Search

The purpose of this article is to investigate the effect of the Brexit on the IFRS and GAAP UK in the post-Brexit period. The article considers three possible options for such development: 1) continued application of IFRS (EU) by the UK listed companies; 2) creation of a national mechanism for approval of IFRS, similar to the EU; 3) adoption of IFRS without any intervention by the British authorities. As a result, each of the possible development of IFRS and GAAP UK was observed with an estimation of advantages and disadvantages. The research methods based on the quantitative collection of primary data, positivism research philosophy, deductive research approach with elements of descriptive content analysis are considered as important contributions to the research methodology of the Brexit impact investigation. As a result, it was obtained that the British government will choose the path of approval of IFRS in the UK after Brexit similar to the Australian scenario. This study is a novelty that covers not only the current state of development of accounting, auditing, financial reporting in the transition period Brexit, but also reveals the forecasts and expectations for further changes after the post-Brexit period. However, the research of the accounting system in the UK after the post-Brexit period (after 2021) might be the subject of future studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of Brexit is strategic. Several governmental institutions must redefine and revise their relations with the European Union (EU); and consider some critical resolutions to avoid prejudicial fragmentation in the post-Brexit security cooperation model. Focusing on internal security and law-enforcement co-ordination with the EU, the paper argues that the EU's approach to future security partnerships reflects common concerns, such as the fight against terrorism and other types of trans-national organised crime. On the other hand, the United Kingdom (UK) will no longer be bound by the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (CFR) after the Brexit transition period. This poses substantial challenges for the EU and the UK, concerning future agreements on judicial co-operation in cross-border policing and trans-national criminal investigations. From this perspective, it is vital to decide how the data exchange regime and operational collaboration between the British authorities and respective EU agencies are organised. It would be rational to expect that the UK will actively search for closer bilateral ties with several EU member states and potential new partners, to maintain its international position and cross-border security interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The UK Pharmaceutical Industry is arguably one of the most important industries to consider in the negotiations following the Brexit vote. Providing tens of thousands of jobs and billions in tax revenue and research investment, the importance of this industry cannot be understated. At stake is the global leadership in the sector, which produces some of the field's most influential basic science and translation work. However, interruptions and losses may occur at multiple levels, affecting patients, researchers, universities, companies and government. Goals: By understanding the current state of pharmaceutical sector, the potential effect of leaving the European Union (EU) on this successful industry can be better understood. This paper aims to address the priorities for negotiations by collating the analyses of professionals in the field, leading companies and non-EU member states. Research methods: A government healthcare policy advisor and Chief Science Officer (CSO) for a major pharmaceutical firm were consulted to scope the paper. In these discussions, five key areas were identified: contribution, legislative processes, regulatory processes, research and outcomes, commercial risk. Multiple search engines were utilised for selecting relevant material, predominantly PubMed and Google Scholar. To supplement this information, Government documents were located using the "GOV.UK" publications tool, and interviews and commentaries were found through the Google News search function. Conclusion: With thorough investigation of the literature, we propose four foundations in the advancement of negotiations. These prioritise: negotiation of 'associated country' status, bilaterally favourable trade agreements, minimal interruption to regulatory bodies and special protection for the movement of workforce in the life sciences industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Regional Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines four claims made by Brexit supporters regarding the United Kingdom's post-exit arrangement on trade with the EU. It reviews the nature and importance of UK-EU trade links and the possible impact on the UK of leaving the EU customs union. It argues that all four of the claims are based on incongruous arguments which are either logically inconsistent or ignore the extent of the commitment required by trade agreements that tackle regulatory barriers, not just tariffs and border restrictions. We demonstrate that the attractiveness of the UK market will progressively decline as the UK enters into additional bilateral agreements. We conclude by analysing the implications for the UK of 'taking back control' of its trade policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the possible implications of Brexit for approaches to open access (OA) in the UK. It begins by sketching current issues in Brexit debates at the end of 2016 as the context into which discussions about open access are then placed. Issues in four thematic areas are analysed: OA policies and mandates, EU copyright reform, new OA publishing models and open science. The level of dependence in the UK on European developments is assessed in each case and its contribution to Brexit issues identified. The paper concludes that Brexit presents not only challenges, but also opportunities which the UK could seize. In open access, the UK is already playing a leadership role. In areas of open science, particularly in relation to the European Open Science Cloud, it is the European Commission which is asserting leadership. The UK needs to consolidate its current activity and ensure that, whatever the nature of Brexit arrangements, its freedom does not lead to isolation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

