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Copyright of Revista Iberoamericana de Ciencia, Tecnologia y Sociedad is the property of Centro de Estudios sobre Ciencia, Desarrollo y Educacion Superior and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This literature review aims to examine the approach given to open science policy in the different studies. The main findings are that the approach given to open science has different aspects: policy framing and its geopolitical aspects are described as an asymmetries replication and epistemic governance tool. The main geopolitical aspects of open science policies described in the literature are the relations between international, regional, and national policies. There are also different components of open science covered in the literature: open data seems much discussed in the works in the English language, while open access is the main component discussed in the Portuguese and Spanish speaking papers. Finally, the relationship between open science policies and the science policy is framed by highlighting the innovation and transparency that open science can bring into it.

Copyright of Territorios: Revista de Estudios Regionales y Urbanos is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The relationship between state and absent citizens is becoming more important since the globalization of the 1990s. Countries usually try to increase the number of their citizens through two methods. The first is by increasing the number of nationals living abroad using a dual-nationality system. The second is by expanding national power through dual culturalism. These methods increase the international capacity of the home state through the expansion of the de facto state territory from the perspective of network-power theory. Latin American countries have been relatively passive in this diaspora-engagement policy, but recently they have begun to show an active attitude by revising their migration policy—amendments to the Constitution and migration law, dual nationality, dual culturalism, voting rights abroad, and upgrading the status of diaspora agencies, etc. However, it is still unclear how the multinational and multi-ethnic Latin American countries conceptualize diaspora. This paper analyzes the diaspora-engagement policy of Latin American countries from the standpoint of network-power theory and tries to find out what its theoretical framework is. This paper concludes that the theorization work on diaspora should continue to track and analyze these policy changes, since it is difficult to understand what the diaspora concept is and what policy objectives the state is pursuing under the current diaspora-engagement policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Desenvolvimento e Meio Ambiente is the property of Universidade Federal do Parana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article provides a comparative analysis of the distribution effects of the increase in the real value of the minimum wage in Latin America during the 2000s in four Latin American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay. Using semiparametric techniques to estimate counterfactual density functions, the authors find that the increase in the minimum wage had an equalizing effect in Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay, but not in Chile. This increase accounted for a considerable part of the decline in wage inequality, which was the result of compression at the lower tail of the wage distribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Iberoamericana de Ciencia, Tecnologia y Sociedad is the property of Centro de Estudios sobre Ciencia, Desarrollo y Educacion Superior and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de la CEPAL is the property of United Nations Publications and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Iberoamericana de Ciencia, Tecnologia y Sociedad is the property of Centro de Estudios sobre Ciencia, Desarrollo y Educacion Superior and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper describes the integration of Latin American marine fisheries into the global production system in the post-1945 period and the role of foreign and domestic fleets in this process. Through reference to the state-denial theories found in the globalisation literature, it charts the impact that the globalisation process has had upon the exploitation and sustainability of fish stocks in Latin American waters. It argues that while globalisation may indeed boost environmental awareness and lead to a more sustainable level of production through the decreased influence of local political interests, this has yet to happen in the principal Latin American fishing nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary This paper examines the impact of the program Seguro de Capacitación y Empleo (SCE) implemented to provide support in skills upgrading, job seeking, and job placement to eligible beneficiaries of the Argentinian conditional cash transfer program Plan Jefes . The SCE is an example of a growing trend observed in Latin America, where labor activation components have been increasingly included into cash transfers programs to support beneficiaries in finding more stable income opportunities. Despite this growing trend, not enough is known regarding the effectiveness of these components, especially on job quality. In this context, this paper sheds light on whether the provision of a comprehensive package of active labor market measures contributes to a successful labor market integration of cash transfers beneficiaries. Taking advantage of the panel structure of the Permanent Household Survey and exploiting the time variation in the assignment of the program as identification strategy, we apply difference-in-difference estimators to measure the impact on a number of labor market indicators. We find that the program affects positively the job quality of participants by increasing the probability of having a formal job and raising hourly wages. Moreover, the intervention is associated with a lower probability of having a low-paid job and working an excessive number of hours. These effects are, however, not homogeneous across all groups of participants. While the program is more successful among the younger beneficiaries, it does not contribute to an improvement in the labor market conditions of female beneficiaries, who in fact are the majority of SCE participants. Our results suggest that reducing dependency on monetary transfers through programs, such as the SCE, that are rich in activation components is beneficial for participants’ labor market trajectories