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Research Question: There is a dearth of research within prominent sport management outlets using critical race-based theories. This article provides a pathway to addressing this problem as we build on the call to address, challenge, and disrupt epistemological racism in sport management research. We propose adopting a theory of racialized organizations – a meso-level approach to examine organizations as racial structures. Research Methods: Within this conceptual paper, we provide an overview of the theory and apply it to specific case examples to highlight the utility of TRO within sport management research and practice. Results and Findings: Coupling TRO and sport management brings awareness to the racialization processes within sport organizations and helps disrupt dominant narratives of sport being race neutral. Implications: Utilizing TRO assists scholars in reframing research questions, increasing the study of racially minoritized sport stakeholders, and challenging notions of race neutrality that reinforce inequitable power relations. From a managerial perspective, sport leaders must interrogate the complicity in perpetuating racialization and how whiteness influences practices and policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines how the dissenting opinions authored by justice Sonia Sotomayor expanded the rhetoric of race and judicial speech at the U.S. Supreme Court by drawing on whiteness, colorblindness and critical race theory. Topics discussed include role of judicial voice in court, feminist rhetorical criticism that typifies legal opinion writing, feminist theoretical work on race, affect and embodiment, and feminism's analysis of rights rooted in social and structural relations of power.

This study examines the relationship among White antiracism, colorblind racial ideology (CBRI), and White privilege awareness. We use Critical Race Theory (CRT) to frame the historical context of racism in the U.S. and the emergence of racist ideologies. We examine the extent to which White privilege awareness mediates the relationship between CBRI and antiracist practices among White people. We found that (1) participants' antiracist practices were increased the more they rejected power‐evasive forms of CBRI, (2) people who were more aware of their White privilege were also more driven toward antiracist practices, and (3) respondents' awareness of their White privilege was enhanced as they rejected power evasive forms of CBRI. We also found that White people were more likely to participate in antiracist practices when they rejected power evasion CBRI partly because rejecting CBRI enhanced their awareness of White privilege. Our results suggest that the fight against racism requires White people to acknowledge and dismantle the privileges that come with being a member of a dominant group. We contend that CRT is a powerful framework for psychology because it helps resolve the problem of understanding how structural phenomena become ideologies that shape the way people believe and behave. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study integrates critical race theory to examine the practice of multicultural competence and the mechanism of discursive racism in the context of child welfare workers. We troubled the dominant paradigm of multicultural competence taken up by practitioners, and deployed discourse analysis on racial dialogue in a real‐life setting to highlight how the multicultural competence approach risks becoming a form of colorblind racism that diminish the importance of structure racial power which we call race dismissiveness. In our findings we identified four distinct patterns of race dismissiveness that the practitioners adopted to deflect racial dialogue: race identity fetishism, racial peripheralization, racial erasure, and racial externalization. We argue that the separation between semantic expressions of multicultural beliefs and enacted racial practices needs to be conceptualized as a part of the discursive enactment of colorblind racism that functions to keep structural racism intact through everyday practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a Critical Race Theory perspective, we investigated how racial ideology, in particular colorblind ideology, was present in Black forgiveness narratives for racial violence. We collected United States news articles from two high profile cases of Black forgiveness (N = 122), the shooting at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church and the killing of Botham Jean. We used a thematic analysis to address an overarching research question of: In what ways are these Black forgiveness narratives reflective of racial ideologies that may pressure or misrepresent Black forgiveness? Our results suggested that colorblind ideologies were present in representations of Black forgiveness. Colorblind representations of Black forgiveness ignored and diminished the racial context of the cases, reinforced false equivalencies through Christian messaging, perpetuated Black forgiveness as a palatable path to peace, and maintained a perception of White virtue and morality despite racial violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on styles of racetalk, the way we talk about race in racist social structures, suggests that racial discourse is either covertly or overtly racist, with covert racism being dominant in the offline world and overt racism remaining dominant online. In this study I ask: is there a style of racetalk found in online discourse that does not fit within the covert/overt binary of racetalk that is present in the current literature. To address this research question, I draw on data from three social media platforms, TikTok, YouTube, and Twitter, and examine two racialized popular discourses, the