External economic exchanges are the most important component of economic relations. No country, regardless of the level of development, can cover all its needs only from its own production. Consequently, all countries are required to participate in foreign trade. The aim of the present paper was to provide visibility on Romania's trade relationship with Great Britain. The data used in the analysis of the evolution of the indicators are represented by the series of import values and by the series of export values. Also, another topic that was given importance in this paper is the impact of Brexit on Romania's foreign trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Debates around the impacts of the UK's exit from the European Union ('Brexit') have exposed the limited critical attention given to how planning systems intersect with environmental protection. This is an important omission, especially given deregulatory pressures on both planning and environment in many countries. In response, this paper uses documentary, interview and focus group data, to conceptualise different regulatory styles governing the environment-planning interface, and assess UK planning practitioner attitudes to EU environmental legislation and scenarios for future change. The data show practitioners largely supporting the fixed standards and robust oversight characteristic of EU environmental regulatory styles, anxious about deregulation, and interested in procedural flexibility. More fundamentally, it also reveals the compromises struck in regulatory design, and the importance of concrete development-environment challenges in constructing arguments for change. Consequently, planning occupies a pivotal position within wider debates about new environmental policy fixes, warranting more extensive professional discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Issues of accessibility, diversity, and inclusion are becoming increasingly important for MICE managers around the globe and need to be considered in terms of both event attendees and employees/meetings professionals. The UK MICE sector is facing an unprecedented period of disruption in relation to the recent COVID-19 pandemic and the uncertainty of Brexit, the impacts of which may have far-reaching consequences in terms of equality and diversity. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 13 stakeholders - meeting planners, venue managers, entrepreneurs and member organization leaders - this paper considers how issues of accessibility, diversity, and inclusion are playing out in the changing landscape of the UK meetings industry. Findings suggest that although the MICE sector is paying increasing attention to the importance of accessibility, there is evidence of persistent inequality and marginalization on the grounds of gender, age, 'race' and (dis)ability. We question if a focus on diversity remains a priority in economically, politically, and socially unsettled times, and what this may mean for an inclusive future for the UK meetings industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effects of regionalism on trade have been extensively evaluated within a gravity model framework. With the expected exit of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU), the prospect of regional disintegration has brought about a new impetus to studying trade policy effects. Using actual and forecast data for a panel of bilateral imports between the EU15 and the rest of the world, this paper examines the trade effects of EU economic integration agreements (EIAs), their evolution over time and the related counterfactual Brexit trade policy scenarios. Distinct trade effects are obtained for the EU trade related agreements; positive, significant and of similar magnitude for the EU and free trade agreement (FTA) coefficients, but negative and significant (and smaller in magnitude) for the regional economic partnership agreements (EPAs). The subperiod results suggest the positive coefficients of EU and FTA membership tend to diminish over time, implying earlier membership of EIAs came with greater trade benefits. Finally, in generating the predicted values for the trade effects of three alternative counterfactual Brexit scenarios (hard Brexit, hard Brexit plus, global Britain), the findings suggest an asymmetric effect depending on the perspective of the UK versus the EU. Whereas the UK's trade would decline substantially with all three country groups (the EU, the FTAs and regional EPAs) and rise substantially with the rest of the world, only minor percentage changes are predicted for EU bilateral trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The two key events expected to mark the year 2019 were the 20th anniversary of the euro and Brexit. This paper examines the role of the United Kingdom on the stability of the euro area. We study stability from the perspective of synchronisation of economic activity in a core and periphery framework. We show the UK, since 1990, has become significantly more integrated with the EU economy. The UK moved from the periphery before 1990 to the core afterwards. We also find that the level of synchronisation of the UK economy has had the highest variability over time among all countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper considers the pressing issues that led to the intensification of negotiations for an agreement on future UK-EU relations starting with 1 January 2021. According to a scenario