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This paper examines debates relating to international aid, civil society, and natural resource conflicts, through a case study of conflict sensitivity programming in Cambodia. The paper highlights the value of confrontational activism, yet the practice of conflict sensitivity can dissuade such activism. Embedded in the country's history and politics, the paper analyses the conflict sensitivity work of an international non-government organisation, revealing significant community-level success, including women's empowerment, but limitations in addressing systemic drivers of conflict. The case study also reveals how the application of conflict sensitivity contributed towards conflict and risk avoidance. In a global context of prevalent natural resource conflicts and related violence, this paper calls for critical reflection on the practice of conflict sensitivity, which continues to gain popularity globally. For development institutions and practitioners, conflict sensitivity has extensive value, but it must be implemented in ways that do not inadvertently dissuade more emancipatory civil society activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women's invisibility in political spaces is a glaring reality, particularly in patriarchal polities characterized by misogynistic attitudes towards feminine leadership. This article unpacks the socio-cultural variables that hinder women's participation in politics and other masculinized spheres of influence. The article focuses on the advocacy efforts of Women's Institute for Leadership Development in Gwanda, Zimbabwe. The article also details the successes and challenges scored by the lobbying effort. The article uses a qualitative research approach. It discusses the extent and effectiveness of women's involvement in local governance and how their participation relates to Sustainable Development Goal 5. It was established that the project has greatly improved ordinary women's participation in local governance in Gwanda Central. Capacity-building strategies implemented improved participation, competence, confidence, and effectiveness of women's local governance processes. Women are increasingly participating in leadership at various levels. The training and mentorship programmes inspired some women to contest in the 2018 elections. We recommend the government of Zimbabwe and civil society organizations facilitate the implementation of structural reforms that address systemic and institutionalized gender-based discrimination.00263 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the correlation between patriarchal attitudes, women's asset ownership, participation in household decision-making and women's educational attainment across 27 post-communist countries. It hypothesizes that patriarchal attitudes hinder women's educational achievements while women's asset ownership and participation in household decision-making facilitate them. Utilizing regression analysis, marginal effects, post-regression simulation, the study tests and confirms these hypotheses. Results show that for every unit increase in women's asset ownership and participation in decision-making, the odds of achieving higher educational attainment increase by approximately 35.7% and 16.5%, respectively. Conversely, a unit increase in patriarchal attitudes decreases these odds by 15.8%. The findings underscore the importance of state and civil society commitment to addressing gender disparities in education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can NGOs implement rights-based gender equality programs when donor focus on the area is shrinking? This paper explores how one development program has made strategic choices incorporating the interests of multiple stakeholders, addressing donor interests while simultaneously addressing the needs of local communities. It examines the evolution of BRAC's Polli Shomaj, a rural women's civil society organisation designed to challenge power structures through collective action in rural Bangladesh. It draws on interviews with program staff and existing program literature to find that over time, BRAC leadership has narrowed its program focus to shed its broad transformative agenda to focus solely on gender equality through a combination of service delivery and rights-based approaches. The paper suggests that while it is possible for NGOs to promote gender equality through a combination of rights-based and service-delivery approaches, greater focus is needed on challenging power structures to bring about lasting structural change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to explore the relation between religion, economy, culture, and the political status of women in Makran. Makran, being a division of the Province of Balochistan located at the southwest of the province, is rich in intellect and history. The region is a conflictridden zone at present badly hit by the waves of Baloch insurgency. Even though the participation of women in the field of education is quite encouraging, yet they have a very meagre share in politics. Religious considerations, economic dependence on males and cultural values contribute to create problems for women to engage in political affairs. Appropriate literature is reviewed to identify the issues that act as stumbling blocks to prevent women of Makran from the exercise of their constitutional right to make their presence felt in legislation and policy making. The kind of purposive sampling is used by conducting a survey to collect data and analyze it to arrive at a workable solution of the challenges that women of the area face. However, the results of the study suggest that women of Makran have very poor performance in politics, since the entire division has only three representatives in assemblies. Women cannot make decisions independently in the presence of male dominance. Until females are economically independent their political autonomy remains an unachievable dream. Civil society, being an integral part of the triangle of the modern state needs to be vigilant in the propagation of gender equality. Policies like creation of women party caucuses and networks, more reserved seats in assemblies and affirmative actions will serve well to ensure proportional representation