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The basic principles of modern sociolinguistic engineering as a tool for population indoctrination, subjugation, and control have their beginnings in the strategies designed by Joseph Goebbels of the NAZI regime and also those of the USSR. The redefinition of semantics is a dangerous tool used by propagandists to influence the individuals' sense of reality using language on a psychological level. This creates a populace that is more willing to follow harmful ideologies. The study will investigate existing legislation of Australia, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, and Canada about guarantees on free speech especially in academia, and the classification of hate speech. This study further looks at a microcosm of language used by the diversity, Inclusion, and Equity" movement focusing on an analysis of a glossary created by the University of Washington. It also discusses some terminology that is similarly erroneous but not included in the glossary. The history of terminology and their development is discussed as well as the scientific and linguistic validity of the provided semantic definitions in contrast to the original semantics. The study found that sociolinguistic engineering was taking place in universities and wider society which follows the historic pattern of the Third Reich and USSR. The study recommends that universities and education systems desist from such indoctrination and return to the traditional academic foundations of open inquiry and critical thinking.

With mathematics education dominated by practices of standardized test alignment, the quest for mathematical understanding is adrift despite so much talk about the importance of STEM subject matters. To add to the confusion there has long been worries among educators about any curricular programs or instructional practices that can be labeled indoctrinative. The worse combination of practices seems afoot. Standardized testing has led to unmitigated indoctrination throughout much of public education yet the term is indoctrination is shunned as bad pedagogy. The argument here is that entry into any new discipline from times of antiquity to the present necessarily involves responsible and warranted indoctrination. Acknowledging the fruitful role of indoctrination early on should enable educators to benchmark when the practice has become excessive or otherwise inappropriate. Threshold moments demarcate between early instruction enabling the study of math from advanced and independent study wherein students’ development skills of reflection and evaluative deliberation relevant to mathematic thinking.

In a city like Hong Kong where animal protection laws replicate outdated British legislation from the early 1900s, extensive educational measures must be taken to raise students’ collective awareness of animal welfare and rights, in order to meet the pressing environmental, social, and moral demands of a rapidly developing society. This article argues that the study of animal protection in Hong Kong school curricula is essential to raising future generations of responsible and empathetic community leaders and members. Not only can such curricula encourage students to make well-informed, healthy, and environmentally-conscious choices as consumers, it also challenges the speciesist “hidden curricula” perpetuated in schools, developing students’ critical and independent thinking skills and empowering them to regain ownership over and accountability for their decisions. It instils empathy in students towards animals, as well as vulnerable groups in society that share a similar narrative of oppression and exploitation, such as women and ethnic minorities. This article refutes the critique of animal protection curricula being a form of indoctrination by challenging the notion that any education system can be truly value-free.

La presencia del terrorismo islamista en internet ha cambiado cuantitativa y cualitativamente en los últimos años como consecuencia de la irrupción del autodenominado Estado Islámico. Nunca hasta ahora había resultado tan fácil acceder a toda clase de propaganda extremista, en especial, en las redes sociales. Los estrategas mediáticos de Estado Islámico han conseguido convertir el terror más atroz en un espectáculo hollywoodiense, que logra captar la atención de jóvenes de religión musulmana que habitan en Occidente. A partir de estas consideraciones, el presente trabajo analiza los distintos canales en línea a través de los cuales el movimiento islamista está llevando a cabo tareas de propaganda, captación, adoctrinamiento y adiestramiento de nuevos miembros de esta ideología pan-islámica radical dispuesta a extender el terror por todo el planeta.

In this paper, we want to address how the educative growth of children’s spirituality within religious education can be better understood through Dewey’s theory of valuation. We would like to draw attention to the link between an education for authentic spirituality and the pursuit of a genuine democratic life, because education, even religious education, is always political. In doing so, we point to the urgency and importance of fostering spiritual education for children in the face of the current rise of authoritarianism throughout the world and the demise of authentic democratic life. In order for genuine democracies to survive and thrive, their citizens must be educated. Unlike indoctrination and propaganda, which control populations through manufacturing public opinion by which individuals are compelled to comply to an officially approved consensus, education is emancipatory by offering opportunity for dissensus. Emancipatory education enables individual citizens to initiate and participate in activities at the grass-roots level that pursue public and global goods, without waiting to be led by various authorities. Such an educated way of being, which is essential for democratic life, requires young people to be educated spiritually so that they are able to transcend the pressures to conform to public consensus and the will of authoritarianism, and instead to actively live their spirituality by undertaking activities that pursue the good, even when such activities are deemed to dissent from public opinion.

Skills are an important means to improve the ability of financial management, to enhance the enthusiasm of students to learn financial management courses also has a significant role in promoting. In this paper, students of class 2018 from a well-known finance and economics college in China are selected as the research objects, and the satisfaction degree of the teaching program of practical training course of finance management major is investigated by means of questionnaire survey and factor analysis. The study found that the financial management major applied in higher vocational colleges should choose the mode of light theory, heavy practice, heavy practical training and light indoctrination, so as to realize the students to learn information from passively receiving information, improve the professional ability of students majoring in finance, and strengthen the cultivation of students' comprehensive professional quality in higher vocational colleges. The teaching reform plan of practical training courses proposed in this study provides reference for the innovation reform of financial management courses and the cultivation of students' innovation and entrepreneurship ability in higher vocational colleges.

