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A multitude of educational programs attempt to facilitate young people's engagement with ideas and practices of active citizenship. For young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander or Indigenous people in Australia, such interventions are often subject to complex experiences of senses of belonging and non-belonging. This paper responds to calls from researchers to develop better understandings of young Indigenous people's own senses and practices of belonging and to better understand the ways in which these perspectives and practices are spatially influenced at the level of local communities, 'country' and cultural groupings, and within larger state, national or transnational settings. Their testimonies illustrate the tensions that young Indigenous people must navigate in a settler colony that has never truly recognised Indigenous sovereignty but show that sovereignty remains intact. Focus groups were conducted with 58 young Indigenous people in Melbourne and regional Victoria who were participating in an Indigenous youth leadership program designed to foster formal and informal active citizenship practices, and to nurture a strong, affirming sense of Indigenous identity. The testimonies of these participants provide valuable insights into educational sites as spaces in which young people experience a spectrum of weak to strong senses of belonging. They also provide insights into the possibilities of engaging the challenges faced by many young Indigenous people in educational settings, challenges that include race discordance and exclusion, deficit discourses and gaps and distances in educational practice. They highlight the need to recognise the aspirations of young Indigenous people and the capacities of colonial education systems to meet them, and the imperative to celebrate young Indigenous identities in meaningful, non-tokenistic ways.

This article draws on a qualitative comparative research study of global citizenship education (GCE) in two primary schools, an international school in Singapore and an independent school in Australia. This paper focuses on the implementation of GCE within the two specific school contexts, Singapore and Australia, examining the tensions which existed between neo-liberal market rationales and the critical democratic ideologies at each site. The paper explored in-depth how the neo-liberal market agenda influenced and shaped the societal imaginaries specifically in relation to their GCE commitments. Despite each schools' commitments to critical democratic GCE ideals, they were very mindful about being distinctive and remaining competitive within their respective educational markets. To that extent, the schools were neo-liberal market actors. Empirical data shows the complexity of a more hybridised or a continuum existence between these two ideologies, thus providing a more nuanced insight of the binary within the school sites.

In this keynote address given at the International Association for Citizenship, Social and Economics Education (IACSEE) Conference in July 2015, Sabine Manzel focused on participation and decision-making as key competences for democracy. She analysed with standardized videography how both of these competences are realized in classroom interaction.

This paper argues that a new patriotism has emerged in New Zealand over recent years. This has been promoted in tandem with the notion of advancing New Zealand as a knowledge economy and society. The new patriotism encourages New Zealanders to accept, indeed embrace, a single, shared vision of the future: one structured by a neoliberal ontology and the demands of global capitalism. This constructs a narrow view of citizenship and reduces the possibility of economic and social alternatives being considered seriously. The paper makes this case in relation to tertiary education in particular. The first section outlines the New Zealand government's vision for tertiary education, as set out in the "Tertiary Education Strategy, 2007-12" (Ministry of Education, 2006). This is followed by a critique of the Strategy and an analysis of the model of citizenship implied by it. The paper concludes with brief comments on the role tertiary education might play in contesting the new patriotism.

This article focuses on civic education and the constitution of subjects within a complex landscape of peace and war making in Colombia. Using a genealogical approach to study the manufacturing of citizens, and drawing on a document analysis of policies, curricular guidelines, and teaching resources, this paper evidences an increasing attention to students' skills, conducts, and interpersonal relations, rather than structural inequality and injustice. Through the examination of the "integral citizen," I argue that the development of students as skillful civic subjects has become central to the aspiration of building and sustaining peace and democracy. Such citizens are described as individually embodying the virtues and skills of problem-solving, conflict-management, autonomy, and self-regulation of emotions. This research adds to our understanding of the construction of the ideal citizen in conflict-affected settings, and how education policy intersects with larger efforts for meaningful and sustained change.

On 23 December 1994, the UN General Assembly adopted a plan of action for the United Nations decade for human rights education (HRE). 30 years later, this challenge is still increasing. As Hannah Arendt pointed out, human rights are valuable only as political rights, not for abstract individuals but for natural communities. While HRE in schools and classrooms is in focus, the context of adult education transfers philosophical and political thoughts into an educational context, particularly concerning biographical traumatic situations such as refuge and expulsion. Therefore, this paper presents and explains adult education approaches which facilitate coping strategies with ethical perplexities by evaluating the 30 Articles of the UNO Declaration of Human Rights of 1948.