of women in the political process promoting democracy and sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women empowerment is crucial for the progress of a society and a state. In this paper the district Buner's women vulnerable position is addressed in order to produce literature which can boost awareness in the society so that women can be emancipated. Since the inception, on the pretexts of religion and culture the women have been sieged in their homes which is against the very rights of human. In this regard, it is opted to utilize both the primary and secondary data under qualitative and quantitative methodologies in order to explain it effectively. As a results, the people have been using both religion and culture to regulate women resource as per their wishes. Such issue can be addressed on the genuine efforts of the government and the civil society at all fronts by modernizing the views of the people regarding women's rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to analyze the condition of ecofeminism in Indonesia in 2020–2022 using a content analysis approach and describe the causes that influenced it during the Covid-19 pandemic. With the rise of ecofeminism, women now actively participate in fighting for the environment by helping the environmental movement. The descriptive qualitative method analyzes news from four leading online news media in Indonesia, namely Kompas, Kumparan, Tempo, and Detik, by using NVivo's NCapture to record articles and NVivo 12 plus software for data analysis as well as other literature related to the research problem. This research found a need for ecofeminism research in Indonesia, as seen from literature mapping through Scopus database articles in 2020–2022. The content analysis results regarding the existence of ecofeminism differ among the four online news media. The results found that there are agents of change, climate change, development and sustainability, economics, environmental conservation, environmental crisis, women leaders, gender equality, environmental management, natural balance, the role of women in the environment, and women's empowerment. Another result is that the coverage of ecofeminism in 2020 and 2021 is still minimal. Meanwhile, in 2022, ecofeminism in the news with the scope of gender equality, agents of change, and women's empowerment was most widely reported. This research analysis found that two online news platforms, Tempo and Kompas in 2022, were most dominant in reporting on women and nature or ecofeminism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Boko Haram insurgency has caused the loss of many lives and untold suffering to numerous people in Northeast Nigeria. The violent victimisation of women is one of the devastating consequences of the conflict. This paper explored trends in the violence committed against women by security forces. The purpose is to contribute to the existing few studies in the extant literature detailing the violent atrocities of the security forces against women. There are already extensive studies on the nature of violence perpetuated against women by insurgents. This paper, underpinned by structural violence and radical feminism theoretical postulations, drew qualitative data from interviews published in grey literature on gender-centred violence and secondary data from academic studies. This paper adopted documentary and descriptive methods to analyse the relevant data. Since the emergence of the insurgency in 2009, civil society reports show that many women are victims of violence such as rape, forced detentions, torture, inhumane treatment and restrictions, insecurity, murder and displacement perpetrated by security forces. This pattern of violence is consistent with available evidence of gender-related violent behaviour in most armed conflicts and underlines the perception of women as symbols and objects of war. The paper argued that entrenched structural patriarchy, poverty, illiteracy and institutionalised exploitation and oppression of women in Northeast aggravated the vulnerability of women to violence in the conflict. Many survivors of the violence have their health, social and economic prospects severely affected by the experience. The paper suggested, among others, adequate genderisation of government rehabilitation, deradicalisation, destigmatisation, resettlement and reintegration intervention programmes, investigation and prosecution of alleged cases of sexual and gender violence against security forces. Government empowerment of citizens is critical to tackle the underlying causes of Boko Haram insurgency and gender-related socio-economic and cultural, factors promoting the societal discrimination of women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines the pivotal role of education in advancing the socio-economic status of women in Palakkad, Kerala, while confronting deeply entrenched traditional norms. Despite commendable progress in women's empowerment, the region continues to grapple with patriarchal structures that hinder women's advancement in various spheres of life. Through a comprehensive analysis of educational interventions, the research seeks to understand how education can act as a potent catalyst for dismantling these norms and fostering positive socio-economic changes for women. The study explores the impact of primary and secondary education in providing a strong foundation for girls, enabling them to pursue higher studies and diverse career paths. It also investigates vocational training and skill development programs that empower women with practical capabilities, fostering economic independence and narrowing the gender gap in the workforce. The study highlights the significance of promoting financial literacy among women, empowering them to make informed decisions about their finances and enhancing their overall socio-economic standing within the family and community. Despite challenges, the study underscores education's transformative potential in challenging traditional norms, promoting gender equality, and creating a more inclusive and progressive society. It emphasizes the need for collaborative efforts among policymakers, educators, and civil society to sustain the positive impact of education and foster women's empowerment in Palakkad