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Abstract: Using the Kobe earthquake of 1995 and the Mid-Java earthquake of 2006 as case studies, this paper discusses the process of providing cultural recovery assistance; it also analyses the term ‘civil society’, a term that reflects efforts to make assistance activities sustainable. The Kobe earthquake should be seen as a point of departure for citizen activism by volunteers; because of it, cultural recovery support was vigorously provided. Since people influenced by those support efforts later became involved in providing Mid-Java earthquake recovery assistance, both earthquake recovery support initiatives can be seen as part of an ongoing chain of events. In analysing the Kobe earthquake, it becomes clear that while there are many semantic meanings for and usages of the term ‘civil society’, it was incorporated into policy guidelines for recovery during a period of low economic growth, and a new civil society was envisioned in this period of social transformation. Organisations participating in assistance efforts following the Mid-Java earthquake sought to make ‘civil society’ a reality; this continued after the earthquake recovery was complete, and it comprised an attempt to build the connections within a civil society by looking to overcome many persistent social problems. The power of communication that ‘culture’ holds plays a large role in this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to retrieve journal articles related to Islamic philanthropy over a span of 16 years and propose new pathways for future research. The study involved a bibliometric analysis of 122 publications on the subject registered in the Scopus database from 2007 to 2023. The bibliometric procedure evaluates research performance and progress within an international impact framework, while Biblioshiny-R and VOSviewer visualize overall research trends in Islamic philanthropy. The results of the study show that Indonesia is the country with the most publications related to Islamic philanthropy. Hilman Latief and Fauzia Amalia are the two leading authors in this field based on the total number of publications and citations. The Journal of Muslim Philanthropy and Civil Society is the journal that has published the most papers on this topic. Some of the author's most recent keywords include "islamic charity; muslim philanthropy; sadaqa; ethics of giving; needy; philanthropy; Islam; zakat; charity; muhammadiyah; islamic; sdgs; food security; wealth," which shows a strong current interest in the study of Islamic philanthropy. This paper is useful to academics, organizations, and policymakers in understanding the general picture of the field of Islamic philanthropy and allows future researchers to see where this study started and trace its shifts over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jurnal Jurisprudence is the property of Jurnal Jurisprudence and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the production of fatwas and pluralism of the Islamic legal perspective on almsgiving (zakat) issued by Muslim civil society organizations in Indonesia and analyzes the goals, methods, and logic of Islamic scholars in formulating their religious judgments (fatwa). Religious teachings have been instrumental in underpinning the spirit of giving and volunteering. Yet, questions about how religious teachings are interpreted through various Islamic legal examinations remain interesting to discuss, partly because the nuances of the fatwa on zakat indicate Muslims' pluralistic and dynamic reception of Islamic teachings. Some Muslim civil society organizations have produced hundreds of fatwas on zakat in response to Muslim communities' questions. This paper argues that efforts to contextualize zakat practices and endeavors to preserve the orthodoxy of the zakat tradition among Indonesian Islamic scholars and fatwa institutions have led to diversity in formulating legal reasoning and in turn resulted in fatwa pluralism and fragmented zakat practices in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

STRiDE was an ambitious four-year project in seven countries aiming to build capacity around generating and using research to support the development of policies to improve quality of life of people with dementia and their carers. The project's innovative approach combined rigorous academic research and hands-on civil society advocacy. This paper explores the project's unique strategy for policy change and compiles case-studies from several of the STRiDE countries. Finally, we share lessons learned and next steps to keep momentum for policy change going in each of these countries – and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nurcholish Madjid and Abdurrahman Wahid are regarded as two of Indonesia's most influential Muslim intellectuals at the turn of the twentieth century. Adapting the concept of Barton (1997), both Madjid and Wahid are not only prominent public intellectuals but also can be considered intellectual ulama, scholars who combine the best of classical scholarship and intellectual leadership with modern secular and Islamic learning and participated alongside other public intellectuals in Indonesia's civil society forums. In addition, Greg Barton labels these personalities and characteristics of thought as Neo-Modernists or Neo-Modernist thinkers. This paper examines the interpretation of Madjid, who studied in a more Western academic culture, and Wahid, who studied in a Middle-Eastern country, on civil society as the manifestation of both Neo-Modernism's thought, followed by a discussion on the similarities and differences between the two ideas. Through an exploratory and comparative analysis, this study reveals that the Neo-Modernism interpretation of civil society articulated by both can be seen in their progressive thought towards Islam and society, Madjid with his idea of secularization and further changed into de-sacralization while Wahid with his thinking on the indigenization of Islam (Pribumisasi Islam). Their thoughts introduce an open, inclusive, progressive understanding of the