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In December 2020, seeking to start cashing in on its desired 'Brexit dividends', the UK Government published the Green Paper 'Transforming Public Procurement'. The Green Paper sets out a blueprint for the reform of UK public procurement law that aims to depart from the regulatory baseline of EU law and deliver a much-touted 'bonfire of procurement red tape'. The Green Paper seeks 'to speed up and simplify [UK] procurement processes, place value for money at their heart, and unleash opportunities for small businesses, charities and social enterprises to innovate in public service delivery'. The Green Paper aims to do so by creating 'a progressive, modern regime which can adapt to the fastmoving environment in which business operates' underpinned by 'a culture of continuous improvement to support more resilient, diverse and innovative supply chains.' I argue that the Green Paper has very limited transformative potential and that its proposals merely represent an 'EU law +' approach to the regulation of public procurement that would only result in an overcomplicated regulatory infrastructure, additional administrative burdens for both public buyers and economic operators, and tensions and contradictions in the oversight model. I conclude that a substantial rethink is needed if the Green Paper's goals are to be achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic landscape of the UK has been significantly shaped by the intertwined issues of Brexit, COVID, and their interconnected impacts. The disruptions caused by Brexit and the COVID pandemic have created uncertainty and upheaval for both businesses and individuals. Whilst the effects of COVID are now receding, Brexit is still dominating headlines seven years after the referendum and is likely to do so for the foreseeable future. In this introduction, we provide an overview of the literature on Brexit. We review the reasons for leaving the European Union, as well examine the consequences of Brexit, with a focus on investment, economic growth, trade, unemployment, and financial markets. We then introduce the seven papers selected from the 'Post Brexit: Uncertainty, Risk Measurement and Coronavirus Challenges Conference' held at Birmingham Business School in June 2021, that advance the current literature on the effects of Brexit and COVID on the UK economy. Evidence in these papers suggests that Brexit and COVID are still clearly posing a severe strain on the UK's economy. However, some papers suggest that not everything about Brexit has been detrimental, or at least certain sectors of the UK economy are displaying a marked resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces a set of papers analysing the likely economic impact of Brexit across key aspects of the UK economy as the country comes to the end of its first full year outside the European Union. The Brexit vote in 2016 was not just a vote on the UK's relations with the institutions of the European Union but was also a referendum on the fractured state of the UK as a nation. The resulting conflation of Brexit with domestic economic policy debates is reflected in this issue. A first cluster of papers focuses on the consequences of choosing to abandon the 'four freedoms' enshrined in the Treaty of Europe, the free movement of goods, services, capital, and labour across the EU, and a second is concerned with the indirect effects of Brexit in those areas of domestic policy that have been opened up by the Brexit decision. The economic consequences of Brexit are only just emerging, but these papers provide an informed perspective on the state of debate, and the likely implications of Brexit across a range of policy areas, both international and domestic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how so-called Brexit, that is the United Kingdom's departure from the European Union (EU), has modified the regional geography of Advanced Therapy Medicinal Products (ATMPs). The latter are therapies deriving from cell manipulation, gene editing, tissue engineering, or a combination of these techniques. Their development and delivery have been realised through research collaborations and commercial relations of international scope. In the EU, this has happened by means of a complex distribution of commercial activities and legal responsibilities. With Brexit, three main kinds of reconfigurations have occurred: the relocation of research and manufacturing activities; the reorganisation of quality control tests aimed to manage clinical risks; and the redistribution of legal responsibilities and representatives. This technical and legal reconfiguration is captured here by means of theoretical insights from the emerging domain of legal geography. Drawing on interviews conducted with both EU and UK professionals involved in ATMP development, this paper reveals the main challenges brought by Brexit to the current and future configuration of the ATMP landscape in the EU and the UK. Furthermore, it demonstrates how shifts in legal arrangements impact on science-intensive domains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the deployment of animal welfare as an issue during the 'Brexit' referendum as a lens through which to explore the mutual shaping of discourses about care for animals in Britain and the British nation, or the nationalism of animal welfare. Adopting a genealogical outlook, it uses one political advertisement in particular—paid for by the official Vote Leave campaign—as a focalising image and means of opening up the issues, leading to an empirical emphasis on the issue of live animal export as it has mediated ideas about Europe and British identity. Introducing the idea of 'animal welfare chauvinism', the paper suggests that animal welfare messages in the context of this constitutional debate were products of chauvinistic and caring impulses which are mutually constitutive and crystallised through discourses formed in relation to contingent historical struggles. Analytically, stress is placed on the constructive role of situated and repeated discursive exchanges, occurring between animal advocates and other national political elites, within which 'care for animals' as a national ideal is forged. In this light, the article concludes with reflections on the stakes of entering into an already existing conversation on the 'national culture of care' for animals in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit has undeniably had effects on power relations in the world economy and beyond. This article aims to measure the dimensions of power for the European Union, the United States and the BRICS countries and to provide a case study about the prospective impact of Brexit on the EU's and the UK's positions within the global architecture of power. In this regard, the paper proposes a new method of measurement of the world power by using six