and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since violent conflict escalated in Thailand's Deep South in 2004, women's groups have contributed to addressing societal issues in the form of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs). However, women have also carried the burden of the prolonged impact of the conflict. By applying the theoretical approach of historical institutionalism at the macro level and the feminist analysis at the micro level, this study seeks to investigate the institutional evolution of women's CSOs that gradually developed from 2004 to 2020. This study drew on empirical evidence from ten local CSOs working on women's issues. It found significant factors that have contributed to the institutionalization of women's CSOs as change agents for peacebuilding. These factors include historical legacy, critical juncture, path dependence, and the involvement of specific actors and events. This study argues that violent conflict in 2004 became a critical juncture that catalyzed the rise of women's CSOs in terms of more proactive engagement in society. At the same time, women's CSOs' main agendas were gradually shifted from victims' restoration projects to larger gender-based agendas of empowerment and peace initiatives. Over the past sixteen years, women's CSOs have a path toward institutional change moving from informal to formal contributions to peacebuilding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women's civil society organisations in Myanmar were critical actors in the struggle for women's political empowerment and transformative participation in the peace process. They filled the gap between marginalised women and decision-makers. They also significantly contributed to peace in Myanmar through their informal peacebuilding activities. This paper describes some of the peacebuilding practices of women's CSOs (WCSOs) and women-led CSOs to illuminate women's agency for peace in Myanmar. It particularly focuses on state-level women's organisations to help to bring marginal voices to the fore, and to highlight women's significant but often ignored contributions to everyday peace in local communities. It also draws on such WCSOs to envoice the muted voices in the women's movement in Myanmar, contribute to diversity, and enable an intersectional understanding of women's agency for peace in Myanmar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent is the EU projecting democratic norms in the area of gender? Gender equality and women's empowerment have been at the heart of the EU's external action since the Arab uprisings. This article is an in-depth study of how the EU interacts with non-state actors in practice, and beyond the recipient-donor relationship, in the format of tripartite dialogue whereby the EU, civil society and the Tunisian government consult each other before any major EU meeting. First, this article reviews what EU democracy projection involves in the field of gender equality. Then it offers a mapping of the local, active participants on feminism and gender equality. Third, the article focuses on an innovative practice of trust-building, that of the gender sub-group of the tripartite dialogue. The main argument is that the dialogue has provided a new venue to project trust-building practices that are central to the consolidation of democracy. Yet this practice is weakened by the lack of considerations of major divides around gender in Tunisian society. Interaction on democratic norms thus remains secluded to a very selective venue. Democracy projection is, however, not fully 'transversal' as the Islamist-secularist cleavage, socioeconomic inequalities and divides of the rural peripheries constrain the impact of the tripartite dialogue and subsequent democracy projection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the adoption of UNSCR 2242, which calls for the integration of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) and the Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) agendas, feminist scholars and activists have cautioned that such a move instrumentalises and securitises the WPS agenda and its objectives of gender equality and women's empowerment. Based on over 80 interviews with civil society actors involved in P/CVE in Kenya – specifically, Mombasa, Isiolo and Nairobi – this article argues that both the calls for empowerment and the critiques of instrumentalization similarly draw on racialised constructions of women's agency, or lack thereof, in the global south. Further, the instrumentalised/empowered binary is premised on a liberal feminist conceptualisation of agency only as resistance, which does not accurately capture the complex ways in which WPS actors and feminist peace activists negotiate with and work to transform security agendas. While recognising the harms caused by state and donor-led P/CVE approaches, this article centres the perspectives and experiences of men and women who work in daily violence prevention within and beyond the frame of P/CVE to theorise the agentive capacities that emerge from securitised spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Women's Working Group of the Civil Society and Indigenous Peoples' Mechanism (CSM) of the Committee on World Food Security (CFS) has long advocated for policies reflective of gender equity in agriculture and food systems rooted in agroecology, human rights, and food sovereignty. In 2021, after years of activism, a series of drafts toward a set of Voluntary Guidelines on Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment were produced by the CFS. With contributions from members of the CSM and La Via Campesina, we provide insights into the struggles, critiques, and paths forward for continued engagement with the CFS on this heavily politicized topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study documents the impact of a gender-sensitive home garden project initiated to mitigate the food and nutritional insecurity of 114 households in seven Mbororo communities in Cameroon's Northwest region. Key lessons learned regarding the empowerment of the Mbororo women; socio-economic and nutritional health benefits derived by Mbororo households from the cultivation of nutrient-rich, high market-value, and indigenous vegetables; and challenges faced during the project lifecycle