us to reflect on the evaluative commitments of theorists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction and the articles that follow are motivated by three main goals. First, they elaborate and promote a comparative approach to the study of international legal institutions. Second, they seek to better understand the role of courts in transforming international and domestic governance. Finally, the central aim of the issue is to examine how the legalization of global politics may be linked to changes in democratic participation. The overarching aim is to examine the factors shaping when and how courts may serve as arenas for citizen participation leading to important political, legal, and social developments. This introductory article provides a testable framework elaborating both the opportunities and limitations of this dynamic for democratic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the various mechanisms by which democracy affects transnational terrorism. New theoretical mechanisms are identified that either complement or encompass existing arguments. Different effects of democracy on transnational terrorism are assessed for a sample of about 119 countries from 1975 to 1997. Results show that democratic participation reduces transnational terrorist incidents in a country, while government constraints increase the number of those incidents, subsuming the effect of press freedom. The proportional representation system experiences fewer transnational terrorist incidents than either the majoritarian or the mixed system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The right to genetic privacy is presently being incorporated in legal systems all over the world. It remains largely unclear however what interests and values this right serves to protect. There are many different arguments made in the literature, yet none takes into account the problem of how particular values can be justified given the plurality of moral and religious doctrines in our societies. In this article theories of public reason are used in order to explore how genetic privacy could be justified in a way that is sensitive to the "fact of pluralism". The idea of public reason is specified as the idea that governments should appeal only to values and beliefs that are acceptable to all reasonable citizens in the justification of rights. In examining prevalent arguments for genetic privacy--based on the value of autonomy or on the value of intimacy--it is concluded that they do not meet this requirement. In dealing with this deficiency in the literature, an argument is developed that genetic privacy is fundamental to the democratic participation of all citizens. By referring to the preconditions of democratic citizenship, genetic privacy can be justified in a way that respects the plurality of comprehensive doctrines of morality and religion in contemporary societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]