This paper explores the effectiveness of existing conceptions of digital citizenship education (DCE) to address the challenges and issues of postdigital societies. Current conceptions of DCE aim to develop learners who are capable of using digital technologies to their advantage or for the betterment of society. However, existing DCE approaches do not fully acknowledge the relational space between humans and digital technologies. Applying postdigital theory to DCE forefronts sociotechnical relations and the issues citizens face in postdigital societies. Using the Aotearoa New Zealand context as an example, digital citizenship policies and guidelines are unpacked to reveal the shortcomings of the guidance schools and teachers are offered. The analysis suggests ways to update current DCE approaches to reflect the realities of citizenship in continuously developing, complex postdigital societies.

Youth from every continent used online tools to exchange ideas, debate alternatives, and create a document that represents their voice on the relationship education should have with global citizenship: the International Youth White Paper on Global Citizenship. This paper applies de Sousa Santos' sociology of absences and emergences to trace the ways in which the White Paper extends--and limits--decolonial thought in relation to global citizenship education. Through document analysis of the White Paper, we note particularly the students' emphasis on a decolonial and processual notion of relationality that challenges current neoliberal notions of the global community and instead is oriented toward justice. Further, the students connect political resistance to epistemological resistance, asserting that diverse ways of being, knowing, and seeing are necessary to ensuring those who are marginalized are included in the decision making processes that affect their lives.

Background: Youth citizenship is now on the international agenda with African countries increasingly interrogating their national perspectives on citizenship and citizenship education. In this emergent field of research, African scholars are beginning to challenge the prevailing (Western) theories of citizenship and democracy. Purpose: The aim of this paper is to contribute an African perspective to the study of citizenship education by exploring the political influences and meanings that shaped citizenship education in Kenya, and how these have evolved from independence to the present day. Data and Methods: This article is based on a documentary analysis of key policy-related documents, complemented by an analysis of some critical historical moments in the life of Kenya as a postcolonial nation. The policy-related documents include government policy documents, as well as political statements, speeches, development reports, technical commission reports, media articles, research publications and reports, education syllabi and curriculum documents. Main Findings: Post-independence, the Kenyan government focused on rethinking the colonial concept of citizenship in line with its political-cultural traditions, encouraging new notions of belonging, of civic virtues and of duties in relation to nation-building and economic development. Social Ethics and Education (SEE) programmes in schools were established and then later removed from the secondary school curriculum. Conclusions: This paper yields important insights into the international and national political agendas that shape Kenya's notions of active citizenship. It indicates the tensions which vulnerable and fragile states such as Kenya experience in negotiating their citizenship education agenda, whilst attempting to win foreign investment and aid for their economy, and whilst addressing regional and ethnic inequalities and high levels of poverty. (Contains 12 notes.)

In this article, the author talks about the report "A Crucible Moment: College Learning & Democracy's Future," which provides a blueprint of what higher education ought "not" to do. The document was produced by the Association of American Colleges & Universities (AAC&U), an organization with a long history not only of demanding the advancement of "diversity" over quality, but of using misleading rhetoric to conceal its agenda. While the report opens with a quote from the Constitution and then proceeds to all but ignore the document over the following sixty-nine pages, any serious discussion about civic education must begin with how colleges and universities treat the Constitution in their curriculum. The author points out that the Constitution--in the curriculum, in faculty hiring priorities, in upholding student rights on campus--is a good place to start in the effort to reform civic education. Such an approach could complement rather than necessarily replace the more traditional approach of cultivating objective scholarship, which the AAC&U and its acolytes have so aggressively rejected. (Contains 12 footnotes.)

This paper shows how a significant, but short-lived, episode in Scotland's educational history--the rise and decline of Socialist Sunday Schools (SSSs) in the first half of the twentieth century--provoked controversial debates about issues that continue to have relevance today. The first half of the paper explains the origins of SSSs, their links to adult political groups, the form and content of their meetings, and publications designed to advance their agenda. It also describes the criticisms they received from religious leaders and Conservative politicians, on the grounds that they undermined faith and preached revolution. This leads into the second part, which considers whether SSSs might be regarded as agencies of indoctrination, promoting a version of citizenship that sought to subvert existing institutions and disrupt the social order. It is argued that complete neutrality in educational systems is not possible and that a study of the SSS movement has considerable potential as an educational resource, particularly for teachers of history, politics and social studies.

This paper theorizes the affective and moral grounding of "best practice" policymaking, particularly how best practice operates as an affective regime that encourages certain affective norms. To illustrate this, the author takes up the example of best practices promoted by the CoE's "Digital Citizenship Education Handbook" for the acquisition of digital citizenship competences. It is shown that the distribution of best practices creates a set of affective conditions--especially through cultivating certain affective skills/competences and ethics/morals--that govern the ways in/though which best practices ought to be appropriately materialized. The paper discusses two implications of this analysis for education policymaking and policymakers. The first implication suggests that there needs to be work informing policymakers how affect works to create regimes of best practice; the second implication emphasizes the importance of working with policymakers to explore how they could challenge affective regimes of best practice.