based on the lack of agreement, the UK's relations with the EU would have been regulated by public international law, including World Trade Organization rules. The post-Brexit transition will end on 1 January 2021, when the separation of the United Kingdom from the European bloc is finalized. The surprises did not take long to appear, with European and British leaders succeeding in concluding the long-awaited Trade and Cooperation Agreement on Christmas Eve, along with two other agreements, the Cooperation Agreement on the Safe and Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy, and the Agreement on Security Procedures for Exchanging and Protecting Classified Information. The documents, contained in the draft Agreements reached between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the European Union, to which a series of joint statements have been enclosed, in order to be applicable, must be approved by the British parliamentarians and the European Parliament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ongoing Covid-19 crisis and recession represent one of the biggest shocks to the UK manufacturing ecosystem yet, and comes at a time when the ecosystem was already in a worrying situation after decades of deindustrialisation, a decade of austerity and an impending 'Brexit'. The effects of this shock will also be unevenly felt due to the geography of the UK manufacturing ecosystem, amplifying the need for a successful response to ensure that places are not left (further) behind. This paper assesses the pre-Covid-19 ecosystem to ascertain the areas and industries likely to be particularly impacted by the crisis, and to understand existing issues. These issues are important to consider due to the implications for choosing strategies moving forward, for which two are appraised here. First, the reshoring of supply chains is considered in light of recent government comments, but difficulties in implementation may arise due to the highly fragmented nature of UK policy frameworks. Second, an acceleration of the 'grand challenges' approach is likely but limited by issues of connectivity in the ecosystem and small and medium-sized firm disengagement. We suggest that any strategy moving forward must strike a balance between such strategies [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pamukkale University Journal of Social Sciences Institute / Pamukkale Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Pamukkale University, Social Sciences Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article addresses the issue of Brexit in the context of economic analysis of law using a qualitative method, namely the textual analysis of selected papers devoted to both the process of secession of Great Britain from the European Union and the aforementioned research school. The hypothesis of this work is as follows: economic analysis of law reveals limited applicability to the exegesis of the Community disintegration mechanisms, including Brexit, which is one of the symptoms of these processes. According to the author, it reveals certain shortcomings in the research procedures regarding the phenomenon of EU decomposition, although, on the other hand, some of its components still remain valid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 31 January 2020 the UK formally withdrew from the EU, with disengagement to become effective after a period of transition and uncertainty, aggravated by a global health crisis. By analysing the shifting profile of British aid since the Brexit vote and also the terms of the withdrawal, this article intends to shed light on its future course. Building on previous research, three scenarios on post-Brexit aid are considered in section 1: the nationalist; the realist; and the cosmopolitan. Considering the most recent changes in the UK's aid budgets and policy papers, it can be concluded that the country has a realist approach to development cooperation (see section 2). Finally, the paper assesses the impact these changes will be likely to have on European and global aid, ceteris paribus (section 3). Our data show that the UK's volume of aid has remained stable since the Brexit vote in 2016. This has come hand in hand with a shifting pattern of aid allocation: aid provided for health research programmes in the UK, companies and universities has increased, while aid directed at LDCs and DFID programmes has decreased. Our main argument is that the changes match a realist scenario, rather than a cosmopolitan or even a nationalist approach, which would result in decreasing aid and weaker links with partner countries. As a result, and despite the UK's new allocation pattern to countries, sectors and channels, there should be no major impact on aid at the European and global levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the first detailed and holistic description of the European production network (EPN) and provides different rankings of the most "systemically important" industries involved in Brexit. Employing techniques of complex networks analysis and input–output traditional tools, the study identifies those industries that are key in the complex structure of the UK‐EU trade relationships. The method developed would help policymakers to better understand which tariff would have a more distortive impact, which export sector should be pushed, which imports should be safeguarded. Such information may have foremost importance in the negotiations between the UK and EU. Our findings suggest that Brexit would be not just a problem for the UK, as it is often portrayed, but any form of Brexit could propagate affecting the global production system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU's work on climate change is key to the regional and international fight against the problem, and disruptions to it have global implications. When analyzing the effects of the UK's decision to leave the EU (Brexit) on EU climate action, this paper looks at