Purpose The Corruption Perception Index (CPI) for 2016 shows Pakistan as among the more corrupt nations in the world with a ranking of 117 among 176 countries surveyed. This situation raises concerns about members of the society and especially about the business communities. This paper aims to examine whether the tendency to corruption is also prevalent amongst business students, the future leaders and executives of business organizations. Design/methodology/approach The study uses survey questionnaires in the manner of Parsa and Lankford (1999) to examine the ethical levels of business students. It uses Levene’s (1960) tests for equality of variances and the t-test for equality of means to examine whether there are difference in the ethical perceptions between: bachelors (BBA) and graduate (MBA) students; business students who have taken the ethics course and those who have not; and female and male students. The authors also examine the overall ethical perceptions of business students. Findings The results show that students seem to make a clear distinction in respect of what they consider as acceptable and unacceptable ethical behavior. They would not indulge in behavior that directly falls within the category of stealing, misusing of company’s resources and undertaking actions that are wrong or dishonest, which may stem from their religious indoctrination. However, they would consider as acceptable behavior the overlooking of safety violations, not telling on peers; and fudging of the truth to get the job done. The latter attitude appears to be in line with business objectives of achieving targets irrespective of the means employed and that inform business education. We do not find any differences between the behavior of women and men which may be the outcome of the same religious indoctrination and educational perceptions. While there is a difference in the ethical perceptions between students who have taken the ethics course and those who have not, the course is not able to counter the lack of ethics among business students. There is a need for some stronger measures to inculcate a set of ethical values within students. However, we did find that some of the unethical behavior is diluted at the MBA level in comparison to BBA students. Originality/value This study provides new insights into the ethical perceptions of students in an Islamic emerging country. There is a conflict between ethics conveyed through Islamic precepts, and the ethics of business education with a focus on profits/revenues, costs, performance and competition that endorses a Machiavellian attitude of achieving goals at any cost and the love of money (Tang and Chen, 2008). It is the first study to suggest a differentiation in the ethical behavior of business students that exhibit both ethical and unethical behavior. There appears to be a clear segregation between what students deem as acceptable and unacceptable ethical behavior that may result from their personal/religious beliefs, and their business attitudes that strongly informs their ethical behavior. It provides a basis for developing more customized and effective ethics courses in Pakistan and suggests more importantly that ethics needs to be integrated into business concepts imparted in business programs at universities.

Social media offer unprecedented opportunities to terrorist groups to spread their message and target specific audiences for indoctrination and recruitment. In 2013 and 2014, social media, in particular Twitter, overtook Internet forums as preferred space for jihadist propaganda. This article looks into Arabic statements by Jabhat al-Nusra, Islamic State and jihadist forum administrators and online activists to argue that, beside the easier use of social media and disruption and infiltration of the forums, the conflict between the jihadist groups accelerated the migration to social media and the building of a presence on Twitter that provided relative resilience to suspensions.

At present, most of the mechanics of materials teaching has not got rid of the traditional teaching methods, which exists despite the disadvantages of indoctrination. Therefore, it is necessary to speed up the process of the “gold course” of material mechanics. To this, we can start from two aspects: One is the reform of teaching mode, and the another is reform of teaching content. This article puts forward the teaching mode of four-level thinking to cultivate students’ four abilities. Meanwhile, we expound on the reform methods of teaching contents from three aspects: using artificial intelligence to individualize teaching; introducing case base, and integration of ideological and political education. Finally, the gold course system of material mechanics for application-oriented undergraduate civil engineering major has been established.

limited by teachers and inherent teaching mode, the teaching effect of practical courses in colleges and universities is limited. With the moocs, small-scale restricted online courses used in teaching increasingly; modern undergraduate computer teaching is facing great changes. On the defects of traditional indoctrination teaching model, many new teaching methods are emerging in the teaching of related courses. The teaching method of PBL (Problem Based Learning) is an important direction of teaching mode reform. This paper puts forward the teaching mode of PBL+ flipped classroom and designed based on the PBL classroom teaching model framework. On the premise of strengthening knowledge learning, students’ practical ability and creative ability are enhanced.

OBJECTIVE To identify and explore medical students' perceptions about their academic failure. METHODS The qualitative study was conducted at Shifa College of Medicine, Islamabad, Pakistan, from December 2016 to January 2017, and comprised medical students. Two focus group discussions and 5 semi-structured interviews were conducted with students who had obtained

The extreme right hate speech propagated currently in Brazil addresses a broad social spectrum, from feminist movements to traditional communities. The academic community and higher education institutions are also targets, as they are identified as poles of democratic resistance. Specific hate speech towards academy in Brazil is the subject of this paper. The persecution of academic community and knowledge itself occurs through the discursive dispute especially on social networks, and thus in this analytical exercise, we looked up at Facebook’s largest bolsonarista’s group – the “Jair Bolsonaro Presidency Support Group”, which brings together 317,000 members. We analyzed the memetic discourse on the page, focusing memes that were published between April and June 2019, thematizing higher public education, and presenting a bimodal verb-visual composition. These criteria led to the collection of 115 memes analyzed with the support of a QDA package. Analysis reveals the disqualification of university institutions and their actors through ironies, negative associations including stereotypes, simplification of debate to the shallower. Students are often associated with nudity as immorality, professors of indoctrination and ridicule, protesters of ignorance, or bad character. Political debate is reduced to extreme left-right polarization, with the criminalization of the left.

The political control on Chinese higher education had long been an impression for a lot of people working in the field of higher education. Some might think universities in China lack university autonomy, academic freedom, and critical thinking, as they are controlled politically by the party-state in various ways; for example, 10% of students’ total credits must come from political education courses, academic staff need to be cautious about what they say, and discussing certain historical events in class is taboo. However, these and other mechanisms of political control might not necessarily eliminate all efforts at seeking for university autonomy and academic freedom. The state, in an effort to improve the global reputation of Chinese higher education, has encouraged Chinese universities to be innovative, and to promote the critical thinking required of world-class universities. However, this may largely counter the effectiveness of the political indoctrination the CPC (Communist Party of China) wishes to implement in China’s higher education system. This book focused the research problem on the dynamics and complexity of the interplay among the state, university, faculty, staff, and students in the process of socialization through political education and academic affairs. Theories on political socialization and higher education will be used to guide this study.

The state built a system into universities to maintain its control over politics, and though its mechanisms have been well implemented, there remains some buffer space between state requirements and student expectations. Students’ counselors’, CYL cadres’, and students’ role therein is subtle; on the one hand, their interactions with students dilute their efforts at political indoctrination and increase their openness in party activities; on the other hand, students can find autonomous spaces in university—e.g., joining a political organization to benefit their job hunting, or even leaving the campus physically to be exposed to other cultures and ideologies. This scenario is also different from the promotion of academic freedom and critical thinking which composed a third situation in the complex process.