cancellation of Aunt Jemima and the debates over Critical Race Theory. I find that among conservative social media users, but not liberals, neither overt nor covert styles of racetalk, describe the character of the racial discourse in my data. Instead, I find a distinct style of racetalk with three characteristics: (1) Conservative social media users draw politicized boundaries which frame Black people as part of their ingroup and leftists as an outgroup, (2) The members of the political ingroup, white conservatives and Black people, share a common threat from the political outgroup, and (3) The political ingroup should represent a multiracial political coalition who supports conservative politicians and causes. I introduce Colorblind Nationalism as a theory of politicized racetalk which situates these findings within our current socio‐political context and creates avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the Quebec public debate concerning the N-word affair that occurred in 2020 at the University of Ottawa, this article aims to determine how the discourses of racism denial produced by members of dominant groups are maintained within the public space, despite the anti-racist critiques produced by members of dominated groups. By combining critical race theory, the theory of epistemic injustice and ignorance and the speech act theory, this article offers a critical analysis of the Quebec media discourse on the N-word affair. It thus traces the positions denouncing the use of the N-word as a racial insult and a manifestation of systemic racism and those justifying the need to protect academic freedom and freedom of expression in the face of a cancel culture threatening to censor them. The analysis of the Quebec case reveals that the public denial of racism reproduces hermeneutical injustices regarding anti-racist critiques, particularly regarding those expressed by Black communities, and this through a new linguistic mechanism that I call "illocutionary deviations." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates to "secure the border" have often dominated immigration legislation. Since the COVID‐19 pandemic began, this rhetoric has intensified with the use of the Title 42 program to "expel" asylum seekers without hearing the merits of their case. This article outlines how the Title 42 policy has exacerbated dangerous border crossings while advancing discriminatory policies which disproportionately affect non‐White asylum seekers. Using the framework of Critical Race Theory, this article examines the impact(s) of race, ethnicity, and nationality within the immigration bureaucracy. It suggests that "race neutral" polices in immigration perpetuate racial subordination and exclusion for immigrants racialized as non‐White. Intertwined with xenophobia and anti‐immigrant bias, this work also suggests that public health rationales have long been used to exclude "unfit" or "unclean" migrants due to the "fear of contamination" and infection. The Title 42 program is a violation of human rights, immigration laws, and stipulations in the United Nations Charter which prohibits refugees from being expelled to countries where their lives or freedoms are threatened. Related Articles: Garrett, Terence M. 2020. "The Security Apparatus, Federal Magistrate Courts, and Detention Centers as Simulacra: The Effects of Trump's Zero Tolerance Policy on Migrants and Refugees in the Rio Grande Valley." Politics & Policy 48(2): 372–35. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12348. Garrett, Terence M., and Arthur J. Sementelli. 2022. "COVID‐19, Asylum Seekers, and Migrants on the Mexico–U.S. Border: Creating States of Exception." Politics & Policy 50(4): 872–86. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12484. Silverman, Stephanie J. 2012. "'Regrettable but Necessary?' A Historical and Theoretical Study of the Rise of the U.K. Immigration Detention Estate and Its Opposition." Politics & Policy 40(6): 1131–57. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00393.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this rejoinder we argue, based on the papers of this commentary series, that 'race' is such a tricky notion because it can be used in (at least) two very different and contradictory ways—as a concept to disentangle racism and racialisation (what M'charek calls the 'work race actually does') and as a way of categorization and social classification, in which case it might create the very essentialised hierarchies 'race' as a critical concept tries to disentangle. We wonder if it is indeed possible to use 'race' as a concept without evoking 'race' as a social classification. At first, we give a short summary of the four discussion papers and then delve into two aspects the papers share, namely the need for spatial and temporal contextualization and comparison, as well as their choice not to take up our invitation to compare race as a category with gender. In a second step we will discuss two points arising from the papers, (1) 'race' as category, not as lens, often resulting in essentialism and (2) 'race' as potentially obscuring racism and racialisation. We conclude by proposing to give more space to complexity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical Race Theory (CRT), a theoretical framework that has been gaining much recognition in sport literature, is a useful and beneficial tool in discussing race and racism. To better understand the context in which academic support staff members appreciate the functionality and significance of race, the present study measures the racial competence and colorblindness of athletic academic support personnel. This study explores the need to integrate a model such as CRT that promotes "racial competency" among academic support departments working closely with student-athletes of color. The study