two types of impact. The first is related to UK absence from EU climate policy, finance and diplomacy following the actual UK departure from the EU. The second is related to the costs attached to the withdrawal process, including the additional costs and uncertainty created by the delayed UK departure. These latter implications of Brexit have been less explored by the literature, although the last years provide plenty of evidence for them. The paper finds that the impact of Brexit on EU climate action is mainly negative, without denying some potential positive impact and while acknowledging the limitations of a study that entails forecasting in an uncertain political context. Key policy insights Following Brexit, the EU will lose a member that supported its climate action internally and internationally through commitment to high emissions reduction targets at the EU level, policy solutions, and financial and diplomatic support. The withdrawal process itself has had a negative impact on EU climate action: Brexit has hijacked the EU agenda, captured EU human and administrative resources and increased the uncertainty in which investors and businesses operate. Planning for separate European Councils to deal with Brexit could prevent agenda hijacking. Both the EU and UK also need to provide businesses with a clear regulatory framework. A repeatedly postponed Brexit has caused additional damage, by prolonging uncertainty. Continuing to work with the UK on climate during the Brexit negotiations and after the UK departure should be a priority for the EU, as well as ensuring the willingness to cooperate is not spoiled by mutual resentment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As European citizens residing in the United Kingdom, French nationals enjoy rights of free movement and settlement in their host country, which enables and eases life across borders. In addition to minimal migratory restrictions offered by the European Union to its citizens, the majority of French nationals living in the United Kingdom have a positive and privileged experience as 'movers', feeling welcome and valued in their country of residence. The onset of the Brexit process poses a threat to the rights of free movements for EU citizens and marks the advent of an 'openly admitted' anti-migration climate in the United Kingdom; both have direct implications for movers to the United Kingdom. Based on a series of participant observations and semi-structured interviews, this article explores the reactions, responses and strategies displayed and formulated by French movers in the wake of the Brexit process. This paper participates to the exploration of the complex interactions between the global and the local, the political and the personal. The present study endeavoured to question the meaning of the concept of resilience and the realities it assumes for this once relatively privileged group of movers confronted to sudden and unexpected political change threatening their cross-border lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit raises a whole range of legal issues in multiple areas. The consequences on the EU framework for jurisdiction, recognition and enforcement of judgments are of particular interest for private parties involved in cross-border commercial agreements. This paper explores the legal basis for the jurisdiction of courts and the enforcement and recognition of judgments between the UK and EU-27 courts after Brexit. In addition, it broadly contrasts the main differences of the proposed solutions compared to the EU system. The paper argues that international conventions can provide answers to some of the questions as they set out rules for the jurisdiction, enforcement and recognition of judgments. However, there are factors that can have an impact on possible legal outcomes, such as the framework of the future deal between the UK and the EU-27, the moment of the commencement of proceedings by the parties in the transition period, or the fact that the parties did not opt for exclusive jurisdiction in their agreements. The Withdrawal Agreement provides for some clarity on which EU law provisions apply during the transition period. In addition, the EC Notices and the UK Brexit legislation provide for guidelines as to the rules applicable in and immediately after the transition period. Nevertheless, as the paper analyses, there is still a need for further clarification. Therefore, other methods of dispute resolution proposed in the article such as moving to arbitration instead of English court jurisdiction could provide legal certainty for private parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

United Kingdom's relation with the European Union has been always distant. Nevertheless, Britain's decision to leave the European Union, socalled the Brexit decision, has been one of the shocking developments happening in 2016. Prima facia the referendum result shows the electorate's historic decision to break away from the EU, however it is actually a product of a populist political discourse, which has been shaped by increasing antiimmigrant sentiments in the UK. In this paper, we argue that anti-immigrant discourses behind the Brexit campaign actually are a part of larger historical relations with the European Union. Following on from the literature, we argue that the role of the UK in the EU throughout the history of European integration has always been one of 'British exceptionalism'. The immigration question, on the other hand, provided an important opportunity for following this exceptionalist policy and leave the EU membership, but it resulted in racist and xenophobic attacks towards all "others" within society. In this process, discourses on the leave side contributed to anti-immigrant feelings and racism within society, although we cannot say this was the main aim. In this paper, we conduct the political discourse analysis developed by Teun van Dijk to examine the campaign of the United