In 1948 The Public Organization „Service to Poland” (Powszechna Organizacja “Sluzba Polsce”: PO “SP”) was established which aimed at using youths to rebuild the country, their military training and indoctrination. The future of socialistic country. dependent on Soviet Union was mainly depending on the right degree of society obedience and effective work for development of state economy. Significant role in this process was played by PO “SP”, which was supposed to cover entire Polish youths aged 16 to 21. The improvement of combat skills was realized in the form of physical education and sport competition, which in time became an important element of organization life. This activity has gained special meaning in the rural parts of country. Creating circles of Folk Sports Teams (LZS) was helped, sport – shooting competitions, sport Sundays and LZS Spartakida’s were organized. The research involved analysis of archival and press materials as well as literature on the subject applying the inductive method. Furthermore, conclusions were drawn without the possibility of direct access to relevant materials, as well as based on knowledge beyond the source (the method of deduction).

When and how does state indoctrination work? Building upon research on motivated reasoning and family socialization, I argue that only those individuals whose parents have connections to political patronage are subject to state indoctrination because their pro-regime biases transmitted from parents induce higher receptivity prior to government messages. Focusing on political education in China, I conduct a quasi-experimental analysis exploiting the sharp variation in textbook content generated by China’s most recent curriculum reform. Results based on a national survey show that the new politics textbooks successfully affected only those individuals whose parents had worked for the government. The finding survives extensive robustness checks and falsification tests. I also consider several alternative explanations of the effects: preference falsification, selective attention, parental indoctrination, and educational quality. This paper not only highlights the role of intergenerational transmission in moderating the effectiveness of state indoctrination but also casts doubt on the actual degree to which regimes can change minds by changing educational content.

In this article, the observation comes from a specific context in the analytical work of the linguist, philosopher and activist Noam Chomsky: the occa- sion of implantation of the New World Order. As staunch critic of US foreign policy, his analysis is inherent to changes in the international order that began just after World War II (1939-45). Chomsky exposes the American plan of domination or global supremacy whose primary intent was conquest of so called "Grand Area", launched after the war, wich triggered the Cold War. The thinker discusses the contradictions and farces of the war and the terrorist state, as well as evaluating the attempts of indoctrination through propaganda and its mechanisms of persuasion, manipulation and control of popular judgment in the search for the formation of a public opinion favorable to establishment and maintenance of the status quo. One of the most effective tactics of propaganda observed by Chomsky is the lan- guage used to undermine or exalt ideologies. Speech and word are fundamental elements in understanding propaganda inlight of Chomsky’s thinking. Propaganda brings forth facade terms, that is, signifiers with previously disguised meanings to evoke misconceptions and misrepresent ideas and facts. In this sense, the ’common’ meaning does not corres- pond to the ’doctrinal sense’.

When the cultural industry is booming, fashion industry and fashion education emerge as the times require, and they are also derived from each other. Through the research, it is found that their relationship is specific, and the fashion education extends from the traditional only to the education of the industry, the education of the market and the education of the consumers. The form of fashion education is still education, but the essence has evolved into the pursuit of fashion innovation and the indoctrination of fashion culture, which is required by the development of fashion industry. This pursuit and instillation is through the production, management, marketing, brand, design and propaganda of the fashion industry. The external performance of fashion education is to cultivate all kinds of professional talents in fashion industry, but it is rooted in the innovation and creative breakthrough of fashion industry and products, thus promoting the continuous development of fashion industry through the role of human resources in fashion industry, and finally reaching the goal of leading the fashion industry with the power of knowledge. Fashion industry is developing. Fashion education is also developing, and is more and more popular in front of fashion industry, leading the development of fashion industry.

The article presents the main facts from the biography and scientific activity of historian Stasys Matulaitis with a special focus on the final years of his life. Matulaitis’ public speech delivered on 10 November 1950 in the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic which was targeted against the head of the institute Juozas Žiugžda as a falsifier of history is one of the examples of attempted resistance to the policy of control and indoctrination of historical memory undertaken by the totalitarian system. A former long-year Bolshevik and advocate of the Soviet system convinced in the rightness of his activities, Matulaitis took a critical approach towards his earlier position and became an unpersuadable opponent of the Soviet regime. The metamorphoses of Matulaitis’ life reflect the dramatic changes of the epoch. The present article evaluates the evolution of Matulaitis’ attitudes in the context of the attitudes of various other leftist intellectuals who admired Bolshevism for a certain period of time in their lives or leftist intellectuals who were simply sympathizing with the USSR towards Soviet regime and their disappointment with it. The article comes with some previously fully unpublished Matulaitis’ texts of anti-Soviet content: the act of finding of anti- Soviet texts (Matulaitis’ proclamation Citizens and Diary), written by the employees of the State Museum of History and Revolution of Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic, Matulaitis’ Diary written at the end of 1950 and a proclamation Citizens as well as his anonymous letter to the editorial office of the newspaper Tiesa. Keywords: biography of Stasys Matulaitis, Soviet historiography, historian’s relationship with the totalitarian regime, effect of ideology and censorship on the studies in history, the conflict in the Institute of History in 1950. Summary The article presents the main facts from the biography and scientific activity of historian Stasys Matulaitis with a special focus on the final years of his life. The twists and turns of the life of Stasys Matulaitis, a leftist by ideological orientation, were tightly linked with important events in Lithuania’s public and political life. A personal, intellectual and political biography, which was influenced by those events and itself influenced them (as well as acted through them) encompassed the tension, drama and controversy that shaped the history of Lithuania of the second half of the 19th century–the first half of the 20th century. Certain little known (or barely known until recently) aspects of evolution of attitudes of Stasys Matulaitis as a historian and politician after World War II are especially noteworthy. Matulaitis’ public speech delivered on 10 November 1950 in the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic targeted against the then head of the institute Juozas Siugžda as a falsifier of history is one of the examples of attempted resistance to the policy of control and indoctrination of historical memory undertaken by the totalitarian system. A former long-year Bolshevik and advocate of the Soviet system, Matulaitis took a critical approach towards his earlier position and became an unpersuadable opponent of the Soviet regime. The strong personality, especially productive on the creative dimension, would often draw the attention of nearly all governments within whose jurisdiction he lived owing to his peculiar and independent positions, which he had no fear of demonstrating in public. The final conflict with the representatives of the official government in Lithuania under the Soviet occupation, which occurred at the end of 1950 in the Institute of History, Matulaitis being its certain “guilty party”, could easily come to a tragic end for him. He succeeded in avoiding another arrest and deportation; however, he spent the last years of his life in a state of constant nervous tension and in straitened circumstances. The documents enclosed to this article do not only reflect the personal opinion and experiences of their author; in addition to his resentment against the system of that time, they contain rather accurate characteristics and facts which were about to fall into oblivion. The metamorphoses of Matulaitis’ life reflect the dramatic changes of the epoch. The present article evaluates the evolution of Matulaitis’ attitudes in the context of the attitudes of various other leftist intellectuals who admired Bolshevism for a certain period of time in their lives or leftist intellectuals who were simply sympathizing with the USSR towards Soviet regime and their disappointment with it. The article somes with previously fully unpublished Matulaitis’ texts of anti-Soviet content: the act of finding of anti-Soviet texts (Matulaitis’ proclamation Citizens and Diary), written by the employees of the State Museum of History and Revolution of Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic, Matulaitis’ Diary written at the end of 1950 and a proclamation Citizens as well as his anonymous letter to the editorial office of the newspaper Tiesa. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15823/istorija.2015.24