relationship between Islam and civil society, asserting social pluralism and modernity and stressing the need for tolerance and understanding. Moreover, this paper also argues that both interpretations of Islam and civil society have been constructive for Indonesia in promoting democratic reforms, strengthening the importance of the Pancasila (the five pillars) foundation and state constitution, not religious sectarianism (theocracy), thus refuting the notion that Islam is incompatible with democracy and pluralism and assisting Indonesian society in the productive synthesis of Islamic ideas and modern concepts such as democracy, liberalism, and secularism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes a research-practice project that produced guidance materials for, and built knowledge on, assessing climate impacts on gender and socially inclusive water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) services. Lessons about the relevance of gender and social inclusion for WASH climate resilience, and recommendations for programming and policy are provided. This paper outlines how a team of researchers and practitioners developed participatory community-based activities for assessing climate impacts on inclusive WASH in Indonesia and Timor-Leste. The team found differences in the type and magnitude of impacts that different people experience, burdens of responding to impacts, capacity to prepare for and respond to impacts, and influence on WASH decision-making. WASH programming and policy-making should seek to leverage tacit knowledge of local stakeholders and consult diverse people to inform climate interventions that provide equitable benefits. Partnerships between civil society organizations and research organizations can generate valuable and innovative learnings for WASH practice and policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapid expansion of oil palm plantations in Indonesia has generated a large and growing number of conflicts between rural communities and palm oil companies over, mainly, access to land. Employing a detailed documentation of 150 such conflicts in four Indonesian provinces, this paper assesses and evaluates how local, national and international NGOs help communities address their grievances. We find that rights‐based activism characterises only a small portion of NGOs working on land conflicts, as a more common strategy revolves around political brokerage. NGOs generally fail to achieve significant impact, with the partial exception of (those connected with) international NGOs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role of women's organizations in preventing family-based radicalism. The research was conducted on two civil society women activist groups, namely Fatayat NU and Family Welfare Empowerment (PKK), who had concerns about empowering women through strengthening family resilience. Qualitative data was collected through interviews and focus group discussions. The results showed that the role of these activists in preventing radicalism can be categorized into two categories. Prevention of radicalism for families who have not been exposed to radicalism is done by strengthening family resilience through economic, health, education, socio-religious activities, and an increased understanding of radicalism, i.e. by detecting and avoiding radical ideologies. For high-risk families or those who have been exposed to radicalism, these civil society organizations provide intensive assistance through social based strengthening and trauma healing. Assistance to children of former terrorists is carried out by these organizations to ensure the fulfilment of children's rights as guaranteed by law. These organizations also collaborate with the government and NGOs to increase effectiveness in preventing familybased radicalism. The paper concludes that the role of women, families and communities is strategic in creating a harmonious family atmosphere and preventing family members from being exposed to radicalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Islamika is the property of Center for the Study of Islam & Society of UIN Jakarta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background This paper will report on the successful co-location of a community-based arts and sexual health project that aimed to engage, educate and create testing, treatment and care pathways at a co-located mobile sexual health clinic and community-controlled art gallery in Yogyakarta, Indonesia.Methods: Mixed methods were used to evaluate the project, including a visitor (n = 1181) and artist (n = 85) log book, a convenience audience survey (n = 231), and qualitative semi-structured interviews (n = 13) with artists and audience to explore the effect of arts-based activities on access to sexual health information and services, and stigma and discrimination.Results: In total, 85 artists curated five separate exhibitions that were attended by 1181 people, of which 62% were aged ≤24 years. Gallery attendance improved awareness and participatory and interactive engagement with sexual health information through a medium described as interesting, fun, cool, and unique. The co-located clinic facilitated informal pathways to sexual health services, including HIV/AIDS testing, treatment, and care. Importantly, the project created shared understandings and empathy that challenged stereotypes and myths, reducing stigmatising beliefs and practices.Conclusions: Arts-based programs are transformative and can be effectively implemented, replicated and scaled up in low-resource settings to create awareness and initiate for HIV prevention, testing, treatment, and care. Art-based health programs engages people in their communities, mobilises civil society, builds enabling environments to reduce stigma and discrimination and improves access to testing and prevention; essential features needed to end AIDS in Indonesia (and the Southeast Asia region) while improving the lives of those most vulnerable to infection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Expulsion from the state is approached as a crisis within both human rights