This article comments on keynote speeches given by Keith Ajegbo and Audrey Osler. The programme of study for citizenship derived from the Crick report and did not emphasise race equality and national unity for security. Osler argues that the Ajegbo review addressed teaching of ethnic, religious and cultural diversity but did not confront the inadequacies of British democracy or reassert social justice, a sense of shared humanity and a commitment to human rights. Proposing, let alone imposing, a definition of Britishness is futile, but it is possible to promote cosmopolitan patriotism supported by explicit principles, concepts and values.

This paper will argue that resettled refugees' experience of failed citizenship in the United States is actually a bellwether for the challenges of democratic community for all citizens. A primary challenge is the political paradox of forming a community that is heterogeneous, yet is committed, connected, and has the capacity to work together across differences. This tension is often exacerbated by the poor civic education programs that teach stagnant models of citizenship and portray a false unity in civic narrative and experience in the classroom. The paper will then present Emmanual Levinas' concept of the Other and John Dewey's conception of the public as ways to reframe our responsibility to and capacity to work with fellow citizens in diverse democratic communities while also not demanding assimilation or erasure. It will then recommend using experiential learning and Beista's 'community of those who have nothing in common' to reframe civic education in the classroom to combat failed citizenship in all citizens, whether native born or just arrived.

The aim of the study is to reveal the effect of digital comics material on students' academic success, their views on distance education, course and digital comics. In the study conducted during the 2019-2020 academic year and the pandemic, digital comics material was created in the Pixton design program for the aim of the acquisition of "different management styles in terms of basic principles of democracy," in the learning area of active citizenship in the 6th grade Social Studies curriculum. It is known that the comic book, which has no time and place limits, provides easy and fast access to information, prepared within the framework of distance education, provides motivation to individuals and increases interest in the course in accordance with psycho-social development. The study was designed as a mixed method. The quantitative dimension of the research was designed as a single group experimental study and the prepared academic achievement test was applied before and after the study. In the qualitative dimension, phenomenology was applied and the data were collected through audio-recorded interviewing. The quantitative study group of the research consists of 10 students, and the qualitative phase consists of 5 students. The obtained data were analyzed through the statistical program in the quantitative phase and content analysis in the qualitative dimension. As a result of the research, it was concluded that the use of digital comics in distance education increases the success and helps to develop positive behaviors towards the course. [Paper presented at International Conference on Studies in Education and Sciences (ICSES) (Istanbul, Turkey, 2020).]

Political science as a subject is integral to the development of sensible and patriotic citizens, yet it is not given the attention it deserves in the Indian education system. Solidified by the findings of field research conducted in five schools that cater to India's middle-income bracket (the largest segment of the population), this research paper brings forth the reluctance of over 92% of the representative sample to undertake education in a discipline as important as political science- a distressing figure indeed. The sample involved random selection of students of grade 11 in the five schools mentioned herewith; qualitative research was obtained through anonymous questionnaires allowing a safe space for truthful responses, and quantitative data were obtained through access to the schools' records pertaining to subject selection for grades 11-12. This paper will highlight some of the current deficiencies in the system, undertake a comparative study of how it stands vis-à-vis those of European countries, and arrive at recommendations to the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) and to the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) on how to improve civic education among high school students in the country, eventually fostering a moral and capable Indian generation.

This paper provides an approach for social studies education that includes investigative research into an old school building that has traditionally served predominantly African American children, along with a narrative inquiry into the experiences of one of that school's former students. We offer a unique approach to experiential global citizenship education, in conjunction with an exemplar of this kind of social studies research. The first half of this paper is a "building biography" of N. W. Harllee School, followed by memories of Dr. Njoki McElroy, who attended Harllee as a young child. In the US, African American life is often misrepresented, devalued, or completely expunged from history books and historical documents. The implication of this novel approach to uncovering the truth about the education of African Americans in the 1930s is that educators around the world can use a similar approach to honor and highlight voices of marginalized people, creating rightful spaces for their stories in our collective history and memory.

This paper reviews the literature on citizenship education and examines the factors that have influenced trends in citizenship education in the Republic of Turkey since its foundation in 1923. The aim of this paper is to discuss the general tendencies and practices in citizenship education that have shaped how Turkish youth perceived citizenship throughout the Republic's history. By addressing three important aspects of these tendencies and traditions (history, geography, and geopolitics), the author will discuss whether Turkey is prepared to produce globally minded citizens in today's interconnected world. The history of civic education in modern Turkey can be divided into four time periods, as organized by Ince (2012): The Single Party period (1923-1946), the Democratic Party period (1946-1960), the first military intervention period (1960-1980), and the second military intervention period (1980 onward).