surveyed 101 athletic academic support staff members at NCAA Division I member institutions. Findings suggest that there is a lack of understanding of the tenets of CRT and a need to implement multicultural competence and diversity training for athletic academic support staff members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes that a new white racial consciousness is emerging in France. Camouflaged as the default universal, unraced and unmarked, against which racial difference is measured, whiteness turns racelessness into power. We know as much from the critical race and whiteness studies that have dissected the normative apparatus at work in white pretentions to color-blindness. But if such a critique remains relevant in France—where color-blindness is the legally mandated norm—it also isn't enough. Examining recent polemics against le racisme anti-blanc, or anti-white racism, I document how white color-consciousness is taking hold in the French mainstream. The new white identity revolves around a central premise: the victimization of white people by the forces of antiracism. Advancing a diasporic vision of beleaguered whiteness, French architects of what I call the white Atlantic issue dark warnings about the "genocidal" consequences for white people of Black Lives Matter and related social movements. In so doing, I argue, they counterfeit the collective historical experience that gives race meaning—in particular the experience of Black people, whose history of transatlantic suffering the new white identity simulates and exploits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the desegregation of Mississippi State University varsity football, focusing on newspaper coverage of the first Black players at the university, Robert Bell and Frank Dowsing. Two hundred and three articles about Bell and Dowsing from three newspapers (Starkville Daily News, Mississippi State Reflector, and Jackson Clarion-Ledger) were examined using a three-tiered qualitative analysis. Data analysis resulted in 426 frame instances and 686 theme instances, or a total of 1,112 codes. The resulting data were interpreted using Critical Race Theory (CRT) as an analytical lens to generate understanding of the desegregation of the football program. The CRT-guided interpretation challenges popular narratives about the amicable nature of desegregation at the university, indicating that the football team and the careers of Bell and Dowsing were covered in a way that promoted colorblindness and supported the Whitecentric interests of the university's and community's dominant power structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By and large, Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) exist in separate epistemic universes. This Article argues that the borders between these two fields are unwarranted. Specifically, the Article articulates six parallel ways in which CRT and TWAIL have exposed and challenged the racial dimensions of United States law and international law, respectively. It foregrounds the related ways in which both CRT scholars andTWAIL scholars have: contested the legalization of white supremacy; marked and problematized the degree to which regimes of inclusion can operate as mechanisms of exclusion; staged important if non-identical critiques of colorblindness; engaged and repudiated neoliberal, racialized claims about the social responsibility and agency of Black people and African nations; confronted perceptions that both literatures exist outside the boundaries of the presumptively neutral scholarly conventions of constitutional law and international law, engendering either criticism or willful dis-attention or non-engagement by mainstream scholars in both fields; and remained invested in reconstruction and transformation of and within law, seeking to maximize law's emancipatory potential for racial justice and substantive equality, while remaining clear-eyed about the limits and costs of such engagements and the need to effectuate change in other arenas, such as social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes discourses of everyday racism and colorblind racism on an internet forum. While skin color is invisible online, identities as black, white and shades in between show through participants' perspectives and communicative behavior in discussions about racism. Critical race theory and whiteness studies argue that there is a perception gap between black and white perspectives on racism, linked to positionality in social structures, which influences experiences and shapes perceptions of the world. This paper shows how black participants in online discussions tend to be more conscious of racial issues and skilled at recognizing racism, while whites often reflect a colorblind discourse that denies structural racism and reproduces everyday racism. Starting with critical perspectives of conscious blacks on the forum and drawing on Cultural Discourse Studies and critical race theory, this paper examines power relations and cultural perspectives underlying white participants' claims, perspectives and speech acts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I present a framework for diversity as a racial ideology that rearticulates the logic of civil rights. Diversity ideology is, in part, a co-optation of calls for race consciousness that challenged color blindness: it highlights race and other axes of difference to achieve a color-blind ideal of fairness where race will no longer matter. In this way, diversity ideology creates space for minor acknowledgment of structural inequality in the abstract. This is an important difference from color-blind racism, which explains inequality as a function of the past, individual "racist" bad apples, or the failings of people of color. The logic of diversity ideology is based on four tenets (diversity as acceptance, diversity as intent, diversity as commodity, and diversity as liability) that frame an amorphous diversity as the answer to racial inequality, while centering white people's desires and feelings. These conceptualizations of diversity are devoid of power and history, which is how systemic whiteness is reinscribed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the racial politics of circulation as a critical concept for elucidating how whiteness, nationhood, and doxa intertwine to reinforce and amplify white supremacy within a context of white nationalist postracialism. As a case study, the authors investigate how two popular slogans associated with Donald Trump drive the production and circulation of digital doxicons called Trumpicons and how such Trumpicons, in turn, feed back into a socio-political loop of white supremacist logics. In studying how Trumpicons become embroiled in such racial politics of circulation, the authors disclose how new media images contribute to an affective economy of whiteness in contemporary American culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Race consciousness serves as the foundation for Critical Race Theory (CRT) methodology. Colorblindness minimizes racism as a determinant of outcomes. To achieve the emancipatory intent of CRT and to reduce health care disparities, we must understand: 1) how colorblindness "shows up" when health care professionals aim to promote equity; 2) how their colorblindness informs (and is informed by) clinical practice; and 3) ways to overcome colorblindness through strategies grounded in CRT.Design/setting/participants: We conducted 21 semi-structured interviews with key informants and seven focus groups with personnel employed by a large Minnesota health care system. We coded transcripts inductively and deductively for themes using the constant comparative method. We used a race-conscious approach to examine how respondents' accounts align or diverge from colorblindness.Results: Evading race, respondents considered socioeconomic status, cultural differences, and patients' choices to be the main contributors to health disparities. Few criticized the behavior of coworkers or that of the organization or acknowledged structural racism. Respondents strongly believed that all patients were treated equally by providers and staff, in part due to race-neutral care processes and guidelines. Respondents also used several semantic moves common to colorblindness to refute suggestions of racial inequality.Conclusions: Colorblindness upholds the racial status quo and inhibits efforts to promote health equity. Drawing on CRT to guide them, health care leaders will need to develop strategies to counter personnel's tendency to focus on axes of inequality other than race, to decontextualize patients' health behaviors and choices, and to depend heavily on race-neutral care processes to produce equitable outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many analysts argue colorblindness as the reigning ideological buttress of a historically distinct form of structural white supremacy, color-blind racism. In contrast to slavery and legal segregation, color-blind racism is theorized as covert and highly institutionalized. As such, analyses of contemporary racial reproduction often emphasize the structure of color-blindness, particularly the habitual routines and discursive patterns of everyday white actors. Though invaluable, this work may conceal whites' innovation in reproducing, revising, and at times resisting white supremacy and corresponding logics. As opposed to focusing on the structural elements of colorblindness, I elevate colorblindness as a culturally recursive accomplishment grounded in an epistemology of ignorance--that is a process of knowing designed to produce not knowing surrounding white privilege and structural white supremacy. Qualitatively analyzing 105 family wealth analyses produced by white college undergraduates researching racial inequality and the wealth gap, I identify four epistemic maneuvers by which students creatively repaired a breach in normative colorblindness. Demonstrating innovative means by which ordinary whites bypass and mystify racial learning highlights their vested commitment to maintaining and creatively defending the ideologies that buttress racial domination and white supremacy. As such, this research additionally advises updating strategies for challenging whites' colorblindness in efforts to advance racial justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The advent of a post-racial understanding of racism has changed the way in which Europe sees itself and its ethnic minorities. The concept of the post-racial emerged in the United States to describe a belief that America was no longer a racist society and the election of Barack Obama to the highest office in the land was a public and highly visible confirmation of that state of affairs. A global post-racial culture has taken hold of western plutocracies in which racism is universally denounced but increasingly difficult to pin down. Sayyid's study, by using a decolonial analytics, examines the different ways in which racism is imagined and how this imagination shapes the way in which the post-racial appears. The paper goes on to sketch out an alternative account of the post-racial as an aspect of the various trends that have been described as being post-political. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes up the questions: (a) How do Black female adolescents define racism?, (b) What kind of experiences with racism to they report having in schools?, and (c) How can these perspectives and experiences inform educational reform efforts? The in-depth analysis of 18 student surveys and interviews revealed that most of the definitions of racism centered on prejudice, discrimination, and differential treatment; and most of the experiences the girls described regarding racism in school illustrated issues of prejudice, discrimination, and differential treatment as well as stereotypes, labels and low teacher expectations. Critical Race Theory, Critical Race Feminism, and Black Feminist Thought were used as interpretive theoretical frameworks. Implications for teacher education, secondary education and broad reform efforts are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ongoing events in the United States show the continual need to address issues of social justice in every social context. Of particular note in this article, the contemporary national focus on race has thrust social justice issues into the forefront of the country's conscious. Although legal segregation has ran its course, schools and many neighborhoods remain, to a large degree, culturally, ethnically, linguistically, economically, and racially segregated and unequal (Orfield & Lee, 2005). Even though an African American president presently occupies the White House, the idea of a postracial America remains an unrealized ideal. Though social justice and racial discussions are firmly entrenched in educational research, investigations that focus on race are scant in physical education literature. Here, we attempt to develop an understanding of social justice in physical education with a focus on racial concerns. We purposely confine the examination to the U.S. context to avoid the dilution of the importance of these issues, while recognizing other international landscapes may differ significantly. To accomplish this goal, we hope to explicate the undergirding theoretical tenants of critical race theory and culturally relevant pedagogy in relation to social justice in physical education. Finally, we make observations of social justice in the physical education and physical education teacher education realms to address and illuminate areas of concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the article "Legitimizing Racial Discrimination Through Antidiscrimination Law: A Critical Review of Supreme Court Doctrine" by Alan David Freeman which appears in a 1978 issue of the journal, and it mentions the history of postracialism and America's Supreme Court, as well as several developments involving race relations in U.S. history. Legal protections for people of color are examined, along with racial disparities, Critical Legal Studies, and Critical Race Theory.

This article discusses how Internet memes associated with racism can be analyzed and pedagogically utilized through the theoretical frame of Critical Race Theory. The assumption of the study is that Internet memes, as a site of ideological reproduction, can show one aspect of racial discourse. I consider Internet memes regarding race and racial issues as racial humor in this study. I gathered a total of 85 memes addressing or connected to racism primarily from the Memecenter website (www.memecenter.com). In this study, I analyzed their forms and content to consider how these memes deal with racism in different ways. Methodologically, this study implements critical discourse analysis in combination with multimodal discourse analysis. Through this study, I found that the majority of Internet memes about racism perpetuate colorblindness by mocking people of color and denying structural racism. I argue that challenging colorblindness through critical analysis of Internet memes and creating countermemes will enhance students' critical awareness of racial issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

#BlackLivesMatter was created following the acquittal of the man who killed Trayvon Martin; the movement's call to action is against the "virulent anti-Black racism that permeates our society." Shortly after #BlackLivesMatter became a nationally recognized symbol, it was re-configured, co-opted, and/or replaced by some with the more inclusive and racially neutral alternative, #AllLivesMatter. This analysis utilizes the core elements associated with a critical race theoretical frame to argue that #AllLivesMatter is akin with larger rhetorical devices--like the notion of a color-blind society--that are used to promote post-racism, something that was not possible with other political slogans during earlier civil rights struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study was to investigate the influence of post-racial narratives and colorblind racism in a case of Black intercollegiate student athlete experiences. This case study engaged a critical race theory (CRT) perspective and colorblind ideologies to advance an understanding of participant experiences and extend the CRT literature. Findings indicate that participants recognize racial beliefs and racial inequities abound and that colorblind racism has indirectly affected their experiences and perceptions. The findings are illuminated using the four colorblind racism frames: abstract liberalism, naturalization, cultural racism, and minimization of racism. Implications for enhancing student athlete programming, preparing others to work with student athlete populations, and continuing CRT sport scholarship are further discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A response is provided to the article "A post-genomic surprise. The molecular reinscription of race in science, law and medicine," by Troy Duster, which appears within the issue. The article discusses the relationship between science, concepts of race, postracialism, or colour-blindness, and critical race theory (CRT). An overview of Duster's perspective on how biological science conceptualizes race, including in regard to racial differences, is provided. The relationship between science and racism, including in regard to what is referred to as scientific racism, is discussed.