dimensions of power, using data before the Brexit procedures started. The highlights of the empirical findings are that the exclusion of the UK has strengthened EU's position only for the economic dimension of power, while for the UK, the most dominant repositioning within the power architecture due to the Brexit is recorded for the political & governance. The findings can contribute to raising awareness among policy--makers, companies, institutions and the population, both at European and at national level, about populist tendencies and attitudes towards potential separations of some member countries from the European community and their consequences for the European development from multiple perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to study the evolution of Britain's involvement in the EU's foreign and security policy in order to highlight the reasons that led the issue to be left out of talks on the post-Brexit future relation. The paper argues Europeanisation or de-Europeanisation largely depends on the degree of politicisation of issues both in the EU, the EU-27 and in the UK. As long as foreign and security issues remained relatively low key, the UK was able to enjoy the magnifying effect of its participation in the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and contributed to the decision-making process in order to successfully influence EU policies. Politicisation of foreign and security issues was due both to developments in EU-led or national initiatives and to the reaction they provoked in the UK. The EU insisted the UK was to be considered as a 'third country' and stressed the need for future cooperation to be institutionalised. On the contrary, in the UK, public distrust against a putative European 'super state', led successive governments to avoid any formal commitment to new EU initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to explore the value of geographic diversification in the context of deglobalization, drawing evidence from a quasi-natural experiment – the Brexit referendum that took place on 23 June 2016 in the UK. Design/methodology/approach: This study applies an event study methodology to estimate the impact of the Brexit vote on a cross-section of firms with varying levels of geographic diversification – undiversified UK firms, UK firms with significant operations in the European Union (EU) and globally diversified UK firms. This study deploys a Heckman two-stage regression approach to address sample selection bias. Findings: This study finds that undiversified UK firms experienced negative cumulative abnormal returns (CARs) around the Brexit referendum. The value of UK firms with majority sales within the UK declined by 0.9 percentage points, on average, in the three days centred on the Brexit referendum. In contrast, UK firms that are globally diversified, with the majority of sales within the EU are unaffected, while diversified firms in the rest of the world generated positive CARs of 1.8 percentage points over the same period. These results are robust to firm characteristics, selection bias and alternative measures of CARs and diversification. Research limitations/implications: This study is subject to some limitations that open avenues for future work. There are a few available proxies of diversification and further work on developing other proxies is much needed. Further work may also examine the long-term impact of diversification on UK firms. This study considered Brexit as a quasi-natural experiment, and this study could be applied to other deglobalization events like COVID-19 and can enhance the generalizability of diversification strategy in the deglobalized world. Findings may stimulate future work to explore how another form of diversification – product diversification has affected firm returns around Brexit. Finally, this study has focused on the UK as its base case. It may be interesting to corroborate the findings by exploring the impact of Brexit on European firms, who hitherto Brexit, had some operations in the UK. Practical implications: This work offers some insights for policymakers and regulators around the impact of deglobalization on local firms. Findings suggest that these trends significantly negatively impact the most vulnerable firms (smaller firms with less global reach), while their larger counterparts with significant global reach might be insulated. This finding is important for determining the nature of support needed by different firms in times of deglobalization. The work also offers insights to managers of firms operating in countries where there are real prospects of deglobalization. Specifically, the work highlights the importance of geographic diversification when free movement of goods, services and people is restricted. Originality/value: This study shows that a certain group of globally diversified firms earned significantly higher returns from the prospect of the UK leaving the EU, thereby highlighting the value of geographic diversification in a time of deglobalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the paper is to assess the resilience of UK's economy towards two economic shocks: the Covid-19 pandemic that hit the global economy in Q4 2019, in years 2020, 2021 and 2022 and the Brexit following the withdrawal of UK from the European Union on 31 January 2020. To assess the resilience of UK's economy, two sets of forecasts are generated: forecasts using historical data including the pandemic and the Brexit (from Q1 1998 to Q4 2021) and not including the pandemic and the Brexit (from Q1 1998 to Q3 2019). The computation of the difference of their averages is an indicator of the resilience of the economy during the pandemic, the greater the difference the greater the resilience. Eurozone is used as benchmark. By subtracting the average forecasted 2022- 2050 Eurozone quarterly GDP growth rate (annualized) obtained with the Q1 1998-Q4 2021 data, +2.93%, by the one obtained with the Q1 1998-Q3 2019 data, +1.59%, the difference is +1.33%, whereas with UK the difference is -2.33% [-0.24% - (-2.09%)]. Thus, Eurozone shows a greater resilience (+1.33%) than the UK (-2.33%) based on 2022-2050 forecasts. In addition, the authors pointed out that the average of the 2022-2050 quarterly (annualized) growth rate forecasts of the Eurozone is expected to be +2.93% with the 1998-2021 data whereas it is expected to be only -2.09% forUK The Eurozone economy shows better prospects than the UK economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the UK's exit from the European Union – 'Brexit' – has overwhelmingly dominated the national political discourse since 2016 to the expense of nearly every other domestic issue, the policy agenda in the wake of this process is beginning to emerge. This paper examines this agenda, ostensibly supporting a programme of 'levelling up' which responds to the perceived root-causes of Brexit. In doing so, we consider the funding streams proposed by the UK Government – namely the Towns Fund, Shared Prosperity Fund and Levelling Up Funds – and examine the extent to which the rhetoric aligns with the reality of their allocation. In doing so, we also consider how, if at all, these schemes correspond to the European Structural Investment Funds (ESIF) they are intended to replace. This paper examines this period of change to consider how the Brexit process is mirroring, and indeed entrenching, these processes of uneven development. We find that the early indications suggest that the UK government is proceeding with funding allocations in a way which can overlook places which meet the technical funding criteria, and therefore indicates political favouring is at play. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper responds to Bathelt and Li's (2020) call for selecting more appropriate methods and improving their rigour by evaluating the feasibility of using factorial surveys to anticipate future relocation behaviour. By utilising a case study approach, focussing on Brexit and the UK FinTech industry, the paper examines to what extent business managers' relocation intentions are driven by factors similar to those known to drive actual relocation behaviour and compares business managers' relocation intentions with their companies' actual relocation outcomes. We use a factorial survey conducted in 2018, which allows us to quantitatively analyse the impact of different Brexit scenarios and selected company characteristics on business managers' likelihood to intend to relocate their UK business unit (or some functions thereof) to the EU and/or the US. Additionally, we collected qualitative secondary data on the actual relocation outcomes of the surveyed companies in February 2022 by investigating online platforms, such as LinkedIn, Companies House, and Crunchbase, as well as company webpages. The results of this mixed-methods approach highlight a significant variation in business managers' intentions, and the importance of geographical and institutional proximity for relocation intentions and outcomes. We show that business managers' relocation intentions are driven by factors similar to those known to drive actual relocation behaviour, such as their perception of the economic consequences of different Brexit scenarios, their territorial embeddedness, as well as their nationality. Most importantly, our findings indicate that, although factorial surveys are only moderately accurate when predicting the exact extent and destination of actual relocation, they are highly accurate when predicting whether a company relocates or not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the UK's future Indo-Pacific policy by looking into the newly published Integrated Review (IR) and comparing it with the French and German policy papers. The "Indo-Pacific tilt" is one of the most highlighted themes in the IR, but a reading of the review suggests that the UK remains Euro-Atlantic centered when it comes to defense and security policy. It is only after the internal and external security issues are addressed that the UK pursues its "global interest" through diplomacy and trade. Hence, while the geopolitical and economic importance of the Indo-Pacific is acknowledged, and the stance of the UK towards the region appears more ambitious and confident than that of France and Germany, it remains a question as to the degree to which the UK may commit to the Indo-Pacific. The UK defines China as a "systemic competitor" rather than a "threat," suggesting that while the challenges China poses may be comprehensive and profound, they are not taken as immediate and urgent. This designation is peculiar. On the one hand, it differs from the US policy, which sees China (and Russia) as threats to its national security. On the other hand, compared with the European counterparts, the UK is the only one that calls out China, expressing a stronger will to counter China when necessary. Therefore, it is suggested that the post-Brexit UK is likely to side with the US in the US-China-EU triangular relations. Being very much a middle power, however, the UK's space for maneuver is limited. It pledges to compete against China and seek the latter's cooperation simultaneously, but such a stance requires power and will that the country may be lacking. The deployment of HMS Queen Elizabeth to the Indo-Pacific, for instance, has been described as an expression of the UK's commitment to the rules-based international order. Yet Prime Minister Johnson's emphasis on not antagonizing anyone and the decision that the Carrier Strike Group will not sail through the Taiwan Strait indicates a concern about China and consequently difficulty implementing the "co-opetition" strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the interplay between geopolitical goals, governance and International Student Mobility (henceforth ISM). It explores how the United Kingdom's newly envisaged domestic credit‐mobility programme (the Turing Scheme) is reshaping the spatiality of their outward student mobility flows to bolster a global sense of internationalisation through ISM. During its emergence, the Turing Scheme was often positioned as an antithesis to the pre‐established Erasmus+ Scheme which had a strong focus on European integration, instead it focused on promoting a 'Global Britain' narrative. This paper conducts a content analysis of Hansard (transcripts of debates in the U.K.'s Houses of Parliament), to reflect on ISM decision‐making, debating the choices made and unmade regarding the development of the Turing Scheme. This research illuminated multiple issues, adding to the debate about the importance of ISM for geopolitical purposes, and how these can underpin credit‐mobility schemes, and shape these during periods of large‐scale geopolitical change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes recent developments in the British and European government bond markets with reference to the UK's decision to leave the European Union. The two main goals of the study are, firstly, to examine whether the Brexit referendum result has affected the risk premium and, secondly, whether there are any changes in risk pricing following the referendum. The paper finds a significant impact of the Brexit referendum on the risk premium in selected economies. Furthermore, the results suggest that there is a considerable change in risk pricing after the announcement of the referendum result. Credit default risk and the risk aversion play a much important role in the post-referendum period than they did prior to the vote, particularly in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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One of the key functions of environmental law is to amplify the voice of those seeking to hold the powerful to account for their environmental performance. Now that the UK has exited the EU's legal and institutional architecture, we turn to domestic law to glimpse the future of environmental accountability. This paper reviews the measures in the Environment Bill. Accountability measures are only ever as effective as the energy of those making use of them. This paper argues that environmental civil society needs to act strategically and collectively to shape the institutional arrangements provided by the (hoped for) Environment Act 2021. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The initial stage of the COVID-19 vaccine rollout has been slow-moving and marred by supply disruptions in the EU. These problems have triggered severe criticism toward the institutions and highlighted a stark contrast compared to Britain's vaccination campaign, which, at the beginning of 2021, was one of the fastest in the continent. In the ensuing debate between the EU and the UK on their uneven vaccination rates, the Brexit argument has been repeatedly invoked: Some political commentators have argued that the reason why COVID-19 vaccination campaign could run so smoothly in Britain is that the country was not held back by the EU's slow approval process. This paper observes the way in which Britain emphasized its blistering vaccination pace to deflect criticism against Brexit. From a discursive perspective, Britain's vaccine success was used to vindicate the Brexit project, providing a new argument in favour of its indispensable and timely nature. At the other end of a binary rhetoric, the EU officials attempted to shatter confidence in the 'British vaccine', while also depositing blame on other factors triggering the EU's delay, such as the shortage of pharmaceutical supplies. The analytical part of this paper foregrounds strategies of discursive legitimation to observe how, and to what extent, the Brexit debate is being reshaped in UK and EU media by looking at a corpus of political tweets. The rhetorical strategies adopted by UK political leaders and EU officials to (de)legitimise national and supranational choices with reference to the COVID-19 vaccination campaign are observed through the lens of Critical Discourse Analysis as it embraces the idea that discursive acts are in dialectical relation to the social and institutional structures in which they are framed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to develop a typology of firms operating in a peripheral economy. A three-way typology is presented which builds on previous studies, distinguishing between the 'pure agglomeration'," 'industrial complex' and 'social network' models. This typology is refined and applied to the Mersey Dee area, a cross-border region within the UK with a dispersed, segmented economy. Two case studies of firms located in the Mersey Dee are explored to test the typology and examine how these firms related to their places and to other firms and institutions, in the context of rapidly changing market conditions due to COVID-19 and Brexit. The findings confirm the typology and establish a clear contrast between firm types operating in a peripheral economy such as the Mersey Dee, providing relevant insights into the contributions they can make and how balanced regional development policies could support the heterogeneity and richness of their place-based economies. These approaches will differ from the traditional agglomeration or cluster model, typically advocated to build sustainable economic centres. Further research is recommended through comparator case studies of similar regions internationally, within the typology presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we present the importance of detailing the contextual conditions of a qualitative study to highlight any potential participant-researcher tensions. We emphasize the importance of understanding context in rich detail to expose societal complexities while maintaining positive participant-research rapport. Through two cases, this paper considers that bracketing, reflexivity, and transparency can be applied to form appropriate strategies to deal with external disruptions to qualitative fieldwork. The cases draw on Brexit's impact on two studies conducted in the United Kingdom. In so doing, we argue that time, relevance, and the individuals involved can coalesce to express varied influences on a study. Thus, bracketing, reflexivity and transparency become vital to dealing with such influences; particularly when they are disruptive to a study. Overall, the strategic approach outlined by this paper can be used to maximise awareness of potential sources of tension in the field and to deal with any tensions that do arise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this introduction, we review the previous literature, present mostly in political science, on how Brexit has been perceived, discussed and instrumentalized outside of the UK. We provide an overview of the papers that make up this special issue, pointing out the various media (e.g. news websites, online discussion fora, TV programmes) and discourse domains (politics, banking) that the contributors address, along with the discourse aspects covered by the articles, such as narrative, humour, emotion, blame allocation, framing, and reference and predication. We conclude by highlighting possible future research, especially beyond the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to probe how leaders of Brexit (Nigel Farage) and Bremain (David Cameron) camps communicated with the UK public via Facebook fan pages. This study employed two different types of data analysis (social network analysis and semantic network analysis) for exploring the structure and the contents of information diffusion process. These analyses yielded the opposite results. For social network analysis, Bremain Camp showed a preponderance regarding the numbers of commentators, their relationships and network distance. Conversely, for the semantic network analysis, the results suggested that Brexit-related framings were salient in both leaders' Facebook fan pages. In other words, even though these two leaders have different perspectives and opinions to the Brexit, both Facebook fan pages eventually promoted Brexit campaigns to their followers. In addition, this study was able to find out Brexiters strategically approached and effectively persuaded a substantial pool of Bremainers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK left the European single market in energy on 31 December 2020, having been a leading light in its promotion. It entered into a new energy relationship with the EU-27 as outlined in the EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) on 1 January 2021. This paper discusses what has happened to the UK energy sector since the Brexit referendum of June 2016. Since our previous paper on this topic in 2017, there has been a significant clarification in the impact of Brexit