Since the emergence of the national protests at Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) in South Africa in 2015, both the public media and social media platforms were inundated with debates justifying the credibility and validity of the protests. It appears that the public and social media had succeeded in swaying public opinion in favour of the protests, as much media attention was focused on portraying the protests in the same manner as those of June 1976, namely that these were students fighting for equality in education, similar to those of 1976. However, since the protests hit their peak in 2015, and even through 2016, what have we learnt about the crisis in higher education that the protests have created? First, is there a crisis? Second, do the protests reflect the reality of the state of education in South Africa, namely, that institutions no longer seek to educate, but to indoctrinate? These are the key questions addressed in this article.

This paper explores the perception of Bahraini graduates from the University of Bahrain on the speaking skills they acquired in EFL courses in higher education and to what extent it served them in job interviews and at work. The study employed an online survey to collect data from Bahrainis who have graduated from the University of Bahrain in the last five years, and 214 responses were collected. The results showed that the majority of participants thought that university EFL courses should focus more directly on English speaking skills as they affected their success in job interviews and for work. According to the participants, the three major obstacles to improving English speaking skills required for increasing employability in EFL courses were that these courses were mostly based on indoctrination, that students rarely found a chance to talk in class and also that topics were far from verbal communication needs at work. The study suggested some in-class strategies for improving English speaking skills and also recommended either making speaking a compulsory graded component of EFL courses and/or adding a compulsory English speaking course to the university programmes.

Do states manage to build education systems that produce students with political values they uphold? We test the indoctrination hypothesis using World Value Survey data spanning 96 countries. We devise an empirical strategy that can identify the effects of education on political values by using information about the political regime under which individuals live, and regimes under which they got educated. Our results suggest that state indoctrination is at work. For example, we find that higher education increases voting behavior by at least 45 percent more for cohorts that have studied in a democratic rather than an autocratic country.

Korea was not only the first country to accept Confucianism, but has also complied with Confucianism to the extreme. Korean critics’ acceptance and criticism of the Ming Dynasty literature embodied distinctive characteristics of Confucianism. The highest standard they used to judge the quality of a literary work was whether the work supports the Confucian government and emphasizes moral indoctrination; they considered excellent works to be those that complimented virtues and moderately satirized immorality, and they tended to approve of Confucian works. With these characteristics, Korean critics’ acceptance and criticism of the Ming Dynasty literature accorded with the mainstream traditional Confucian literary criticism, which was not only helpful for pushing Korean literature criticism in an orthodox direction, but also beneficial to the critics’ self-moral cultivation, to the perfection of social morality and the stability of the domination. However, the acceptance and criticism of such literature also had negative effects, such as the overemphasis on the edifying function of literature and the eulogizing function of literature, ignoring the artistic nature of the literature and the overestimation of Confucian works, thereby causing some Korean literary criticism to fall short of objectivity and impartiality.

This research reports on the experiences of higher education English language teachers who teach as critical pedagogues. The aim was to discover the key challenges of critical pedagogy and how this practice is understood. Thirteen teachers from higher education institutions around the world were interviewed and all had a clear agenda for greater social justice. Eleven had to contend with the criticism that critical pedagogues indoctrinate students and they recognised that this was difficult to avoid in such a distinct ideological space. Teachers endeavoured to withhold their own political views from students while accepting a certain degree of risk not normally associated with teaching a language. For some teachers, the impact of exposing students to culturally challenging political ideas was not fully considered and in general, the long-term impact of its social and linguistic goals remains unknown and should be a goal for future research.