This qualitative case study examined 5 Mexican American women’s experiences at the intersection of race and gender in public high school. Critical race theory provided the analysis and interpretation. The significant findings of this research included the following: (a) Racism is endemic and pervasive in public education; (b) many educational entities operate via colorblindness; (c) the participants perceived social justice as the solution to ending racism and oppression; (d) learning to navigate the system is necessary to be successful academically; and (e) teachers, counselors, and peers are perpetrators of racism and gender stereotypes in public education for Mexican American females. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author employs Critical Race Theory (CRT) to examine the experiences of mixed race individuals in the United States. Drawing on historical and contemporary conditions involving persons of mixed race, the author considers how key ideas from CRT can be useful to frame an analysis of the experiences of multiracial persons in the US. To supplement the analysis, the author also includes fictionalized narratives in the tradition of CRT. In conclusion, the author considers how this examination of mixed race persons might inform K-12 education. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores two significant incidents of racism – involving Luis Suárez and John Terry – from the 2011–2012 English Premier League football season. In particular, it analyses and contextualises the reactions and responses articulated by key stakeholders within the football industry. Discursive themes were employed by these individuals as a means of trying to mitigate and/or exonerate the actions of Suárez and Terry, to question the veracity of the allegations made against them, and to downplay the extent and effects of racism in English football more generally. The article situates these standpoints within the wider cultural politics of race in the game and extricates the connections between discourse and structure in manifestations of racism. It demonstrates that these dominant responses are indicative of colour-blind ideology, white racial framing and the rules of racial standing. It also argues that these sporting trends are part of a wider societal shift towards racial neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although  Cuba is among the world’s most racially egalitarian countries, racism exists on the island despite years of progress and struggle for racial equality. One of the key concepts used by Cuban teachers to explain race and racism on the island is the discourse of post-racialism, through which the contemporary significance of race is denied. While a silencing tool at times, Cuban post-racial discourse has also been an effective strategy for countering racism on the island for well over a century. Based on a mixed method study (survey and interview) conducted in the Havana area, this article investigates teachers’ understandings of race and post-racialism in Cuba with a focus on education, schools and teachers’ work using a critical race theory framework. The findings reveal that teachers understand themselves as frontline race workers and vanguard anti-racists. At the same time, the pedagogy and practice in which they are engaged relies heavily on a color-blind, post-racial approach which is derived from the larger Cuban race narrative as well as from the teachers’ personal and communal experiences with race and racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I critically examine the eliminativist theories of race or racism, and the behavioral theory of racism, which provide the theoretical foundation, respectively, for the nominalist and substantive conceptualizations of the idea of a post-racial era. The eliminativist theories seek to eliminate the concepts of 'race' or 'racism' from our discourse. Such elimination indicates a nominalist sense of the idea of a post-racial era. The behavioral theory of racism argues that racism must be manifested in obviously harmful actions. And because such harmful actions are not prevalent today, this implies that we are in a post-racial era in a substantive sense. I conceptualize some subtle forms of racism that are prevalent today, which cannot be captured by the behavioral theory, but can best be captured by doxastic theories of racism. I conceptualize a substantive idea of a post-racial era, and then argue based on such conceptualization, that we are not in a post-racial era because subtle forms of racism are still prevalent today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because the dynamics of race are wrongly ignored in a current shroud of post-racialism (i.e. re-election of Barack Obama as president of the USA, shifting racial demographics in the USA, etc.), there are still communities in the USA and throughout the world that experience the damaging effects of racism entangled with the realities of class. Many still do not live in a post-racial utopia where ‘things are getting better’. Instead, for some, things are getting worse. In light of these realities, this article is an account of a community's attempt to interrupt the popularly shared notion that low-income/working-class communities of color do not deserve quality education. The title has particular significance in that the 14 is reflective of the 14 community members that endured a 19-day hunger strike to secure a school for 1600 students. It should be considered on the ‘edge’ of race in that it recognizes that race is often placed on the periphery of urban education, allowing policies to continually marginalize communities of color. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article draws on the social theory of Theodor W. Adorno in order to critique the discourse of ‘color-blindness’ and articulate an alternative individualist ideal of racial justice. I begin by noting that Adorno’s criticism of law in Negative Dialectics anticipates arguments against color-blindness advanced in critical race theory. I then explicate Adorno’s understanding of law in relation to his broader account of social domination. Race can be situated within this account through the concept of ‘second nature’. The notion of racial second nature elucidates the contradiction within color-blindness between formal equality and substantive inequality. As an alternative to the color-blind norm, I posit Adorno’s utopian ideal of emancipated individuality as an appropriate aspiration for racial justice. This ideal enables the jurisgenerative transformation of liberal rights concepts, which have at once enabled and constrained the struggle for racial equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racial microaggressions are brief, everyday interactions that send denigrating messages to people of color because they belong to a racially minoritised group. Compared to more overt forms of racism, racial microaggressions are subtle and insidious, often leaving the victim confused, distressed and frustrated and the perpetrator oblivious of the offense they have caused. Drawing on the counter‐narrative aspect of critical race theory that stresses the importance of understanding the role of race in the world through the experiences of people of color, I demonstrate the subtle but powerful ways in which racial microaggressions can manifest within a fictional academic setting and the consequences for those involved. It is argued that while engagement with overt forms of racism, notably through the recording of racist incidents, remains crucial towards the fight for race equality, this has tended within both education and wider British society to obfuscate understanding of these more nuanced, everyday forms of racism with which those of color must contend. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the processes of racialization imposed on Sa’moan youth through policy and practice in one urban, US school district and at one high school in particular. Specifically, I use the methodological practices of defamiliarization and counter‐storytelling to examine the contradictory practices of racialization and the simultaneously oppressive and transformative potentials these practices catalyze. The analysis of this process is framed by the Critical Race Theory concepts of colorblindness and Whiteness as property, which powerfully illustrate how this racialization both disrupts and reifies reigning local and national racial norms and hierarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports findings of a collaborative research project examining and seeking to improve the schooling experiences of a small but growing population of Latina/o students in a small-town secondary school over a 4-year period. The school was studied through ethnographic methods and surveys in 2005 and 2008. Initial findings were shared with the principal who proceeded to make substantial changes in school curriculum and climate, targeting an improved academic climate for Latinas/os. The story of the choices he made, the changes he and his staff implemented, and the consequent results regarding school climate for Latina/o students is the central narrative of this article. The theoretical framework of critical race theory and critical studies in Whiteness contextualizes this examination of change and enables analysis of why some changes were made rather than others as well as subsequent results for Latina/o students. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on post-racialism and colorblindness which evolved from a history of legislation. It also deals with Critical Race Theory (CRT) which helps to understand the relationship between race, law and social power. It presents the role of racism and discrimination in the U.S. According to CRT, racism is endemic in the U.S.

Critical Race Theory (CRT), an American legal theory, has been known for bringing race into left-wing legal analysis and for introducing power- and domination-related arguments into more traditional civil rights scholarship. So far, continental European legal literature has barely heeded CRT. This article seeks to assess CRT's potential contribution in analysing the relationship between race and law in the European context which is characterized by the invisibilization of race and by the narrow legal view of what constitutes racism. The case of French Republican colour-blindness illustrates the European model's contradictions with regard to the (non-)use of race. Instead of eliminating race, a more race-conscious legal analysis, as proposed by CRT in the United States, better addresses the lived experience of racism by people of colour in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article interprets the shortcomings of a multicultural strategy aimed at undoing processes of racial formation in a diverse high school (Kaleido High School). To interpret racial formation in Kaleido High School, we looked to critical race theory, but we found two approaches: one emphasizes identity as interpellated, and the other as multiple, fluid, and mutable. Both approaches explain observations from the field. Consistent with Foucault, we consider both interpretations of race as different discourses, each intelligible in context-specific terms. Accordingly, we interweave these two approaches and empirics to indicate circumstances whereby each approach is sensible. We find that Foucault's 'governmentality' helps reconcile what may otherwise appear as competing approaches. We conclude with a discussion of how a multicultural program might be instituted towards opening up spaces for transformational processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical Race Theory's (CRT's) first two decades produced