on the energy sector in the UK. We outline what the TCA says about energy. We then discuss the current and potential future effects of Brexit on the UK electricity and gas systems in turn. We observe that the likely economic welfare impacts on electricity are larger than the impacts on gas, but the overall microeconomic impact appears likely to be modest (but negative). We offer a number of concluding observations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research background: The Brexit referendum had a profound effect on the economic relations between the United Kingdom (UK) and continental Europe. Major economic and financial determinants were affected, including the impact of the GBP/EUR exchange rate volatility on the dynamics of UK exports to the Eurozone. Purpose of the article: This paper seeks to assess the extent to which these dynamics have changed since Brexit and to estimate the magnitude of their impact. Methods: To this end, the volatility behavior of the GBP/EUR exchange rate before and after Brexit is captured using EWMA, GARCH(p,q), and EGARCH(p,q) models for the period of January 1, 2010 to August 31, 2020. The post-Brexit change in the volatility structure of GBP/EUR exchange rates is then tested by including a dummy in the optimal volatility model. Finally, the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) Bounds Testing approach is employed to analyze the relationships between exchange rate volatility and exports. Findings & value added: GARCH(1,1) was selected as the winning model and used to examine the volatility structure of the post-Brexit exchange rate, which revealed no significant change. By incorporating a well-grounded proxy for exchange rate volatility into the demand function of exports, and controlling for the industrial production index, terms of trade, and real exchange rate, the analysis showed that exchange rate volatility had a negative impact on export volume to the Eurozone in both the long and short run. Additionally, the industrial production index had a positive effect on export volume in both the long and short run, while an appreciation in the value of the pound relative to the euro adversely affected the competitiveness of UK exports in the Eurozone market in the long run, with no impact in the short run. This paper serves as a benchmark for future studies, as it follows a three-step modeling approach and provides valuable insights into the potential economic and financial consequences a European Union (EU) member state may face should it choose to exit the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration was a decisive factor in pre‐Brexit‐vote debates and it remains one of the most divisive topics globally; therefore, it is worthy of attention. Whilst the British people had an opportunity to have their say on Brexit, EU migrant workers have not. This article gives them a voice as it is based on original data from 40 qualitative interviews with female EU citizens to the UK, conducted before and after the Brexit‐vote. This article further develops the notion of precarity in relation to EU migrants to the UK in light of Brexit and adds to debates on gender in migration. This paper provides wider policy implications for the British and other EU countries' authorities as it engages with debates on Brexit from the point of view of the UK labour force as voices of economic women migrants from Poland are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an empirical analysis of the novel Autumn by Scottish author Ali Smith, published in 2016. Our study seeks to contribute to the understanding of the way the author has chosen to represent the cultural and generational gaps on the background of Brexit in the UK in her novel, by providing an in-depth stylistic analysis dwelling on the author's linguistic choices. The applicative part of our study will provide a stylistic investigation of the selected literary text, bringing to the fore the main linguistic features and the symbols the author has chosen in order to depict the general state of the nation and to underline the divisions and the fractions born as a consequence of the 2016 referendum in the UK. This study addresses several issues related to the cultural and generational gaps already existing in the pre-Brexit period in the UK, which are reflected in Ali Smith's novel. Smith, who considers that all Brexit did was to reveal these gaps, underlines the fact that these misuderstandings and differences had already been there before the UK's decision to withdraw from the European bloc. The main objective of this paper is to provide a stylistic analysis with special focus on the symbols and symbolism identified in the selected literary text, be they people, marks, locations, or material objects, representing something beyond the literal meaning. Our analysis fosters a more in-depth understanding of the selected literary text, uncovering the hidden yet essential aspects of the novel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the impact of Brexit-related uncertainty on the economies of the UK, EU, and the US. We propose a measure of Brexit uncertainty that has not been employed before in the literature. We first construct a binary variable by selecting Brexit-related events. We subsequently employ the Qual VAR model of Dueker [2005. "Dynamic Forecasts of Qualitative Variables: A Qual VAR Model of US Recessions." Journal of Business & Economic Statistics 23: 96–104] to transform this variable to a continuous latent variable that captures uncertainty on important economic and financial variables. Next, this latent variable enters a structural Factor-Augmented Vector AutoRegression model combined with 452 macro and financial variables for the sample countries. Overall, our results indicate that the prolonged period of uncertainty, had a positive effect on the economies of major EU countries and negative effects for the UK economy. Additionally, the UK is the most important net sender of uncertainty spillovers in the EU, while Germany and France are among the most important net receivers of uncertainty shocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Polish migration to the UK post European Union enlargement has been studied extensively but limited attention has been paid to women and their gendered mobility. In this paper, I argue that it is key to turn attention to women migrants as those who are often responsible for reproductive labour and who raise future generations of workers and citizens. This is pivotal to consider in light of ageing European societies and the need for workers and Brexit. Arguably, precarity is characteristic of contemporary life. This applies to the post-Brexit-vote UK and the uncertainty linked to the future after 2019. Precarity is inevitably characteristic of many migrants' lives often punctuated by a lack of job security which is linked to limited material and psychological well-being. For women migrants, this state of affairs is further compounded by their attachment to the private sphere which often constitutes a barrier to their engagement in the paid labour market on the same footing as men. This paper draws on qualitative primary data gathered from 32 Polish women migrants who were initially interviewed in 2012/2013 and subsequently some of them were re-interviewed in 2016/2017. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past 18 months have delivered a series of "surprising" electoral outcomes. In the USA, the election of Donald Trump confounded expectations. In the UK, the leave result from the EU referendum and the subsequent snap General Election which saw the Conservative Party lose their majority have been heralded as knife‐edge moments and a new period in politics. This paper makes an alternative contention. It posits that the electoral outcomes of 2016 and 2017 were not arbitrary or new occurrences, but instead represent the latest expressions of long‐standing historical trends towards increased inequality across the West. Recognising that the impacts of economic and political restructuring have been unevenly distributed between different groups and geographical areas, the paper makes the case that these electoral outcomes must be seen in the light of policy moves creating a more polarised social and spatial structure. Using the UK as an illustrative case, the paper explores the developments that have reinforced spatial opportunity structures and the reproduction of disadvantage over time. In doing so, the paper contextualises the revanchism resultant from processes of social residualisation and articulates the need to focus on the long‐run effects of rising inequality now being seen to shape voters' choices. This paper critically explores the outcome of the 2016 referendum vote in favour of Britain leaving the EU. With the narrow Brexit majority attributed to long‐standing historical trends towards increased inequality in the UK, the paper makes the case for geographical research to focus on the series of policy moves that have helped widen the gap between rich and poor, leaving an elongated middle group itself experiencing substantial fracturing within. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains the background to the notion of the 'geography of discontent' in the context of UK interregional inequalities and political shocks. The paper then examines how the geography of discontent has bound conflicting political and economic narratives together in ways, which makes the correcting for these regional imbalances all the more difficult, and results in ambiguity and a lack of clarity regarding the nature and form which Levelling Up processes should take. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: It is well-known that after the most significant enlargement of the EU in 2004, a great number of migrants from the Visegrad countries (V4), including Slovakia, decided to seek new opportunities in the UK. This has been reflected in numerous studies illustrating the consequences for British society and particularly the negative shift of Britons' attitudes towards migrants. The fatal mixture of political populism, media influence and social issues subsequently led to a referendum with the unexpected outcome of Britain leaving the EU, otherwise known as Brexit. Objectives: The main objective of the research presented in this paper was to examine the social, economic, legal and political consequences of Brexit and its impact on the migrant strategies of the Slovaks living in the UK. Methods: We used qualitative-research methods in the form of 30 in-depth semi-structured interviews online after the Covid-19 pandemic forced the original plan of interviewing the participants face-to-face to be abandoned. The approach used in the interviews was biographical, addressing the migrants' personal history (in respect to migration), present (in respect to Brexit) and future (in respect to both Brexit and migration). However, the final themes and questions included in the interviews was also affected by the pandemic which had largely replaced Brexit as the main cause of the migrants' concerns and had to be reflected. Results: A qualitative analysis of the collected data showing that Brexit did not alter the migration strategies of those 30 Slovak research participants, especially those from the post-EU-admission migration wave. They did not intend to go back to Slovakia and did not perceive any immediate negative impact of Brexit on their lives. Moreover, they believe that Britain would easily sustain and deal with any potential trouble resulting from Brexit. However, the focus of this paper is on those who emigrated before 2004 and can see the UK, their own lives and consequences of major political decisions in a broader perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bilateral trade relationships between countries vary across products. Such heterogeneity poses challenges when assessing the economic impacts of trade agreements. This paper estimates bilateral trade elasticities at the product level and explores these impacts using a hypothetical no‐deal Brexit as an example. Our findings indicate that the European Union's demand for the United Kingdom products is often less elastic compared to products from other trading partners. We also observed substantial heterogeneity in the elasticities across products and a negative correlation between these elasticities and tariffs. These factors mitigate extent of trade welfare losses compared to a scenario using homogeneous elasticities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to explore the impact of Brexit on national identities. Particular focus is on British expatriates prior to and in the aftermath of the Brexit referendum held in June 2016 in the sense that Britain's withdrawal from the EU raised concern about their identities in Europe. The paper uses media framing as a methodological tool in order to gain a better understanding of the way British daily newspapers represented British expatriates' worries about Brexit. Corpus of the study, consisting in a selection of 200 articles from the Sun and the Daily Mail, is qualitatively analyzed in a bid to find out the way such newspapers framed Brexit in relation to British expatriates. Media frames are also juxtaposed to Ipsos Mori and YouGov polls dealing with Brexit and related issues to gain a better insight into media effects. Results of the study reveal that media frames seemed to have had a major impact on British expatriates, increasing their concern about their national identity to the extent that some of them decided to apply for another citizenship within the EU to keep their rights as EU citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interpellation, the production and hailing of subjectivities, is key to poststructuralist international