and refugee studies, with Hannah Arendt proposing that the 'loss of national rights was identical with the loss of human rights' (Arendt 1976, p. 292). This analysis conceptualises the state as a protective structure and seeks to rehabilitate the refugee into the state system, whether within a reformed natal state (through return) or into a new state (through local integration or resettlement), ultimately restoring the refugee as 'citizen'. This model is rooted in what Nira Yuval-Davis (1997, p. 119) terms 'the "fraternal" enlightenment project' and is both western centric and has a male, purportedly universal-imagined citizen at its heart. Postcolonial feminist scholars have articulated the many ways in which third world/non-western women's relationships to the state are more commonly either distant or repressive. Expulsion from the state may not, for those who have held only notional or marginal citizenship, entail the 'radical crisis' of human rights (Agamben 1998, p. 126) that refugee studies and human rights that theories conceive. Moments of rupture and crisis that disrupt powerful sociocultural norms and break the alliance between constraining state and civil society structures (patriarchal ethnic and religious institutions) can also be moments of social transformation and opportunity. This paper explores the social practices and testimonies of refugees in transit in Indonesia to examine the assumptions underpinning citizenship and to question whether the social good that citizenship aims to deliver needs to be tied to the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the election monitoring in Indonesia with a specific focus on a unique element in Indonesian elections that is the Elections Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu), an official institution established to observe and monitor the electoral process. Bawaslu had gained considerable juridical authority since 2017, granted by the election law, to not only monitor and provide recommendations, but also has the power to intervene with the electoral process and to judge any electoral offence. In the case of 2019 concurrent election, Bawaslu's newfound authority had led to a constant conflict with the General Election Commission (KPU). It is also argued that Bawaslu's existence is one of the causes that have led to the declining participation of local or international civil society in election monitoring in Indonesia. This research uses observational study to evaluate the 2019 concurrent election and interviews with KPU, Bawaslu, as well as local and international election monitoring NGOs in Indonesia. We argue that Bawaslu's current role is not ideal in the context of Indonesian electoral system because the participation from civil society in election monitoring is still very much needed in democracy consolidation in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the claim that ideas and practices of international development, including community development, are embedded in Western notions of how to organize society. It elucidates some of the main precepts of the westernization thesis, and drawing on several studies of community development projects in Indonesia, it investigates what elements might be considered as ‘Western’ and whether the adoption of so-called Western ways is the result of the dominating power of international agencies or a pragmatic choice of active agents. The paper argues that the westernization thesis is problematic and does little to help us understand the complex interactions involving change at the community level. From a community development perspective, the question of whether the themes of westernization are appropriate is not a matter of the views of outside experts, but whether they are of use to the people at the grassroots in their collective endeavours. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Jurnal Wacana Politik is the property of Jurnal Wacana Politik (JWP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Guided by the literature on public sociology and the entry of civil society actors into the state, this paper analyses the increasing role of Indonesian academics in electoral politics. We assess both the impacts of their involvement on democratic reform, measured via election and policy outcomes, and on the academic profession itself. Academics merit separate study because of their dual status in Indonesia, as both civil servants and civil society members. As civil servants, academics face legislative prohibitions against their involvement in electoral politics, leading them to become involved on a 'don't ask, don't tell' basis. These entry circumstances strongly shape their strategies to exert influence and also exacerbate the costs of their political involvement. Nevertheless, we find no compelling case against the entry into electoral politics. Indonesian academics can claim some success in shaping the outcome of the 2014 presidential election, without incurring commensurate negative effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political strategy in Indonesia, with its research method quantitative approach with snowball sampling technique with a sample size of 1,200 respondents from 38 provinces. margin of error of approximately 5 percent at a 95 percent confidence level with its data analysis technique descriptive statistics where data analysis is used to describe or summarize the main characteristics of strategic political leadership in Indonesia, its data analysis tool uses SPSS statistics version 26, with a time of 2 years, with its research results where scientific selection and training of workers, the role of civil society, political parties, the military, and do not know with an average of 86%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The digitisation process, i.e. the migration from analogue to digital, in Indonesia is still an ongoing process with a target date of completion by 2018. However, the job to implement the migration remains controversial. Many civil society stakeholders have many reasons to criticise the government's choice in the digitalitzation of broadcasting. This