In accordance with the development of technology, the disinformation known as "fake news" has become a global issue, leading to the labeling of these times as the "post-truth" era. Discussion of global citizenship education, intended to shape citizens with critical thinking abilities, is thus essential in this era. This paper, with reference to media literacy research on the basis of its close connection to digital citizenship, examines the possibilities of pedagogy toward moving beyond the dystopian society of digital monitoring. [This article was translated by Nadezhda Murray.]

Bullying refers to degrading actions, recurring and prolonged, exerted by minors on an equal. Physical or virtual assaults and insults, rejections or intimidations that hinder the victims' school activity and cause them to feel continually threatened are examples of bullying and cyberbullying, which have serious repercussions, not only on the emotional well-being and academic performance, but also on physical and mental health. It is necessary to build a citizenship engaged to education (Global Citizenship Education) to prevent bullying, and to work in other Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The solutions must involve families and teachers, particularly in the context of regulated education, where participation can be promoted in a more planned and controlled way. Expert approaches insist on the relevance of the school to prevent aggression and discrimination through critical and reflective attitudes towards the violence that surrounds these situations. It is about teaching students to reject them "ab initio" as inappropriate. The aim of this paper is to identify the characteristics of the interventions aimed at the prevention and detection of physical and psychological violence among school children in various settings and populations, specifically in Spain, as well as their results and controversial aspects. [Note: The page range (9-26) shown on the PDF is incorrect. The correct page range is 9-25.]

Critiques an article in which John Palmer argues that the factors promoting citizenship are no longer the main purpose of education. Agreeing with Palmer in part, the author contends that there is the fundamental problem in that the inquiry curriculum is out of synch with deeply rooted social values. (KO)

Critiques an article in which Shirley Engle points out the failure of designers and implementors of the social studies curriculum to develop adequate citizenship education content and strategies. Calls for a collective approach by social studies educators and urges an end to the divisive debates among these educators concerning the best approach to citizenship education. (KO)

Service learning (SL) engages students in intentional, collaborative service experiences that promote civic citizenship. The COVID-19 pandemic forced traditional face-to-face SL courses to transition into virtual service learning (e-SL). This paper examines the academic and civic outcomes of an e-SL binational sustainable tourism course for undergraduate students. The course was designed to deliver disciplinary knowledge in sustainable tourism and transborder civic citizenship competencies in the following areas: 1) Ethos, 2) Literacy, 3) Inquiry, 4) Action, 5) Leadership, and 6) Partnership. A post-course student survey was deployed to assess student perspectives regarding the achievement of course outcomes. The findings revealed significant (positive) academic and civic transformations among the students due to the intentionality of the e-SL course design and implementation. Results indicate that e-SL in sustainable tourism education can be an effective pedagogy for inculcating civic learning, responsibility, and engagement among students and future professionals in the field of tourism.

The National Council for the Social Studies Position Statement on Media Literacy argues that media literacy can facilitate participatory democracy if students' interest in media is harnessed. The statement conceives of media technology as neutral and under-conceptualizes socializing aspects of media technologies that foster atomized individualism. Narrowly grounded in New Media Literacies, Critical Media Studies, and Medium Theory scholarship, it offers a limited understanding of media as merely conduits for message transmission and concludes that media technology will create a more democratic society if students are encouraged to participate in it. The authors' pragmatist reconceptualization examines media not only as transmission but also as a space where common meanings are constructed. The authors offer a critical review that advances an alternative direction for media literacy in which learning for participatory democracy includes analyzing not only medium, messages, and content but also media forms and their relations to transactional tendencies within the broader society.

In this article texts by scholars from South Africa, Sweden and Great Britain are analysed. They contributed as invited speakers to a conference in Sweden in 2009 on changing societies, values, religions and education. Here a South-North dialogue on diversity and the future of education is constructed through the way their conference contributions are presented and analysed. Democracy and gender also appear as crucial themes. Out of the original 12 keynote contributions to the conference a selection is made, meaning that seven of them are focused on. What can be observed is (a) that the contributors from South Africa connect diversity and social justice; (b) that the gender researchers critically discuss the risks of the North imposing its theoretical framework on the South and search for ways out of that and (c) a preoccupation with a renewal of education recognising diversity but also looking for what could come beyond such an emphasis and form a common ground. The article constitutes an example of shared knowledge production where South and North meet. Conditions for that are critically reflected upon methodologically.