I first met John Macklin in the 1970s when he was a young lecturer at the University of Hull and I was a not much older one at another Yorkshire institution, the University of Leeds. Striking up a friendship came quickly and naturally. Although brought up in very different parts of the world (he in Belfast, I in Gibraltar), we were both products of the educational system of the (Irish) Christian Brothers, about whom we shared endless jokes but for whom we retained a common respect and deep affection. We both rebelled against our early religious indoctrination while remaining at heart spiritual sons of our educators even if thoroughly heterodox ones. Our research interests also turned out to have quite a bit in common. We were both hooked by the unconventionality of the noventayochistas (or Modernists, as we preferred to call them) and wondered why they had been excluded from the European family of the Modernist generation with whom they had so much in common. In 1980 we joined forces to give papers at the annual AHGBI conference (held at Nottingham that year) on the urgent need to ditch the 'Generacion del 98' concept as an artificial and catastrophic distortion of Spain's literary history. Unsurprisingly our elders and betters (notably Donald Shaw and Richard Cardwell) laid into us in the ensuing fracas in no uncertain manner. We stuck to our guns and had the ultimate satisfaction of seeing these respected figures eventually contribute their own considered reflections to our way of thinking. Since that time John and I shared ideas, worked on similar topics, and accepted a mutual influence. Alas, the joint book that we planned when I returned to Leeds to join him in 1999 was foiled by his departure in 2001 to become Principal of the University of Paisley.Although I regretted his departure, it was in fact no great surprise that John proceeded to greater things from his Cowdray Chair of Spanish at Leeds. Already in his first academic post at Hull he had shown clear signs of administrative flair, first as Faculty Admissions Officer and then as Head of Department. At Leeds, where he took over from me the Headship of the Department of Spanish 232 C. Alex Longhurst bhs, 93 (2016) and Portuguese when I moved to Exeter in 1987, he very quickly made his mark as an efficient administrator and held a succession of demanding managerial posts as Chairman of the School of Modern Languages, as Dean of the Faculty of Arts, as Director of Research in the Humanities, and finally as Deputy Vice- Chancellor for Teaching and Learning. He also acted as the Vice-Chancellor's representative at the time when the Santander Group of European Universities was being set up, a job which I concurrently happened to be doing for Exeter, and I well remember our sumptuous accommodation, lavish entertainment and gourmet dining (and of course rollicking discussions) during our meetings in Santander in those heady days when the EU could afford to pamper otherwise underpaid academics. John was in his element, always at the centre of the spirited affray, whether in the auditorium or later in the bar. He also played a key role in bringing the Instituto Cervantes to Leeds, a role which earned him the recognition of the Spanish authorities who made him a Comendador de la Orden de Isabel la Catolica. …

Durante el transcurso de la Guerra Civil, así como durante la posguerra española, la propaganda se convirtió en uno de los elementos políticos esenciales; y el arte, principalmente la arquitectura, la escultura y la pintura, cumplió esa función desde un primer momento. Sin embargo, los más pequeños tampoco fueron ajenos al adoctrinamiento, conseguido mediante la propaganda en los tebeos. El caso de Un miliciano rojo resulta ejemplar dentro de este campo, pues muestra cómo el bando nacional, nalmente vencedor en la contienda, se sirvió de un recurso tan antiguo como la kalokagathia para infundir el miedo hacia modelos considerados erróneos en la perseguida y futura nueva sociedad.

International audience; Can social work produce empowerment ? This is what this article shows, by following youth organizing groups in Los Angeles ghettos, which offer both political trainings and social services to poor teenagers. Long term commitment in these organizations results in the learning of certain skills and knowledge, concerning the social and political organization of the country and the origins of the marginalization of poor people. This can only be described as empowerment provided these new skills foster both a subjective process of increased efficacy and self-esteem and a political approach aiming at social change. The roots of learning lie indeed also in the collective actions and mobilizations organized by these groups, targeting the improvement of daily life, and in particular of education, in the ghetto. Despite clear results, the article also emphasizes a darker side of empowerment processes. In this case, it also appears as a form of indoctrination to the organizations’ values. This allows forming efficient activists, ready to fight to influence local public policies. This new collective power is therefore partly achieved at the price of a limited individual autonomy.; Le travail de jeunesse peut-il produire de l’empowerment ? C’est ce que démontre cet article, en suivant des associations américaines particulières, qualifiées d’organizing de jeunesse, qui offre des services à la jeunesse déshéritée des ghettos de Los Angeles mais constituent également des espaces d’éducation populaire très politique. La participation dans la durée au sein de ces organisations se traduit par l’acquisition de certains savoirs – sur l’organisation politique et sociale du pays ou sur l’origine de la marginalisation des classes populaires – et savoir-faire. On ne peut cependant parler d’empowerment que parce que cet ensemble de compétences s’inscrit dans un processus subjectif de revalorisation de soi et politique de transformation sociale. Ces organisations de jeunesse sont en effet à l’initiative de mobilisations visant à l’amélioration des conditions de vie, et en particulier d’éducation, des habitants du ghetto. En dépit de résultats concrets, l’article indique également une face plus sombre de l’empowerment. Celui-ci s’apparente en effet souvent à un endoctrinement aux valeurs promues par l’organisation. Ce travail permet la formation de militants convaincus, qui vont s’investir pour influer les politiques publiques locales. Ce nouveau pouvoir collectif permis par la remise de soi des activistes entre néanmoins en tension avec l’autonomie des individus.

Yoga is becoming a cultural trend that evolves into a mass culture. The most people, especially in the big cities, practice yoga. It means that yoga becomes popular even more with the role of mass media. Therefore, making yoga as a lifestyle in postmodern society. The popularity of yoga brings the changes impact for the yoga teachings. Regarding the teachings that were originally sacred into profane cultural products. There is a profane transformation of the yoga practice that demonstrates the ideological indoctrination for the purpose of capitalism in the yoga culture industry. It was intended to meet the needs and social satisfaction. It was marked the compromise to the market through commercial cultural products. Thus, yoga products were easily accepted by the public. This could be seen from the emergence of yoga genres that varied and have undergone modification and massification of interest and increase the interest of the audience. Therefore, becoming expand the market share of yoga practices whose goal was to gain profit. There were also classes of teacher training as the impact of this culture industry. It made yoga practices that were originally a purely cultural product transformed into a commodity to generate profits. Yoga teaching was no longer considered a sacred product of spirituality, however, it could also be exploited for the benefit of the market for profit.

In line with a long research tradition focused on the use of information and communication technology for development (ICT4D), we explore the role of artificial intelligence (AI4D). We start with a rather technical review of four of the characteristic traits of deep learning technologies, which leads to natural metaphors for international development. Based on the empirical evidence of 24 case studies, we derive four characteristics of the use of AI4D that align with the four technological traits. In isolation, each one of them presents a plethora of opportunities to contribute to international development, especially to the attainment of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). However, in combination, they create a clear tension between a looming threat of a hegemonic intelligence indoctrination pushed by global economies of scale, and the potential promise to not only honor, but to celebrate local diversity with the help of flexible AI designs. We conclude that the latter cannot be achieved without an active public policy dialogue on the international level and a determined effort on the national levels, especially in developing countries. The study provides terminology and concepts to identify and frame the arising discussions.