Kingdom Independence Party during the referendum process. Taken together, these aspects of the article show how the anti-immigration discourse has contributed to the racist and xenophobic actions, while the main aim has been to finalise the UK's longstanding distance from the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the turn of the century, national exceptionalism narratives underpinned by medieval history have staged a comeback in numerous European countries. Such discursive use of the Middle Ages -- so-called 'medievalism' -- often operates at the interface of politics and culture. In Britain, Eurosceptics increasingly make the Middle Ages speak to present-day concerns of national identity. National medievalism thus played a notable role in preparing the ground for the 2016 Brexit vote. The vote itself and the subsequent Brexit process have been accompanied by medievalist imagery in political propaganda, newspaper coverage, op-eds, online fora and social media, with Leavers in particular insisting on the obligating nature of constitutional 'precedents' in the deep past. Many of these medievalisms transport notions of an insular exceptionalism rooted in the earliest 'English nation' and stress -- often to breaking point -- the relevance of medieval versions of self-determination and statehood for the present-day polity. This paper explores a set of emotive Brexiteer medievalisms that appeal to a past which makes strong demands on the present. Some of these interventions amount to little more than historically flavoured jingoism, such as the litany of British military, legal and political finest hours recited at a 2017 public event by European Research Group leader Jacob Rees-Mogg. More subtle examples include hard-Brexit frontman Boris Johnson's tapping into a medievalising trend in contemporary discourses of international relations and national sovereignty when he claimed that there was a danger of Britain going "from a member state to a vassal state" of the EU. Conservative Member of the European Parliament Daniel Hannan in turn offered, already in 2013, a master narrative of 'Anglosphere' exceptionalism in his book-length polemic How We Invented Freedom & Why It Matters. Reactivating discredited Whig history, he traces a 'unique continuity' of constitutionally guaranteed freedom back to the Anglo-Saxons. These examples throw into relief the symbolic attractiveness, but also the practical difficulty, of making a medievalist case for a transhistorical Britishness conceived in opposition to the European mainland. For in lionising overwhelmingly English history -- to the point of eclipsing all but the most recent histories of the other members of the UK -- such insular Euroscepticism displays a significant overlap with an English nationalism that potentially threatens British cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper outlines a functionalist approach to the complex "Brexit" phenomenon, exploring those opportunities that can be derived of it for third countries, unaware of the upheaval European scenario, as could be the case of India. In pro-Brexit approaches, The Indian Union appears as one of the most important countries of the Anglosphere area, particularly significant for a future focus of the brand-new "Global UK", a relevant global partner in economic, trade & investment aspects. Due to the denominated "Intra-Industry Trade" (IIT), instrumented over the Global Value Chains (GVCs), which possibly constitutes one of the fundamental explanatory elements of the Global World, we have proposed an analysis of the UK-India relations from the IIT & GVCs perspective. Therefore, in our work, we do an analysis of the evolution, situation and perspectives of this kind of trade, especially for its three main sectors: Apparel & Footwear, Electronics and Transport Vehicles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyze the potential consequences of Hard Brexit for the economy of the United Kingdom. From the theoretical and empirical literature, there are no reasons to expect good performances in the medium long term for the British economy. The Hard Brexit scenario will damage the UK perspectives of growth by increasing costs of production, difficulties to export, a quantitative and qualitative deterioration in labor force, the escape of financial operators and of the legal offices of multinationals from the London square, the isolation of UK in the international geopolitical context and riskiness for the same integrity of United Kingdom. After the vote, we can observe a resilience of the UK economy that could be determined by the accumulation of stocks in anticipation of a traumatic exit, but also, to an important depreciation of pound that is producing inflation and losing value of real wages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we outline the impact and likely future impact of Brexit on the pound. We argue that Brexit implies a significant depreciation of the pound and the degree of depreciation required is heavily linked to whether there will be a soft or hard Brexit. We find that the pound has had broadly similar depreciations to date against both the dollar and the euro. Brexit has considerably raised UK economic policy uncertainty and this, in turn, has at times led to an significant increase in future implied volatility of the pound. While there is an overall link between the state of the ongoing Brexit negotiations with the European Union and movements in the pound in the foreign exchange market, the link is not especially strong unless the perception that the negotiations are going badly has exceeded 60%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union - if it happens, regardless of the chosen variant - will be associated with various consequences for both sides. Brexit (British exit) will also impact the EU development policy, as London is one of the leading providers of ODA - in 2018 it financed 11.67% of its world's total, and with