relations (IR) theory and yet with some notable exceptions interpellation/hailing as an analytical concept remains somewhat undertheorized. This paper presents a Lacanian–Žižekian psychoanalytical theorization of interpellation in IR, while engaging with the ontology and epistemology of belonging. More specifically, this paper develops four major psychoanalytical concepts: void/lack, fantasy, jouissance, and desire, as it argues that void/lack at the subjective and objective levels renders interpellation possible and destabilises it, thus accounting for the im/possibility of belonging. This paper illustrates the psychoanalytical framework of interpellation by analyzing national-populism as manifested in the Brexit discourse in the UK as well as the interpellation in homonationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates whether macroeconomic shocks, such as the UK's referendum decision to leave the European Union ("Brexit"), the 2008 Financial Crisis, the 1992 ERM Crisis ("Black Wednesday"), and the 1987 stock market crash ("Black Monday"), had a positive impact on portfolio risk diversification. We estimate weekly dynamic conditional correlations and then optimal sectoral portfolio allocations between 1973 and 2019. Our results show that correlations of equity returns increased as a consequence of economic integration among European countries from the mid‐1980s until the late 2000s, and decreased in the United Kingdom after Black Wednesday and the Brexit referendum. We tested the existence of a correlation change‐point on June 27, 2016 by applying Wied et al. (2012)'s [Econometric Theory, 28(3), 570–589] correlation structural break test, which we modified to account for dynamic conditional correlations. Application of this test confirms that the referendum date was a break‐point in nearly all UK manufacturing industries. The failure of Lehman Brothers and the 1987 stock market crash were also identified as structural breaks in equity correlations. Moreover, our findings suggest that the Brexit vote may constitute a long‐term trend reversal of the convergence of equity return correlations in European markets, akin to Black Wednesday, rather than a shock like the 1987 and 2008 financial crises, which merely intensified a historical upward trend in correlations of European equity returns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exploiting changes in the geography of economic integration in Europe, this paper quantifies the effects of Brexit from ex post to ex ante using structural gravity. By isolating the directional treatment effects of EU agreements for the UK, the analysis reveals important heterogeneity across agreements, sectors, and within pairs. We find that these directional effects matter for the size and distribution of the welfare effects of Brexit—the withdrawal of the UK from EU agreements resulting into a return of trade costs to the situation quo ante. We make this point with the help of a modern multi-sector trade model that is able to capture inter- and intranational production networks. In line with other papers, the welfare costs of Brexit are higher in the UK than in most other EU countries. However, heterogeneity tends to attenuate overall costs while giving rise to substantial heterogeneity between EU27 members and sectors. A scenario that could shift bargaining power eliminates asymmetries in the costs of Brexit as soon as the UK fully liberalizes its market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a detailed review of the UK's trade performance during the COVID‐19 crisis and reflects on how this may be revived. During 2020, UK goods exports contracted more sharply than those of its international peers. Statistics suggest that UK had a deeper decline and slower recovery than Germany, Italy, Spain and the US. Further, the trends from 2017 to 2019 show a weakening in the UK's global competitiveness, suggesting a more persistent development against the backdrop of productivity slowdown and Brexit uncertainty. We analyse the confluence of internal and external factors that impact on UK trade and emphasise the importance of boosting productivity in the recovery from the COVID crisis and Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2003, Mary Louise Pratt published a hugely influential paper in Profession where she took to task misconceptions about multilingualism and language learning apparent in the USA in the wake of 9/11 and consequent counter-terrorism measures. She argued that a new public idea about language was necessary in order to ensure unity and security. This article argues that in the aftermath of Brexit, the UK also needs to develop a new public idea about language to ensure a future that is prosperous, socially, culturally and economically. To do so, it first challenges a number of prevalent myths about language learning and multilingualism in the UK through a review of scholarship, media articles and reports which focus on languages and multilingualism since 2013. It then suggests that interest in the Anglosphere has meant that the value of English is now artificially inflated and that the value of other languages is underplayed. We argue that this turn to the Anglosphere and to (English) monolingualism should be challenged through proposing a new public idea about language for post-Brexit UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Drawing on theories of international regimes and game theoretical approaches this article analyzes the level of overlap in national security strategies, seeking to explore the potential of convergence in security and defense cooperation in Europe post Brexit. It investigates two research questions: 1. What is the potential for future security cooperation in the Euro-Atlantic space post-Brexit? and 2. What areas are more prone to collaboration? The paper applies cluster analysis and a comparative design, using national security strategies as units of study. It finds that there is potential for future convergence between EU27 and the UK at the industrial level, in internal security matters and EU missions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK's collective investment scheme ('CIS') sector is a key aspect of UK financial services. With the UK's departure from the EU, it has also become a politically salient topic, with various Member States competing to lure business to their financial centres in the light of Brexit. Brexit prompts hard choices and a key question arising for the CIS industry is whether the UK should continue to shadow EU law or whether elements of regulatory divergence could be envisaged. The paper suggests that, over the short to medium term, the UK should ensure it is likely to be deemed equivalent under EU law. Be that as it may, the paper also suggests that there may be areas within UK CIS regulation where some limited divergence can be considered. This would be provided that