a rich and diverse literature deconstructing law and society using a racial lens. CRT's emergence and rise occurred at a moment in history where the U.S. was still the uncontested unipolar superpower whose privileged elites enjoyed unprecedented prosperity and status. Despite its dominant standing in the world economy and polity, prevailing "social structures of accumulation" within the United States were already in decline. For CRT's next iteration, we argue that a critical race materialist approach is necessary to interpret the history of how economic and social structures of identity are inextricably linked. We believe such a "turn" is necessary due to two relatively new developments taking shape at the sunset of the twentieth and dawn of the twenty-first centuries—the end of the "golden era" reign of the U.S. as the world's hyperpower and the advent of global neoliberalism as the newest social structure of accumulation. We consider the role of critical race materialism in a historical moment of acute, persistent, and even growing, structural and identitatrian inequalities operationalized at both the micro and macro levels of society through legal colorblindness, political post-racialism, globalized neoliberalism, and their variegated interactions. This Article offers critical race materialism as an approach to guide the uncompleted project of racial and social justice. By adopting this term, we mean to capture and underscore the dynamic, multifaceted yet tightly collusive relationship between cultural and material exercises of legalized power to govern human lives, fortunes and destinies based on identitarian constructs like race, class, gender, or sexuality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Commentary Article aims to illustrate the value of comparative law to the jurisprudence of Critical Race Theory (CRT), particularly with reference to the CRT project of deconstructing the mystique of "post-racialism." The central thesis of the Article is that the dangerous seductions of a U.S. ideology of "post-racialism" are more clearly identified when subject to the comparative law lens. In particular, a comparison to the Brazilian racial democracy version of "post-racialism" is an instructive platform from which to assess the advisability of promoting post-racial analyses of U.S. racial inequality. In Part I the Article introduces the value of comparative law to the future development of CRT. Part II provides an overview of Brazilian "post-racial" discourse. Part III then details the quantitative and qualitative indicators of racial discrimination and intersectional race and gender discrimination in Brazil. Part IV focuses upon the Brazilian legal opposition to post-racialism as evidenced by a recent intersectional anti-discrimination case. The Article then concludes that the critical comparative examination of the Brazilian version of "post-racialism" assists in elucidating the concrete counterintuitive harms of a "post-racial" perspective in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article revisits the history of Critical Race Theory (CRT) through a prism that highlights its historical articulation in light of the emergence of post-racialism. The Article will explore two central inquiries. This first query attends to the specific contours of law as the site out of which CRT emerged. The Article hypothesizes that legal discourse presented a particularly legible template from which to demystify the role of reason and the rule of law in upholding the racial order. The second objective is to explore the contemporary significance of CRT's trajectory in light of today's "post-racial" milieu. The Article posits that CRT emerged between the pillars of liberal racial reform and Critical Legal Studies and that other conditions of its possibility included the temporal, institutional, and ideological nature of race discourse in the mid-eighties. Turning to the contemporary period, the Article posits that the post-racial turn presents conditions that are both parallel to and distinct from those that prevailed during CRTs formative years, and that the challenge of a contemporary CRT is to synthesize a transdisciplinary critique and counter-narrative to the post-racial settlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Barack Obama's first autobiography, Dreams from My Father (1995), explores themes of race and identity up to the late 1980s in the life of the first African American president. The book emphasizes Obama's personal struggle as the son of an interracial couple, and the social and environmental context that shaped his growth and transformation. Using the tools of critical race theory, Freeman illustrates how Obama's autobiography can be used in the classroom to explore an individual's developing racial consciousness in the 1970s and 1980s, and as a prism through which students can understand what it means to live in the post-civil-rights-movement era. Obama's life history illuminates how the ideas and meanings of racial progress in the United States are contested and struggled over on a daily basis at both the micro and macro level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a comparison of laws in the U.S. and England that govern transracial adoption of children from the state child care system. It explores the critical race theory and autopoetic theory to prove that transracial adoption law is about satisfying the desires of potential adoptive parents. It discusses the role of legal scholarship in solving racial inequalities and the use of colour-blind method. It also analyzes why the American adoption law status is confusing.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including colorblind perspectives in teaching, incorporation of technology in a mathematics classroom, and exploration of racism in inner city school by using critical race theory.