Germany and France ensured two thirds of the EU ODA (65.61% in 2018). This paper attempts to answer the main research question: what impact will Brexit have on the EU development policy? The analysis covers the financial plane, and the following elements will be taken into consideration: the impact of the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the organisation on the general EU budget, the European Development Fund and the sum of funds transferred to ODA by the EU institutions and its Member States, guaranteeing the status of the world's most generous donor, currently providing more than 50% of total ODA. However, I argue that in the post-2020 perspective the fact that Brexit will happen will matter more the EU'S ODA than the actual form that it will eventually take. The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European polity may be associated with a significant reduction of the financial resources at the EU's disposal and directed towards development assistance, but the European Union will remain the most important ODA donor, contributing around 41% of all global development aid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 23 June 2016, 52% of Britons voted in a referendum to exit (Brexit) the European Union (EU) while 48% opted to remain. This is a watershed moment in world politics, given the implications for the future of the UK, the EU and the rest of the world. This paper uses the case of Brexit to analyse paradoxes of regionalism and democracy. The central question is, what does the case of Brexit suggests about the contradictions of democracy and regionalism in the 21st century? Importantly, what broad lessons may be gleaned from the case for regionalist projects among Commonwealth countries? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the UK's vote to leave the European Union, a number of dominant narratives and spatial imaginaries of 'Brexit' have come to the fore including the notion of a revolt of a 'Left Behind Britain', and of a generational splintering manifested in different political attitudes. Informed by this context, this paper considers some of these issues at the micro-scale, using voting data from two contiguous local authority districts within the same city region. It presents data from wards that have similar socio-economic conditions and which are highly ranked in the Index of Multiple Deprivation but which voted differently in the referendum. The data reinforce the arguments of those who have claimed that the phenomenon of Brexit is powerfully contextual and that general socio-economic analyses of its causes do not fully explain why some areas and populations voted to leave the EU and others with comparable profiles voted to remain. With poorer regions predicted to be the biggest economic losers of 'Brexit', an understanding of such issues is of material consequence and might inform progressive responses to such populist phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU referendum was arguably the greatest political event in British politics since 1945 and the campaign was marked by divisive rhetoric. This paper investigates how Britain's membership of Europe was narrated as a crisis by both sides of the discussion. I claim that this was a conscious discursive strategy by campaign actors for two reasons. Firstly, by constructing an event as a crisis implies that immediate measures need to be taken (by voters) to correct the situation. Secondly, this discursive strategy allowed actors from Leave and Remain campaigns to suspend partisan political divisions which would normally compromise co-operation. The chosen site of analysis is the televised EU referendum debate, entitled 'The Great Debate', which was broadcast two days before the referendum of June 23rd 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GeoHumanities is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2003 the Commission on European Contract Law (hereinafter: CECL) published the Principles of European Contract Law Part III (hereinafter: PECL III) which contained the provisions on EU set-off (hereinafter: EU model law of set-off). These are soft law provisions whose text was the result of the work of the most prominent academics from EU Member States. Considering that the Germanic, Romanic, and English set-off models coexist on the territory of the EU, the EU model law of set-off represents a reconciliation of the different private law traditions and models of set-off. During the 25 years since the adoption of the EU model law of set-off, several significant changes have occurred in the EU, which relate to its set-off law directly and indirectly. The most significant change is certainly the issue of Brexit and the possibility of Great Britain leaving the EU. Furthermore, it is important to note that automatic set-off was abandoned in France, which means it has replaced the Romanic set-off model with the German model. This paper starts with the context in which the European set-off rules were adopted. Then, the author identifies the nomotechnical and practical deficiencies in the EU model law of set-off in the context of the changed circumstances in the EU. The final part of the paper presents propositions for the change of the existing EU model law of set-off, which would help overcome the identified deficiencies and gaps. Consideration is also given to the question of whether, after Brexit and the change in the French set-off rules, the provisions of the EU model law of set-off which were influenced by English and French set-off laws should be removed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the impact of the British withdrawal from the European Union (EU) on competition damages litigation in Great Britain. Topics include other states in Europe that have seen similar growth with Great Britain in competition law damages, jurisdiction and the enforcement of foreign judgments following Brexit, and applicable law in EU member states.