paper is a descriptive research into the digitisation process in Indonesia until first quarter of 2013. It aims to: (a) describe the polemics between pro- and anti-stakeholders in Indonesia in response to the digitisation in Indonesia; and (b) discuss the latest developments in the digitisation process, as well as analyse the implication of this process from the perspective of public interests. The research used a qualitative approach in completing the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses why agricultural productivity is still very low in peripheral parts of eastern Indonesia. The paper identifies rules and norms underpinning traditionalism. It further addresses how increased land-use efficiency can be supported while maintaining communal land ownership. Information collected from in-depth interviews was analysed based on new institutional economics (NIE) theory. I argue that the government, adat leaders, the Catholic Church, leading businesses, and internationally funded NGOs are organisations contributing to the status quo. Policy recommendations include awareness among international donors of what NGOs really do. Civil society organisations could contribute to a more efficient and democratic government and less feudalist traditional leadership. A government tax on fertile land could form the basis for a cadastre system, secure farmers’ permanent land-user rights, and also enhance land productivity, without reducing the values of a rich culture based on communal land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Over the past decade, the European Union (EU) has created a novel experimentalist architecture for transnational forest governance: the Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) initiative. This innovative architecture comprises extensive participation by civil society stakeholders in establishing and revising open‐ended framework goals (Voluntary Partnership Agreements [VPAs] with developing countries aimed at promoting sustainable forest governance and preventing illegal logging) and metrics for assessing progress toward them (legality standards and indicators) through monitoring and review of local implementation, underpinned by a penalty default mechanism to sanction non‐cooperation (the EU Timber Regulation that prohibits operators from placing illegally harvested wood on the European market). This paper analyzes the implementation of VPAs in Indonesia and Ghana, the two countries furthest advanced toward issuing FLEGT export licences. A central finding is the reciprocal relationship between the experimentalist architecture of the FLEGT initiative and transnational civil society activism, whereby the VPAs’ insistence on stakeholder participation, independent monitoring, and joint implementation review, underwritten by the EU, empowers domestic non‐governmental organizations with local knowledge to expose problems on the ground, hold public authorities accountable for addressing them, and contribute to developing provisional solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares post-transition Philippines and Indonesia, examining the ways in which authoritarian practices survive and are shaped by regime transition. It examines the transition process in each case, to identify the problems of management and control that regime elites set for themselves in the post-dictatorship period. It is argued that Philippine elites set out to disaggregate and domesticate an already mobilized opposition movement, while the Indonesian authorities strove to keep similar popular politics from mobilizing. The paper then considers how these political objectives find expression in the structuring of two important institutional fields - the electoral and policy making processes - concluding with an examination of how these considerations influence patterns of repression. In particular, the paper also investigates whether repression targets primarily proscribed modes of activity, or sets out to threaten and intimidate proscribed organizations and people. Differences in electoral and policy processes, as well as in patterns of repression, demonstrate the ways in which authoritarianism can survive regime transitions and can undermine the promise of democracy in the post-dictatorship period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary & Nonprofit Organizations is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to explain the relationship between the conflict of interests of the village head and the Village Owned Enterprises (BUMDes) sustainability in the Bekasi Regency, Indonesia. The study was conducted using qualitative methods. Moreover, primary data were obtained through interviews with selected informants who were purposively determined. Other data were sourced from secondary data obtained from written documents on BUMDes. Direct observation of selected objects as reinforcement data from the results of interviews and secondary data has also been used. The study's findings indicate that the village head's position in the BUMDes structure has encouraged the village head to abuse power. This happens because the political cost to occupy the position of the village head is quite substantial. These conditions encourage the Village Head to hold a position within the BUMDes. The findings of this study have practical implications and suggest that BUMDes as an instrument of village development with social and economic functions are prone to be abused by stakeholders. Ordinary people are not yet fully participant in a healthy civil society culture, and society's Bekasi Regency style that has turned into a suburban community, tends to neglect BUMDes. They tend to not want to be involved in activities that seek to build the community's economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is aimed to study the contestation between state and civil society in zakah management in Indonesia as a part of socio political dynamic of secularization of zakāh as an Islamic economy instrument in Indonesian situation. More specifically, about how the state of Indonesia manages to secularize the zakāh as a divine instrument