U radu se polazi od aktualnih problema post-modernog društva koje je obilježeno informacijskom tehnologijom i komunikacijom. Značajno je da putem medija, posebice elektronskih (internet, blogging, video igrice) komunikacija postaje poveznicom svijeta brzih promjena i inovacija. Upravo takav svijet današnjice, dakle svijet novih potreba mladih za informiranjem, za inovacijama i komunikacijom te novom vrstom zabave ima dvostruku ulogu. S jedne strane,beznačajno pretvara u značajno, odnosno nepoznato u poznato, što omogućava uspješnu efektivnost u obrazovanju, dok s druge strane promovira nasilje. To je dovoljan razlog da se istakne značenje medijske i obiteljske pedagogije u empirijskim analizama fenomena nasilja i edukaciji mladih i njihovih roditelja.Danas su mediji dio obiteljskog ozračja te svojim postojanjem i porukama djeluju na obitelj i njezine članove, ali o upotrebi medija i njihovim pozitivnim ili negativnim učincima odgovorno odlučuju sami članovi obitelji. Može se reći da su roditelji neizbježan medijski socijalizator i jedan od presudnih čimbenika koji omogućuje djeci i mladima razlikovati fikciju od stvarnosti te pozitivne od negativnih sadržaja.Pod pojmom medijskog nasilja podrazumijeva se: indoktrinacija, laž, diskriminacija, uvrede, ucijene i rasna segregacija djece i mladih. Navodi se da su mediji (TV, filmovi, internet, blogging, video igrice) potencijalno moćni manipulatori koji vode samo kratkoročnoj ugodi, a zapravo prevladava dugoročno gubljenje osobnosti. Mogućnost rješavanja problema po pitanju nasilja u medijima vidi se u medijskoj i obiteljskoj pedagogiji.

This paper examines the relationship between an early Islamic education and academic achievement in Afghanistan. Fears of political indoctrination have dominated discussions of Islamic schooling among many Westerners, making some policy-makers hesitant to support the kind of education to which most children in Afghanistan have access. In addition, misunderstandings of Islamic education as well as assumptions about the lack of educational benefits from pre-primary or primary Islamic schools have helped sideline them in policy discussions. But mosque schools may play an important role in preparing children for academic success. Children who attend mosque schools score better on tests of literacy than those who do not. This is particularly significant in countries like Afghanistan where many children do not have access to formal education. These findings suggest that mosque schools merit more careful attention.

Liberal bias in academia is a complex sociological issue. The empirical evidence suggests that part of the explanation for ideological imbalance is that conservatives tend to self-select out of careers in higher education. We examine the explanation offered by Neil Gross that political-typing is partially responsible. While we are generally receptive to this explanation, our own research provides some evidence that college students do not find academia to be a hostile or unpleasant place. This raises some questions about why they would self-select out of careers in academia. We also offer alternative explanations for conservative criticism of the academy and suggest that institutions of higher education have some responsibility for creating the impression that they are hostile to conservative views.

Pressure for police reform over the last century has come in many guises. The latest attempt is police science or evidence-based policing, and in this article, we consider how this approach can engage with the craft of policing to improve police science and the prospects that it will be used well. We suggest police science needs to do a better job of making itself relevant to the operational concerns of rank-and-file officers in their encounters with the public and of attending to the best that police craft has to offer. By studying craft carefully and showing a willingness to listen and learn from those who do the work, police science will demonstrate the kind of respect necessary for increasing the likelihood of a productive alliance between these two partners for the purpose of police reform. Though none but a fool or a madman will ever pretend to dispute the authority of experience, or to reject that great guide of human life –David Hume (2007/1748, p. 26) Our purpose, in this article, is to consider how the science and craft of policing can engage to improve police science and increase the likelihood that it will be used well. Our subject of inquiry is policing in USA, although we take occasion to refer to policing in other liberal democracies. Moreover, our attention is on the police patrol function and not criminal investigations. The largest resource in almost any police department is its patrol officers, and while there are studies exploring the culture of detectives (see Ericson, 1993), most discussion of the police craft has focussed on the culture of street-level patrol officers (O’Neill et al., 2007; Paoline, 2014). Similar to other occupations, such as medicine, to which police scholars often draw an analogy (Thacher, 2008, p. 50), craft and science are but two of many forces vying to influence what police do and how they do it. Political entities work hard to shape police practice, operating through legal institutions or by other means. Inside the organization, police administrators have their agendas, and many elements of the police occupational subculture pursue theirs. Police reformers in USA, the UK, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand and elsewhere have long tried to influence police culture either through the implementation of management systems such as Compstat or New Public Management (Neyroud, 2011), the adoption of new technologies (Chan, 2001), bureaucratic changes (Ericson and Haggerty, 1997), or modifications to training and education standards (Mastrofski, 2007), but the Department of Criminology, Law and Society, George Mason University Fairfax, Virginia, USA. E-mail: jwillis4@gmu.edu Department of Criminology, Law and Society, George Mason University Fairfax, Virginia, USA. 321 Policing, Volume 8, Number 4, pp. 321–329 doi:10.1093/police/pau049 The Author 2014. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For permissions please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com craft has demonstrated an impressive resistance to these influences. And while there are assuredly examples of these efforts influencing police decision-making at the ‘coal-face’, to what degree these changes are revolutionizing police work requires additional systematic research. What is clear is that many researchers have concluded that recent reform efforts have fallen far short of transforming patrol officers’ commitment to the craft aspects of the work they do (Manning, 2003; Willis et al., 2007; Loftus, 2009; Manning, 2011; Koper et al., 2014). As for science as a harbinger for change, we think it is fair to say that it is currently a relatively weak player in the police organization, at least at the street level, where the work gets done and the discretion is the greatest (Sherman’s (2013) review of scientifically based knowledge of policing led him to conclude that while scientific knowledge has grown quite impressively since 1975, actual use of that knowledge has lagged far behind). Science is undoubtedly growing in popularity with administrators (whatever its prospects for improving police performance, it enhances their professional status and career chances), but the vast majority of the rank and file who actually do the work find it of limited utility at best. For example, a recent National Police Research Platform survey showed that 60% of a nationally representative sample of 95 US police chiefs and sheriffs in agencies of 100– 3,000 sworn indicated that they had promoted evidence-based policing ‘a great deal’ or ‘made it a top priority’ (Mastrofski, 2014) (As a basis for comparison, 90% of the local law enforcement CEOs indicated the same for community policing). Yet the few studies of the rank and file available indicate heavy reliance on police experience and reluctance to forego the implications of scientific findings when they conflict with traditional ways of doing things (Lum et al., 2012; Mastrofski et al., 2011). In rapidly increasing numbers, police leaders may see the benefits of the evidence-based approach, but most of their subordinates do not yet have a strong faith in the benefits of science (Our study of a professional, progressive suburban police agency of approximately 100 officers showed that knowledge of scientific evidence ranked at the bottom of 13 areas of skill and knowledge required for good police performance. Only 7% felt that knowledge of scientific evidence on what works is very important; 95% said that knowledge of laws and regulations was very important; 47% said that knowledge of people, places, and customs where the officer is assigned are very important (Mastrofski et al., 2011). Skill in verbal coercion and negotiation was also ranked as very important by a substantial number of respondents (about 40%)). One solution is to replace the current batch of street-level officers who have little faith or skill in science with a new batch who do. This approach, of course, is infeasible. Civil service protections and collective bargaining units make it hard to fire officers, even for cause, much less not being proscience, and it would take far too long to replace retiring officers with converts willing to embrace science fully. More importantly, even more science-prone officers, once on the job, may find that science does not solve ‘their’ most pressing problems. Hence, they will continue to rely on experience, not science, to direct their practices. Another strategy is to indoctrinate the existing street-level officers through training and supervision so that they appreciate and accept that evidence-based policing should be the driving force in their decisionmaking. Police officers have shown a remarkable resistance to such indoctrination for a host of reasons: training that is not meaningful to the audience, training built on weak science, and training that lacks specificity regarding what to do under what circumstances (Bayley and Bittner, 1984; Buerger, 1998; Lum et al., 2012). They tend to see science as something for the ‘brass’, not terribly relevant, and sometimes even harmful to the sorts of work choices they must make on a daily basis (Thacher, 2008). In an environment where so many in police organizations are estranged from the modus operandi of science, as well as being sceptical of their top leadership, it seems to us that a useful strategy to advance the acceptance and adoption of scientific methods is 322 Policing Article J. J. Willis and S. D. Mastrofski