The EU is considered one of the biggest financial and political blocks globally. Besides unity of geography, the EU seeks to unify the EU digital space by establishing domain name suffix for all European union domain names where all EU domain names end with .eu. This development will create rights and obligations for all EU member states. The question here is to which extent Brexit would affect such rights and obligations. This paper will shed light on the Brexit impact has on the domain names industry in the EU, besides the geographical unit separation over the borderless digital space of the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that the content and presentation of the Great Britain government's immigration priorities, in the form of the immigration white paper due later in 2018, will contribute to the tone of the national debate regarding immigration issues post Brexit, that is British withdrawal from the European Union in 2016. Topics include even if the intention is to focus on European union migration, it will inevitably also shape the model of refugee protection that is presented to the world.

On 24June 2016, a narrow majority of citizens of the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, a decision which has exposed deep divisions in British society. This article analyses the extent to which the campaign to leave the EU and its aftermath can be explained in terms of existing definitions of'populism'. It distinguishes between a 'thin' and 'thick' ideology of populism. Whereas the 'thin' ideology refers to a specific political method or style, one which claims to represent the 'true people' against a ruling elite, the 'thick' ideology focuses on substantial ideological elements, e.g. authoritarian and nationalist worldviews. The paper demonstrates that the Brexit campaign has been dominated by exclusive, right-wing populist ideas. In order to understand the appeal of populist parties and movements in the UK, the paper explores the multi-layered factors that have led to widespread support for the anti-European and anti-immigration politics. It argues that a mix of economic, political and cultural disenfranchisement is a root cause of the vote for Brexit. In this light, the Brexit rhetoric of'taking back control' can be interpreted as a (problematic) attempt to overcome disenfranchisement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the 2017 UK–Ireland Planning Research Conference on the theme "Transcending Boundaries: Global Flows and Spatial Justice" held on September 11-13, 2017 in Belfast, Northern Ireland. Topics discussed include implications of Brexit on community development; private takeover of buildings by foreign owners; and neoliberalism approaches within urban planning.

Abstract: Anthony King thought and wrote a great deal about British prime ministers and political leadership more generally. But in contrast to the way in which single papers embodied his contribution to our understanding of ‘government overload’, ‘executive‐legislative relations’ and ‘career politicians’, his contribution to our understanding of the prime ministership was defined by a body of work. This essay explores that body of work and identifies some of the themes that characterised it. It then relates King's work to claims about the ‘presidentialisation’ of the office, as well as the importance of the expectations surrounding contemporary prime ministers. As Britain grapples with the challenge of Brexit, we should all take note of his counsel against expecting too much in the way of ‘strong’ prime ministerial leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author talks about the "Future Partnership Paper" (FPP) published by Great Britain's government on September 18, 2017, focusing on security, law enforcement and criminal justice. Topics discussed include the potential impact of Brexit on criminal justice in Great Britain, the negotiations between Britain and the European Union, and the Human Rights Act of 1998 of Great Britain.