into a country which adopt semi-secular system. The research scrutinizes the contestation between state and civil society in zakāh management through the cases and trial observation at Indonesian Constitutional Court (on judicial review the Law No. 23/2011 on Zakat Management) and Supreme Court (judicial review Government Regulation No. 14/2014 on Zakat Management). Some resistances to local ordinances on zakāh management in various places in Indonesia are also being studied. The research has shown that the practice of zakāh in Indonesia is specific and different from the practices in other Muslim countries. In a predominantly Muslim country, zakāh practices in Indonesia are actually a product of Indonesian Muslims’ social, cultural, and political dynamics. The research employs Joel S. Migdal theory on contestation. In these Migdalian’s “junctures” between state forces and social forces, these non-state zakāh agencies naturally launch contestation in both forms of struggle and accommodation. These non-state agencies accommodate their survival through modernization of their daily operation to reach more sources of funds and targets as well as launch a legal struggle to annul some disadvantageous parts within the newly arrived secularization of zakāh management through the politicization of zakāh. In the meeting grounds for state and social forces, the results vacillate - depending on the place and context of the contestation - between what Migdal (1994) calls the state’s appropriation of social forces or symbols and the dominant social forces’ adaptation to the presence of a state’s components. In this set of mutual accommodation strategies, all become possible: co-optation, creation of multiple networks of clients, and corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the field of civil society and democracy promotion, the relevance and effectiveness of donor strategies is often linked to their ability to adjust to local contextual factors. Despite the importance attached to tailor-made approaches, donor-sponsored democracy promoting NGOs in such different parts of the world as Ghana and Indonesia have very similar organizational characteristics. This paper explores the question of why they are so similar. We draw on institutional theory and use the concept of organizational isomorphism to illustrate how different pressures result in the homogenization of organizational characteristics. We find that besides the more commonly identified unequal power relation between donor and recipient, homogenization also stems from the NGOs themselves and from the relation between their various organizational characteristics (i.e., mission, staff, strategy, and structure). Furthermore, we argue that the process of homogenization can be seen as the institutionalization of trust between donor and recipient. In our discussion, we reflect on the limitations of our findings and on what they mean for donor support to NGOs and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the first two decades after the end of the authoritarian New Order regime, Indonesian civil society was widely hailed as a bulwark against elite attempts to roll back the country's democratic achievements. More recent assessments, however, have highlighted how polarisation, socio-religious conservatism and growing state repression have increasingly restricted civil society's ability to defend Indonesian democracy against further backsliding. In the face of these growing pressures, political activists have nonetheless demonstrated adaptability, resourcefulness and resilience, and, despite the narrowing space for dissent and protest, occasionally succeeded in halting and even reversing anti-democratic trends. In this article, we focus on two segments of civil society – women's rights groups and environmental activists – to illustrate under what circumstances progressive political activism in contemporary Indonesia can still be effective in upholding diagonal accountability and defending human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

REDD+ social safeguards have gained increasing attention in numerous forums. This paper reviews the evolution of multi-level policy dialogues, processes, and actions related to REDD+ social safeguards (e.g., Cancun Safeguards 1–5) among policy makers, civil society organizations, and within the media in Brazil, Indonesia and Tanzania, three countries with well advanced REDD+ programs. We find that progress on core aspects of social safeguards is uneven across the three countries. Brazil is by far the most advanced having drafted a REDD+ social safeguards policy. Both Brazil and Indonesia have benefited from progress made by strong sub-national entities in the operationalization of REDD+ safeguards including free prior and informed consent (FPIC), participation, and benefit sharing. Tanzania has weakly articulated how social safeguards will be operationalized and has a more top-down approach. We conclude that in all three countries, measuring, reporting and verifying progress on social safeguards is likely to be a complex issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an historical outline and discusses the contemporary meanings of Indonesian jazz. Transformations in the jazz scene following the transition from Indonesia's first to second totalitarian regime (1964–1967) are linked to market reforms that opened the nation to increased Western investment and media. Jazz later played a conspicuous role in the tumultuous dissolution of dictatorial rule and the introduction of democratic reform. For some Indonesians, jazz embodied the complex and ambivalent transformations of freedom itself as Indonesia emerged as the world's third largest democratic state at the turn of the twenty-first century. During the reform era Indonesian jazz has been marked by a tension between adherence to American models and efforts to localize it through hybrid experiments that embody new collectivities in the reintroduction of civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Ulama Council of Indonesia (MUI) is an advisory body with a nationwide network of branches that produces fatwa ‘to guide the Islamic community and the government’. Nominally an independent NGO, MUI has always had a complex and mutually dependent relationship with the state, which established it and funds it. This paper describes regulatory changes since Soeharto's fall in 1998 that have expanded MUI's formal role in the state system for the administration of Islamic legal traditions and, in particular, the ‘syariah economy’. These changes have heightened MUI's influence and the legal authority of its fatwa, granting it new institutional roles (and, in some cases, monopolies) in relation to halal certification, Islamic finance and the haj pilgrimage. MUI has now begun to accrue quasi-legislative powers resembling those enjoyed by state ulama councils and state Muftis elsewhere in Southeast Asia, but not previously available to any modern Indonesian fatwa-producing body. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Asian Journal of Women's Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Soeharto era concern about corruption was deflected by the establishment of toothless anti-corruption committees, and by suppression of anti-corruption activism and media comment. With Soeharto's demise, activists began to publicise their concerns more openly - at first speaking in general terms, but later making increasingly specific allegations. The sporadic activism of the Soeharto years was consolidated, first through cooperative action among similarly motivated informal groups, and later through establishment of formal civil society organisations (CSOs) intent on rolling back corruption. The CSOs have played a key role in pushing for new laws and institutions to help eradicate corruption, and many corrupt officials have been imprisoned. This paper finds little evidence, however, that corruption has declined significantly. It argues that further progress depends on CSOs gaining a better understanding of the underlying causes of corruption, and that these are to be found in public sector personnel management practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What role do moderate Islamic organizations play in promoting democratization in Malaysia and Indonesia? What is the difference between large, grassroots organizations and newer more urban-based non-governmental organization (NGOs)? Is one type of organization more effective than the other? This paper looks at the changing dynamics of moderate or progressive Islamic organizations in Malaysia and Indonesia. It examines organizations such as the Liberal Islam Network in Indonesia and Sisters in Islam in Malaysia, as well as others, to try and understand the conflict between moderate or progressive Islamic groups and more conservative Islamic forces and to evaluate the role such moderate organizations play in advocating for greater protection of rights and liberties. The article finds that under moderately open conditions (like in Indonesia after 1998), Islamic NGOs do play an important and constructive role in promoting democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores an unprecedented series of violent acts against 'gay' Indonesians beginning in September 1999. Indonesia is often characterized as 'tolerant' of homosexuality. This is a false belief, but one containing a grain of truth. To identify this grain of truth I distinguish between 'heterosexism' and 'homophobia,' noting that Indonesia has been marked by a predominance of heterosexism over homophobia. I examine the emergence of a political homophobia directed at public events where gay men stake a claim to Indonesia's troubled civil society. That such violence is seen as the properly masculine response to these events indicates how the nation may be gaining a new masculinist cast. In the new Indonesia, male-male desire can increasingly be construed as a threat to normative masculinity, and thus to the nation itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the recent excitement about the democratizing potential of the 'new' electronic media, theorists have largely ignored the role of the oldest of the electronic 'mass' media, that is, radio. This paper suggests several parallels between the oldest and the newest electronic media in the transmission of anti-authoritarian politics in Indonesia. While the Internet aided sections of the civil society in subverting the state's control over public discourse, in the post-authoritarian politics, radio may remain by far the more significant technology of democratization. Radio's importance is only in part explained by the economic limits on the distribution of the Internet in Indonesia. We need to look at the particular tessellation of culture, politics and technology in Indonesia to understand the role of radio in the articulation of local politics, in a democratization process whose success depends on the politics of ethno-cultural decentralization and devolution of power from urban elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Internet practices in Indonesian political life in the period since the fall of Soeharto. In particular, it looks at the ways in which the Internet was used by political parties for campaigning and organizing, and the state, the media and the public to scrutinize Indonesia's first democratic elections since 1955. The 7 June 1999 general elections in Indonesia were not conducted online; voters did not register their ballot directly onto the Internet. It was, however, significantly the first occasion when Indonesian voters were able to witness online, through a publicly accessible official Internet site, the calculation of the poll ­statistics, from 300,000 individual polling stations, through all strata of government from district level to the final centralized national tally. It was, in that sense, an election whose credibility and transparency relied significantly upon individual ­citizens' ability to monitor the electoral process and the entire tabulation of the count. Given the relatively restricted distribution of the technology in Indonesia, the Internet was not a tool for party propaganda, but it was an effective, and particularly