are outlined. It is envisaged these lessons will support public, private, and civil society actors initiating similar home garden projects to address the food and nutrition insecurity of other minority groups in Sub-Saharan Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article addresses changing gender roles and Muslim female activism in post-2014 Crimea. It focuses on the civil society organisation Crimean Solidarity (Krymskaia solidarnost'), which appeared in 2016 as a result of the Russian authorities' criminalisation of Hizb ut-Tahrir (The Party of Islamic Liberation). At the time the study was conducted, August–November 2019, 70 male members of Hizb ut-Tahrir were in prison. Crimean Solidarity unites the families of arrested men, their lawyers, human rights defenders, journalists, and other sympathisers. The article is based on interviews with the women of Crimean Solidarity and analysis of their public speeches during the organisation's monthly meetings. I argue that the 2014 'Crimean crisis' contributed to a change in gender roles in the families of arrested party members and opened up space for women activists of Hizb ut-Tahrir in public spheres previously occupied mainly by men. This study contributes to the ongoing academic discussions on gender roles, women's agency, and empowerment in conflict zones. It also sheds light on the contemporary situation of the Crimean Tatar people in post-2014 Crimea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores lesson sharing between local civil society peacebuilders in the Korean and Northern Ireland peace processes. It presents reciprocal empowerment, a concept primarily utilized in women's empowerment literature, as a useful conceptual framework to be developed for examining interactions between local civil society peacebuilders who have mutual self-interest to overcome obstacles in top-down peace processes. Recently, historical similarities and concurrences in the peace processes have been increasing the lesson sharing visits between Korean and Northern Irish peacebuilders. Based on the in-depth empirical research on these visits, this article argues that comparative consultations between peace processes would not only generate useful lessons for each context, but also empower local peacebuilders, civil society in particular, provided the comparisons and interactions are reciprocal, not unidirectional or hierarchical. In this sense, this article contributes to the conceptual and practical discussions of every day, emancipatory peacebuilding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the empowerment of women and ex-prostitutes carried out by the interest group. This study explores the empowerment carried out by interest groups through work programs and various government linkages in the empowerment carried out by interest groups. The research took place in Makassar City. The research was qualitative with a phenomenological approach, in which primary data was obtained through observation and in-depth interviews, while secondary data came from various literature, supporting documentation and archives to strengthen primary data. Data were in words and spoken words from the observed research subjects. We employed the theory of civil society, feminism theory, interest group theory, and self-esteem theory. The results of this study indicate that interest groups have control over the empowerment and identity of women, especially former prostitutes. The work program and activities carried out can provide experience and learning materials for former prostitutes regarding several aspects of life such as inculcating morality and helping the community in increasing self-potential, providing guidance and empowerment of former disabled women, conducting counseling, and building strength with legally aid institutions. The government's involvement dealt with providing legal certainty as a social service. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The empowerment of women is not a new concept. However, it is still a challenging issue in most developing countries like Nepal. This study attempts to assess women's empowerment through self-help groups (SHGs) in Nepal. Knowledge, association, and participation are the leading indicators to measure the effect of SHGs on women's empowerment. Data for this study is entirely based on the Nepal Social Inclusion Survey 2018, comprising 16,329 currently married women aged 15-49 years. The binary logistic regression method has been used to show the effect of SHGs on women's empowerment. Findings show that women's active participation in SHGs matters in empowering women. Women who participate in SHGs are more empowered than those who do not participate and have no knowledge of SHGs. The influence of participation is found more effective, especially in the sociocultural domain, than in the economic and political spheres. The findings further show a gap among women members. The reasons for this difference may vary because empowerment is contextual. Thus, the local government, civil society, and women activists need to realize women's inclusion and active participation in SHGs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yero Baldeh has over twenty-four years of professional experience, seventeen of which with the African Development Bank. He is currently the Director of the Transition States Coordination Office at the African Development Bank (AfDB), Abidjan, Cote d'Ivoire. Prior to this, he was the Country Manager for Ghana, Lead Coordinator of the Transition States Coordination Office and Country Manager in Sierra Leone, among other posts. Before he joined the Bank in 2004, Dr Baldeh was the Head of The Gambia Social Development Fund. Amel Hamza has more than thirty years of management and technical experience on gender and related topics, with over a decade of successful track record in the AfDB. She is currently leading the AfDB's roll-out and implementation of the 2021-2025 Gender Strategy. Prior to joining the AfDB, Dr Hamza worked in academia in her home country of Sudan and held different positions in UNICEF and UN Women. She holds a master's degree in Development Studies with specialization in Women and Development from the Institute of Social Studies, from the Netherlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the