This paper articulates the potential implications of Brexit on energy policy and security in the United Kingdom (UK). Given the uncertainties associated with the decision to leave the European Union (EU), the need to consider its potential effects on the UK's energy sector becomes even more pertinent. Through the lens of a few widely reviewed trade regimes in the light of Brexit, it can be observed that while UK energy policies are unlikely to change drastically, Brexit nevertheless threatens the UK's capacity to safeguard its energy supply. The uncertainties following Brexit could arguably starve the UK's upstream petroleum, electricity, and renewable energy sectors of their required investments. Both short and long-term impacts could result in UK residents paying more per unit of energy consumed in a "hard Brexit" scenario, where the UK exits the Internal Energy Market (IEM) and must trade with the EU underWorld Trade Organisation rules. While a hard Brexit could aid the growth of the nascent shale gas industry, a negotiated withdrawal that includes some form of access to the IEM (a "soft Brexit") would be more beneficial for the future of energy security in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit means that regions of the United Kingdom will lose access to the EU Cohesion Policy. Have EU funds been effective, and what might be the consequences of an interruption of EU financial support? This paper studies the impact of 'Objective 1' funding-the highest form of EU aid-in Cornwall and South Yorkshire, two of the U.K.'s most subsidized regions. Counterfactual methodologies assessing their labor market and economic performance provide evidence of a positive effect of EU Objective 1 funds. When in 2006 South Yorkshire lost Objective 1 eligibility, this massively reduced its share of EU funds and the region was unable to sustain the gains obtained in previous years. This suggests that while Structural Funds may be effectively improving socio-economic conditions of poorer regions, the performance of subsidized areas could be deeply affected by a reduction (or worse, an interruption) of EU aid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland in the UK–EU Withdrawal Agreement as a 'flexible and imaginative' response to the problems that Brexit has created for the island of Ireland. It looks at the purpose of the Protocol and its origins, noting the reasons why flexibility was required from both sides. It then considers the ways in which precariousness from its conception has been demonstrated in its first year of operation. This focuses upon four main areas: implementation, dynamic alignment, the democratic consent vote, and the UK–EU relationship. Its core argument is the 'flexibility' that the Protocol requires also means a certain degree of ambiguity. In the absence of a stable UK–EU relationship, this precariousness could exacerbate the difficulties of meeting the policy challenges that surround the Protocol for Northern Ireland, the UK, Ireland and the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores whether and how the United Kingdom was destined to Brexit before it even joined the European Communities in 1973. Drawing on archival sources, media reports and literature about Britain's arduous relationship with 'Europe', it argues that four features made the Brexit outcome more likely. They were the accession to the EC as a measure of last resort which prevented the construction of a new sustainable narrative about a brighter future in 'Europe'; the political elites' use of the issue of EC membership or further integration for short term party gains; highly exaggerated hopes that membership in and by itself would cure Britain's economic ills or give it a new global leadership role; and a colonial style diplomacy that severely underestimated Britain's growing dependency on its continental European neighbours. In conclusion, the article argues that it nevertheless required the formation of a parochial political elite of little Englanders to achieve the extreme outcome of Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I review trends in migration to the UK since the Brexit referendum, examining first the sharp fall in net migration from the EU that resulted, and then the recent more dramatic exodus of foreign-born residents during the covid-19 pandemic. I describe the new post-Brexit system, and review studies which attempt to estimate both the impact on future migration flows and on GDP and GDP per capita. Finally, I discuss the wider economic impact of the new system and some of the policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits the issue of UK regional policy 5 years after the Brexit referendum. Though the mechanisms to replace EU regional investment funds are not yet in place, much has changed both in terms of understanding, and of policy relating to regional development, in the post-Brexit UK. These changes include the acknowledgement of wide regional variations in productivity and the UK government commitment to the 'levelling up' agenda. This has led to a number of policy initiatives, including revision of the Green Book and new funding intended to support 'levelling up'. In addition, Brexit has necessitated the introduction of legislation to regulate the UK internal market. Its particular form may undermine the current constitutional settlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Policy & Internet is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)