the UK remains in line with international standards, and (ideally) continues to be recognisably similar to remain equivalent. This certainly holds true in the event that equivalence is interpreted as more of a holistic assessment that could extend to embrace an element of regulatory competition. Any such divergence could also be framed as being of an optional nature, in order to grant CIS businesses full flexibility with respect to which regime they wish to comply. Writ large, Brexit may also help to stimulate broader conversations about the longer-term challenges the CIS industry faces in today's world. Viewed in this light, leaving the union could also inspire innovative and proportionate solutions to support and strengthen this pivotal sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to problematise the historical significance of the EU for British governing strategy with reference to immigration policy and the concept of depoliticisation. Situating British governing strategy in terms of the crisis-prone nature of capitalist society, this paper argues that British immigration policy has been depoliticised through, initially, the invocation of globalisation and, more recently, the EU. Through this strategy, the British state has been able to repeatedly claim that immigration policy is largely out of its hands, as they have no control over workers wishing to enter Britain looking for work. This paper makes three claims: firstly, immigration policy has been used as a means by both Conservative and Labour governments to manage inflation and labour; secondly, successive governments have sought to depoliticise immigration policy through reference to external forces; thirdly, this strategy of depoliticisation ultimately failed, politicising Britain's relationship with the EU and creating conditions for Britain's exit from the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper estimates the economic effects of different types of restrictions on trade and immigration in the United Kingdom after Brexit. Regarding trade restrictions, we focus on UK–EU increases in tariffs and non‐tariff barriers. We also analyse the removal of all tariffs in the UK to all its trading partners. Concerning immigration, we run a 5‐year cumulative annual reduction in net migrants by 87,000 workers following OECD estimations, which looks realistic even if there is a hard Brexit. The study is conducted using a computable general equilibrium (CGE) model, which allows us to estimate the impact on GDP, welfare, wages and capital remuneration, together with the evolution of aggregate and sectoral output, exports and imports. We obtain a more sizeable negative impact on the UK than other previous influential studies. Trade restrictions would generate welfare reductions between −0.38% and −1.94% for the UK, while they would be between −0.03% and −0.14% in the EU. This is because the EU is a crucial trade partner for the UK, which cannot be easily substituted through trade with other regions in the world. We simulate the impact of both reductions in net inflows and in the stock of EU migrants, accumulated through 5 years. Migration is compatible with wage increases but puts downward pressure on GDPpc. However, migration restrictions would not compensate the overall GDPpc contractions arising from a hard Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While politicians and scholars have debated the meaning, value, and purposes of multiculturalism for decades, less attention has been paid to the views of a broader group of Britons. In this paper I analyze the meaning of multiculturalism for elite university students in Britain. Many British leaders spend their early adulthood in elite universities. Do they hold the same conceptions of multiculturalism that scholars, the media, and politicians espouse? And, do they express strong support for multiculturalism (as they understand it) as discussions about political division in Britain assume? This paper answers these important questions by analyzing 67 in-depth interviews with undergraduates at Oxford University. I find that students define multiculturalism as a diverse array of ethnic groups living in the same society. Most simultaneously report little impact on their lives. Still, a significant minority express concerns about a perceived lack of integration and impingement on traditional British culture. These findings demonstrate precarious support for multiculturalism even among those who express more tolerant, inclusive understandings of British society related to immigration and Brexit in opinion polls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit, i.e. the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union, is a major event in European and global politics. It has been debated from a multitude of social, economic, and cultural angles. This paper offers a cognitive linguistic perspective on Brexit, and investigates its metaphoric conceptualization on the first days after the 2016 referendum. That period seems especially important as, arguably, it was then that for many UK citizens, Brexit suddenly became more than just a hypothetical possibility. The investigation is quantitative and follows Socio-cognitive discourse studies principles. It registers frequencies of source-domain use in UK online media, and traces preferences as to general source-domain semantics. The findings strongly suggest the presence of negative source-domain preferences. This negative metaphoric construal comes in stark contrast with the 3-year par between the Leave and Remain stances in the UK. To explain that discrepancy, the paper argues in support of the importance of 'levels' in source-domain use. Admittedly, throughout Lakovian works (e.g., Lakoff and Johnson, 1980, 1999), conceptual metaphoric transfer has been argued to take place at what Rosch et al. postulate as basic-level categorization (1973). However, as the present paper suggests, Rosch's 'levels' in prototypology can be seen as functioning through conceptual metonymy. That, in its turn, combined with the all-pervasive cognitive mechanism of spreading activation (first introduced into linguistics by de Beaugrande and Dressler in 1981) suggests all semantic levels can be co-activated in the process of metaphorization, regardless of which level is currently being highlighted and drawn on. As a consequence, different semantic levels are believed here to have the potential to co-influence inferences and connotations resulting from conceptual metaphorization. Thus, the approach adopted in the present study also has the potential to explain why it has been so difficult for scholars to pinpoint and formulate metaphoric transfers. Importantly, the 'levels' proposed here should be differentiated from, although not interpreted as contradicting, the metaphor-relevant levels specified in Kövecses (2010). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]