US failed to implement the WPS Act and offers a practical demonstration of how to analyze Afghanistan's security situation from a WPS lens before making three policy arguments regarding what the United States can learn from this error. This omission from the ongoing political debate demonstrates that - despite the United States in the late 2010s being "the first country in the world with a comprehensive law on WPS, and I de facto i , the first with a whole-of-government strategy that responds to such a domestic law"[1] - its government and security communities have not yet fully integrated critical WPS concepts and theories or understood their practical applicability for US security and policy decisions. The US military withdrawal process from Afghanistan brought politicized accusations of multiple foreign policy - military, intelligence, and diplomatic - miscommunications and misconceptions. WPS analyses are critical to understand why Afghanistan destabilized so quickly WPS analyses are critical if policymakers and security professionals truly wish to understand why Afghanistan destabilized so quickly and what the United States should consider for future drawdowns. [Extracted from the article]

This study is an attempt to determine COVID-19's impact on household food safety. The study adopted a case study approach, and Sheshegu location was chosen as the research area for the Amathole District of the South African Eastern Cape Province. Data collection was done in multiple households with the help of a semi-structured questionnaire, as well as collecting information from secondary sources. The study focused on the notion of food security as a theoretical basis for the analysis, which was primarily a cross-case analysis. This study does not address the analysis of individual cases; however, individual cases are provided as examples and as backup for the synthesis. In addition, the food safety analysis focused only on the availability of calories and not on nutritional quality. The findings of this study show the need for household empowerment in a more sustainable way through income-generating skills training and small-scale home gardening practice. It was also revealed the need for nutrition education, so that conventional and healthy choices can be included in the patterns of household food consumption and not only seen as an alternative when preferred foods such as meat are not present. The research further showed that COVID-19's effect correlated with the position in which the household was prior to the onset of the disease or subsequent death. Coping methods often differed, depending on the position of the household and the amount of contribution that the sick family member made to the food budget. During the time of care for the sick family member, inter-household effects and gender differentials were noted. During times of food shortages interhousehold effects were also observed. There was also a high degree of dependence on government safety nets among these households, which contributed to some extent to the lack of diversification of livelihoods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how Indonesian civil society organisations (CSOs) working for women's empowerment and gender equality have worked together with members of parliament (MPs) to support processes of developmental change. Examples are taken from initiatives supported by MAMPU, an Australian government funded project that promotes gender equality and women's empowerment in Indonesia, describing ways in which gender-focused organisations have engaged with, and had an impact upon, the actions of political leaders in parliament. The article focuses on interaction between institutions and the agency exercised by individuals within institutions. MPs act within a structure of institutional and political incentives, but they also have the power to make choices about how they respond to incentives. Moreover, the leaders of outside actors such as CSOs can modify the structure of incentives by both applying pressure on MPs and providing opportunities for legislators to make different choices. One of MAMPU's tools for targeting MPs has been political economy analysis. Having correctly understood the pressures and incentives facing MPs, CSOs can target their actions to bring about outcomes favourable to both sides in what the article calls 'alliances of instrumental advantage.' Organisations supported by MAMPU achieved success where relationships were forged between the organisations and politicians based on the identification of mutual advantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article analyses the relation between security and enhanced women's participation in political, legal, and social matters in Rwanda after the genocide. Rwanda serves as a unique example of the fast empowerment of women in a developing state and hence as a model sui generis for investigating connections between greater female participation in post-conflict reconstruction and an improving security situation. The analysis consists of three research questions which examine the results achieved by women in legislation, civil society, and the judiciary, and their impact on the improvement of security in Rwanda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parivartan Plus is a structured sports mentoring programme for girls, implemented in a Mumbai slum where social expectations around gender-appropriate behaviour and good parenting restricts girls’ mobility and visibility in public spaces. This article presents practice-based learning from developing and implementing programme theory to empower girls in achieving changes in their everyday social interactions at home and beyond. Gender and social norms theory were combined with local practical wisdom to turn main implementation challenges into opportunities. The article reflects on the strategies that gave visibility to, and achieved community endorsement for, the erosion of restrictive gender norms while ensuring community safety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The paper examines 'gender empowerment' and 'women empowerment' approaches in the select villages of north Indian states viz. Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Himachal Pradesh. It is a result of field experience (2009–2011) and theoretical frameworks of women and gender empowerment endorsed by the world level donor organizations. The study finds that intervention by civil societies and mere providing power and position to women in local governance both have a very limited effect on women empowerment in patriarchic Indian societies and argues that women empowerment approach is a pre-requisite to achieve gender equality in the rural north Indian societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Pakistan, women's empowerment has always been a subjective matter of debate among the media, civil society and the state machinery because of its multifarious connotations and dimensions. The focus of my study is to evaluate how, along with many other agents of modernization (for example, media, state legislation, and civil society), female education plays a fundamental role in transforming the traditionally conceived submissive role of Punjabi women into individuals, whose potentials are fully realized. Although in comparison with males, the female literacy rate and workforce percentages have been disappointing in Pakistan. Nevertheless some improvement can be witnessed, depending on the geographic location. This study, through a survey questionnaire and focused group discussions targeting undergraduate female university students of Punjab, observes that in comparison with illiterate women, educated and professional women are not only sensitized but also equipped to deal with various issues of life, ranging from health to financial needs. My findings from qualitative and quantitative data analysis further imply that despite gaining education and professional expertise a majority of women are not completely free in their decisions about basic personal matters of life like marriage, divorce, mobility and claims over ancestral inheritance. The results of my research indicate various reasons for this lacuna. First, are centuries old gender biased socio-cultural practices, which unlike for men, confine, scrutinize and specify the roles of women in society. Second, is misinterpretation of religion by orthodoxy, overlooking the contextual meaning of Quranic verses. These cultural practices and religious orientations are two separate domains; however, in Pakistani society over a period of time, these distinctive realms have overlapped in ways that have become difficult to disentangle, for common individuals. My research concludes that there is a need to transform the mind-set of the over-all society through effective education, mass media campaigns (print, electronic and social), and civil society support in order for society to begin to understand the value of women's education with an endorsement of their equal rights in all decisions of their lives, manifesting women's empowerment as a reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We argue that women's political empowerment (WPE) should enhance economic growth, by facilitating technological innovation. • We find robust evidence that WPE is positively related to subsequent GDP per capita growth, across 182 countries and 221 years. • The estimated relationship is sizeable: Improvements in WPE correspond to large long-runs gains in economic development. • Consistent with our proposed mechanism, WPE is also robustly related to total factor productivity growth, a proxy for technological change We investigate whether and how women's political empowerment relates to technological change, the main driver of long-term economic growth. We argue that three aspects of empowerment – descriptive representation, civil liberties protection, and civil society participation – advance technological change and thereby economic growth through (a) increasing the number and variability of new ideas introduced in the economy and (b) improving the selection of more efficient ideas. Drawing on data from 182 countries and 221 years, we test various implications from our argument. Women's political empowerment is positively related to subsequent economic growth. This relationship persists across various model specifications and when accounting for different potential confounders. The three sub-components of empowerment are also, individually, related to growth, although not as strongly as the aggregated concept. The relationship is retained across different contexts, but is clearer for "Non-Western" countries and in earlier time periods. We also find evidence that women's political empowerment enhances technological change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil society in Pakistan has been playing its role in social, economic and political empowerment of women. Unfortunately, despite of the emergence of vibrant print/electronic media, wide-spread network of women related non-governmental organizations and the focus of political parties on women related issues; a large segment of female population is still struggling hard for the equal status. However, it is pertinent to state that the notion of women empowerment is deeply linked with an over-all change in patriarchal structure of the society, on one side and the truthful understanding of religion (Islam) on the other. We cannot neglect this reality that the growing trend to provide equal opportunities of education and employment to women has contributed to their welfare, but not effective through to make a dent in their over-all well-being. In spite of the fact that more representation is given to the women in legislatures, neither have they suggested remedies for the grievances and dismal plight of women, nor they could suggest the broad framework to improve the role of female socio-economic and political in Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'Middle East Partnership Initiative' (MEPI) is now the main framework for U.S. soft interventions in the Middle East. Established by the Republican administration in 2003, this program follows a rationale of political and economic reforms as a means to uproot terrorism and spread democracy. This article offers a content analysis of this program by questioning the assumptions behind the MEPI's focus on 'civil society' and 'women's empowerment' and by showing their significance to neoliberal regimes of pacification and securitization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]