The use of online forums and social media sites by extremists for recruiting and radicalising individuals has been covered extensively by researchers. Meanwhile, the social engineering techniques utilised by these extremists to lure marginalised individuals into radicalisation has been neglected. In this article, the social engineering aspects of online radicalisation will be explored. Specifically, the five Principles of Persuasion in Social Engineering (PPSE) will be mapped onto the online radicalisation methods employed by extremists online. Analysing these tactics will aid in gaining a deeper understanding of the process of indoctrination and of the psychology of both the attacker and the target of such attacks. This understanding has enabled the development of a preliminary radicalisation framework based on the social traits of a target that may be exploited during an attack.

This chapter focuses on Percy Jackson and the Lightning Thief, a perfect example of Stiegler’s nightmare: a young man’s indoctrination into the capitalist-neoliberal system disguised as a necessary sacrifice for the good of Western civilisation. The desire to preserve the supremacy of the West is subtended by the suspension of democracy and the polis in favour of an elite group of heroes. Free will is postponed due to the state of emergency, while the young man has to accept that he is nothing to the father, a totally expendable object to be sacrificed to His desire.

The 1948 United Nations Declaration on Human Rights sets forth expectations that all nation-states afford certain privileges to their citizens, including access to education. Are all citizens of the DPRK afforded the opportunity to attend university based on merit? Does a human right to education include the right of access to all of the world’s knowledge? Does it include a right from coercive indoctrination? This chapter will explore these questions and attempt to describe a unique higher education system unlike any other in the world.

Schools in the UK teach pupils about Fairtrade as part of Religious Education, Personal and Social Education, Citizenship, Geography and so on. There are also Fairtrade Schools, where the whole school, including staff and parents, is committed to promoting the brand. It is argued here that promoting this commercial brand to schoolchildren and using the schoolchildren to press adults to buy a product amounts to indoctrination using criteria of intent, methods of teaching and the subject matter. This conflicts with educational goals. It is also shown to be akin to the criminal offence of Unfair Trading: the methods used in teaching used would be unacceptable in normal commercial marketing. A completely separate criticism, based on a wide range of research evidence, is that the schools mislead by giving false information and by suppression of relevant information, again akin to the criminal offence of Unfair Trading. The question of who has the responsibility for preventing such actions is considered.

Purpose – The aim of this article is to open a dialogue between several books written on Goldman Sachs and the academic literature. Design/methodology/approach – Greg Smith's “Why I Left Goldman Sachs” and the French investigation of Marc Roche entitled “THE Bank: How Goldman Sachs Rules the World” are closely studied to identify recurring topics regarding the investment bank. Findings – Three major dynamics are identified: the intense socialisation that every new employee encounters (almost an indoctrination), the cultural paradigm shift that Goldman Sachs underwent during the 1990s and 2000s and the intensity of the revolving doors between Goldman Sachs' managers and the public regulatory sector. Originality/value – Focusing on revolving door dynamics, this article opens a dialogue with the academic literature allowing for a problematization: the constant circulation of personnel between regulatory institutions and regulated organisations generates a convergence of actors' habitus that weakens regulation as a whole.

This chapter analyses the contextual representation of national heroes in books of English and Urdu languages for higher secondary school students in Pakistan. Political leaders during partition of India and military personnel killed during wars with India form its content. The master narrative behind the portrayal of these heroes, in all cases except one, emphasizes patriotism. The only text titled Sir Syed Ahmed khan, which is uniquely different, was not specifically written for the school textbook, but is taken from an already published compilation of essays by a famous Urdu humorist. Life stories and ideas of the national heroes are focused at indoctrination through language and emotions. The texts on war heroes are presented as more emotive than those on partition heroes. The difference in tone and style can be observed among texts in two languages.