Lately, a deliberative conception of democracy has gained influence in policy debates throughout Europe. Individuals are here seen to be fostered into responsible, mature--democratic--citizens by being involved in dialogue. In the 1990s, calls for "democratic education" intensified in Sweden. This article analyses two pedagogical models influenced by programmes developed in the USA that have recently had a great impact in Swedish schools and elsewhere, Social and Emotional Training and Aggression Replacement Training, both teaching pupils the "art of democratic deliberation". By analysing manuals and interviews with school staff, we find that both models are based on the idea that through constant dialogue, pupils develop a "democratic mentality". Referring to Foucault, this kind of dialogue can be seen as a technology of confession, where pupils are encouraged to reflect upon themselves and their behaviour, abilities and qualities as a way to change themselves and become democratic subjects.

Background/Context: While much has been written about the history of immigration and naturalization in the United States, few scholars have looked at the history of citizenship education and testing. The small body of literature on the subject has primarily focused on World War I-era Americanization efforts and, as such, has excluded later periods. Further, while it has looked at citizenship education programs, it has usually done so without considering the context of the high stakes exam that immigrants must pass in order to become citizens. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: Each year, tens of thousands of would-be American citizens set out to conquer the U.S. citizenship test. To do so, they must be prepared to answer 10 fact-oriented questions about American government, history, and geography selected by a naturalization examiner from a master list of 100. A score of six correct answers earns citizenship. Consequently, aspiring citizens memorize the number of Amendments to the Constitution, the branches of government, the names of three of the original American colonies, and the location of the Statue of Liberty. Most immigrants pass. This article seeks to understand the roots of the memory test that currently serves as America's gauge of fitness for citizenship. In looking back over 100 years of history, it seeks to explore how a once highly pluralistic approach to education and an anxiety-producing system of testing conducted by naturalization courts became what we know today. By asking how we got here, it also implicitly asks whether we want to maintain this status quo or seek out change. Research Design: In analyzing the history of U.S. citizenship education and examination in the 20th and early 21st centuries, this study utilizes three primary groupings of sources. First, it incorporates the voices of leaders at the naturalization agency--the organization that administers the citizenship test--through personal communications, annual reports, and other agency publications. Second, it draws on primary sources from outside of the naturalization agency, including descriptions of state naturalization efforts, reports on the purpose and practice of community Americanization programs, and evaluations of early- and mid-century naturalization agency work. Finally, it looks at the broader context within which the citizenship examination evolved, looking at the secondary literature on Americanization education by historians of education and historians of immigration, as well as at primary sources like presidential and Congressional records. Conclusions/Recommendations: This study finds that the history of citizenship preparation and testing over the course of a century, despite its fairly consistent procession towards the goals of standardization and efficiency, is not the story of an inevitable sequence of events. Policymakers recognized the pitfalls inherent in a highly centralized approach focusing on standards. Yet, in light of this, they were consistently willing to trade depth and variability for efficiency and certainty. The result has been a fair, economical, and increasingly irrelevant program for making immigrants citizens.

This paper draws from a broader study on citizenship education in Western Uganda to explain how civic education knowledge translates into civic engagement through people's lived experiences. The paper addresses two questions, that is the contextual understandings of civic education and civic engagement by the partner NGO. Secondly, what explains people's decision to engage or not to engage. We employed critical research methodologies with multiple data collection methods as a means of empowering rural community members to dialogue with stakeholders in civic education. We present the findings based on three themes, that is rationality, power dynamics, and mutual interests. We draw on Rational Choice Theory to theorise reasons for civic engagement. We particularly argue that drivers for and against civic engagement are largely individual and driven by assumed benefits and losses. Individual assumptions can also translate to group or larger social conclaves based on common drivers, beliefs and interests. We conclude by noting that actors in civic education and awareness programmes ought to note that civic engagement is rooted in individual rationality albeit contextual.

Compare is a leading journal in the comparative and international education research field. To assess this journal's productivity and influence, we conducted a bibliometric analysis of 428 papers published in Compare between 2010 and 2019. The findings show that in the past decade, Compare experienced significant growth in the number of publications and citations. This growth primarily stemmed from England, which yielded over half of the top 20 most productive authors and institutions. Among the numerous research topics discussed in Compare, the disciplinary development of comparative and international education, the internationalisation of education, gender studies in education, and citizenship education were the most frequently addressed. A detailed analysis of these four topics reveals that despite having published many papers falling within the scope of international education, Compare is encouraged to publish more papers about this subfield in the post-COVID-19 era.