significant, means of scrutinizing the fledgling democratic processes of Indonesia's political transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corruption, as an extraordinary crime, cannot be eradicated by a single party alone. Presidential Regulation No. 54 of 2018 concerning the National Strategy for Prevention of Corruption (Stranas-PK), is an integrated effort by the government to combat corruption in Indonesia. This study is descriptive, using literature to determine how the implementation of Stranas-PK is viewed from the perspective of collaborative governance, using the theory proposed by Emerson & Nabatchi (2015). The results of the analysis show that the implementation of the National Strategy-PK has begun to demonstrate the existence of collaborative governance in some action implementations. However, based on the National Secretariat-PK report and findings from several studies, several obstacles that need to be addressed have been identified. These include: (1) The adjustment of the legal framework, (2) The fulfillment of quality and capacity of resources, (3) The establishment of a model for civil society participation, (4) Increased involvement of non-government actors, (5) Enhanced engagement of K/L/PD (ministries, institutions, and regional governments), and (6) The measurement of the impact of implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Global Strategis is the property of Universitas Airlangga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Studies on welfare state regimes have been dominated by consideration of rich OECD/European and increasingly East Asian countries/territories, leaving South Asian cases such as Indonesia underexplored. The few existing studies that have explicitly tried to conceptualize the Indonesian welfare regime have resulted in little consensus. To address the resulting lack of clarity, this article reviews scholarly articles relevant to bringing Indonesia into the global welfare regime debate, specifically encapsulating how the country has been classified compared with its East Asia counterparts. Accordingly, we find that existing studies have mainly concentrated on the Indonesian health care and social protection expansion, which has led authors to conclude that this evolution demonstrates Indonesia's transition away from welfare productivism. By contrast, we argue that Indonesia's productivist characteristics have largely prevailed while informal networks, clientelism, strong families, and the limited effectiveness of the civil society movement created a specific social politics in Indonesia. We thus conclude that the causal mechanisms typically attributed to welfare development in more developed welfare geographies, including East Asia, cannot fully explain the evident institutional formation in the Indonesian case. The future research agenda for studying the welfare regimes in Indonesia and other Southeast Asian countries is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how empowerment‐focused Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) traverse scales and perform brokerage functions in helping rural women from marginal groups to connect to and influence powerholders in Indonesia. It identifies three brokerage mechanisms activated by these CSOs: brokering marginal groups' power bases through strengthening organising structures and sources of knowledge/resources; brokering spaces for women's influence on powerholders; and brokering networks with other women and authoritative actors to build supporting coalitions. The article also illustrates that contexts shape how CSO interventions affect change: heavy, resource‐intensive 'thick' brokerage strategies were important in deeply patriarchal contexts, whereas 'thin' brokerage strategies had some effects in places already more conducive to improving gender equity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of civil society power in the history of reform in Indonesia cannot be underestimated because the economic crisis did not solely cause the fall of Suharto's New Order regime. Still, the role of civil society forces was very large and well consolidated. This study used qualitative research. The theory used is the theory of power relations. The results of the study found that in the era of Soeharto's New Order, the relationship between the state and civil society was still not seen to play its role; it can even be said that the existence of civil society was very weak and weakened by the regime, although at the end of the New Order, civil society was well consolidated which eventually gave birth to the reform movement and was able to overthrow Suharto's regime. The results also found that, after the reformation in Indonesia, the civil society movement experienced a golden age at the beginning of the reform because the position of civil society was quite strong and well consolidated in overseeing the course of the democratic system. However, in recent years civil society movements have stagnated and even seem weakened because they are in the circle of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this article, the efforts of civil society organizations to influence climate change policymaking in three countries with very different traditions of democratic decision making are compared: in a newly developed democracy (Indonesia), in an established democracy in the Global South (India), and in an established democracy in the Global North with an exceptionally strong civil society (Finland). The empirical material consists of 57 in-depth interviews with Civil Society Organization (CSO) representatives. The following three arguments about CSO influence in climate change politics are made: (1) the nation-state is an important avenue of influence for most CSOs, alongside global institutions; (2) CSOs influence states through specific contact points, rather than by challenging the state as a uniform entity; and (3) CSO actors' perception of influence in climate politics may be stronger where state capacity is weaker, rather than where civil society itself is strong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]