Environmental education and environmental advocacy are a complicated pair. To avoid indoctrination of children, environmental educators must be cautious and distinguish between teaching students about environmental problems and telling students what actions should be taken on education and advocacy (Johnson and Mappin, Environmental education and advocacy: changing perspectives of ecology and education. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2005). In this chapter, we utilize a critical approach to environmental education which purports teachers’ need to support students’ understanding of the reasons for environmental problems, encourage them to deconstruct normative rhetoric around environmental issues, and then provide opportunities for students to participate in the conceptualizing of these issues with the values of social justice in mind (Fien, Aust J Environ Educ 19:1, 2003). This work relates to current research on well-being but also draws on emotions literature to introduce a focus on care. The chapter focuses on both John Fien’s (Aust J Environ Educ 19:1, 2003) and Peter Martin’s (Aust J Environ Educ 23:57, 2007) application of an ethic of care in environmental education, further theorizing Noddings’ notions of care in the context of environmental education and finally highlighting an experience of care-based environmental education pedagogy. The experience, a student-initiated investigation of the Aedes mosquito, describes nurturing an ethic of care in environmental science in a middle school setting. The chapter concludes with a section on further directions for an ethic of care in environmental science, as well as the implications of and complications with teaching students to care for the environment.

The current rhetorical study used McGee's theory of ideographs to identify how cultural politics influence efforts to portray “leadership” in a military setting. Such an approach seeks to better address some of the enigmas that have complicated the understanding of military leadership—and leadership in general—for decades. McGee's theory emphasizes that language reflects political as well as referential qualities and, in some instances, these attributes come into conflict. Acknowledging this reality in an applied setting can help address ambiguous issues that escape the net of prevailing social-science approaches to leadership inquiry. The rhetorical analysis, which examines U.S. Air Force leadership training material, documents the manner in which ideographic portrayals of leadership were pervasive in each training program, and it considers practical implications of such a situation. Most notably, the analysis provides an explanation of how ideographic portrayals of leadership implicitly emphasize cultural indoctrination over promoting social influence skills. Such an orientation fortifies the military hierarchy and perpetuates romantic views of the military profession, but it also blurs key distinctions between social control and social influence. It is suggested that because ideographs reflect vital cultural motives, associated problems are inherently difficult to remedy.

This article posits ideological indoctrination in direct opposition to ‘empowering texts’ such as Quentin Blake's A Sailing Boat in the Sky (2003) and Walid Taher's Al-noqta al-sawdaa [The black dot] (2009) which present children with opportunities to explore the realities and challenges of their contemporary world, and find solutions to them, unencumbered by the ideologies that adult writers who are not part of that ‘New World’ propagate in their texts.

Today's era is an explosion of knowledge, information networking, political multi-polarization and economic globalization era, in an era of college students seem more assertive personality, self-awareness is growing. Traditional indoctrination or mandatory approach to management of higher education to the "tube, card, press" characterized the situation can not meet the needs of development, China's higher education needs new thinking and depth of thought, the need to improve the quality and state of upgrade, need a cultural transformation and system innovation. The times call for more humane Higher Education Management System. Higher Education Management System in humanity, not only pay attention to the institutionalization of rationality into the base, but with particular emphasis on respect for the personality of college students, college students play potential, and create a more harmonious atmosphere relaxed managed to mobilize university students and teachers initiative and creativity.

The phenomenon of academic self-colonization prevailing in the contemporary scientific communities of both Taiwan and mainland China can be traced to the three ideologies popular among Chinese intellectuals since the May Fourth Movement in the early twentieth century, namely, social Darwinism, scientism, and anti-traditionalism. Under the ideology of scientism, Chinese scientific communities concentrated on the indoctrination of various research methodologies in graduate education, while the neglect of the Western philosophy of science led them to ignore issues related to ontology and epistemology. As a consequence, most Chinese researchers tend to follow Western paradigms of research without significant contribution to theoretical construction.

In this paper, we conduct research on the contemporary situation of university ideological and the political education and the corresponding countermeasures under the new circumstances. Traditional ideological an d political education the subjective one-sided emphasis on the authority of educators and initiative of neglect or even deny the education object and make the education effect is weakened with the past our wrong understanding of inculcating theory of Marxism. In the process of ideological and political education, the education object is that people are not content, thus to achieve education goal, must abandon treat education object of property thinking and humanistic thinking, in the process of infusion based on the ideological reality of the education object, respect the subjective initiative of the education object, realize the ideological indoctrination and the effective combination of meet the demand of the education object.

The article is opened with definitions of terms utilized throughout the article. Terrorism is defined as the threat or employment of violence against noncombatant targets for political, religious, or ideological purposes by sub-national groups and/or clandestine individuals who are willing to justify all means to achieve their goals. Terrorist conduct is designed to attract attention to the terrorist’s cause and to spread fear and anxiety among wide circles of the targeted population. Subsequently the author analyses how terrorists use the Internet, and what can be done to counter their activities. The Internet is used to disseminate information, for propaganda, indoctrination, networking, psychological warfare, socialization, motivation, fund raising, spreading tactics, recruitment, planning activities and coordination. As the Internet became a major arena for modern terrorists, we need to devise appropriate methods to forestall their activities and establish security.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to analyze the changes that have taken place in the Russian higher education sector over the last two decades. Specifically, it analyses such phenomena as corruption and politicization of Russian universities through the concept of “loyalty as rent”.Design/methodology/approachThis paper is a synthesis of conceptual work and case study, developing and applying the concept of “loyalty as rent” to the case of Russian higher education. Rapidly developing segments of the Russian economy are known for sprawling informal economic relations. In such segments, illicit revenues may exceed legal income and political influence is considered an economic resource.FindingsInformal approval of corrupt activities in colleges and universities in exchange for loyalty and compliance with the current political regime is commonplace in modern Russia. Political indoctrination of universities is advanced by the ruling political regime in Russia through informal means, while academic meritocracy is no longer honored. The ruling regime uses corruption in the universities to derive its rent not in money but in loyalty to the regime.Originality/valueThis paper argues that the widespread corruption in Russian universities may be used by the state in order to gain much needed political support of faculty and students.