and therefore, it constitutes a satisfactory exit strategy to more universal cash transfer programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kriminologisches Journal is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Industrial Relations / Relations Industrielles is the property of Universite Laval, Department of Industrial Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Bioéthica is the property of Universidad de Chile, Centro Interdisciplinario de Estudios en Bioetica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian & Latin American Economic History is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper argues that the global economy has produced changes in the hierarchical configuration of urban systems. The emerging organization tends to be more open and set up more horizontal relations among cities. There are some evidences that indicate the relative insertion of the main Latin-American cities in global networks. The paper shows the empirical evidence available to Latin-American cities and, specially, related to the Argentine case. It evaluates the tension between the historically forged trend toward geographic concentration of population and economic activities in the metropolis of Buenos Aires and other somewhat more recent trends towards dispersion, emphasizing the role of intermediate cities. The paper concludes reflecting on the importance of flows between cities, the patterns of spatial dependency between them and the role of public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos Judaicos is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Comparative political communication scholars repeatedly debated political parallelism as a tool to conceptualize the relation of media systems to political cleavages. Despite the fact that populism/anti-populism divides (re-)emerged as central political fault-lines, scholarship has paid little attention to the concept's potential to look at how populist polarization restructures media-politics connections in Latin America and elsewhere. Through a combination of content analysis, in-depth interviews and other sources, this article traces shifts in news media alignments and journalistic practices during and following the recent experience of leftist-populist rule in Argentina. It argues that news media shifted to a distinct form of political parallelism organized around the populism/anti-populism divide in which most private mainstream news media assumed an active political role in the mobilization of anti-populism. The article provides a broader understanding of political parallelism that applies to settings of competitive-electoral populist politics and sheds light on not only news media alignments, but also media involvement in the political task of cleavage construction. Scholarly research on Latin America, given its focus on instrumental media-politics connections or its concerns over populist threats to media freedom, generally misses both the politicizing role of anti-populist media and the ways in which they mirror populist style. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of the relationship between Italian Neorealism and Latin American cinema have often been limited to political analyses, or to superficial identification of formal similarities. This article aims to move beyond these approaches, proposing a comparative reading of Vittorio De Sica's Il tetto/The Roof (1956) and the Argentine film El hombre de al lado/The Man Next Door by Cohn and Duprat (2009) which takes as its focus debates around ideas of modernity and affect, melodrama and the interior, and the understanding of architecture as media (in Beatriz Colomina's terms). Where De Sica's film offers architectural modernity and its periphery as a source of escape and hope, The Man Next Door uses a historical project of modernity, a Le Corbusier house, to develop a sceptical reflection on the possibility of community. The Roof, a critically neglected Neorealist text, thus allows a fresh perspective on (post)modernity and social conflict in contemporary Argentine film. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most decisive ways in which the global economy and power relations were transformed at dawn of the twenty-first century was the rise of China as a major power, as well as the consequent influence the country has been able to exercise over peripheral nations. Although the majority of administrations in Latin America have rejected the policies once hailed by the Washington Consensus, it is striking that they have largely accepted a new system of asymmetrical relations with another major world power, which is fostering the reprimarization of the productive structure in Latin American economies. Thus, beginning with the case of Argentina, this paper explores the path to what is now known as the Beijing Consensus, with an emphasis on a characterization based on the analysis provided below. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Latin American Policy is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: Multinational mining companies operating in Latin America increasingly publish sustainability reports which outline their contributions to sustainable development. Companies argue that reports help communities better understand the importance of the benefits created by mining. However, we argue that sustainability reporting can only play a role in improving a company''s performance and reputation if the quality of the reported data is good enough to answer community-raised contentious issues and if such are tackled through a stakeholder engagement process which includes ‘anti-mining’ groups. The paper examines a mining conflict in Argentina''s Bajo de la Alumbrera open pit mine. The assessment is based on a content analysis of Alumbrera''s Sustainability Report (SR), primarily from 2009, complemented with insights from the 2010 and 2011 reports. The study reveals that environmental and economic indicators are the most contentious and least reported. The reports examined only briefly acknowledge these issues, and fail to detail the procedures followed to identify and engage stakeholders. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The aim of this paper is to analyze the relationship between the introduction of neo-liberal reforms and the collective answers of urban popular sectors in Chile and Argentina. For one hand, it focuses on key aspects of the neo-liberal transformations, in particular those who operated on the State's sphere and in the labor context. For the other hand, the social expressions elaborated by subordinate sectors in terms of social inequality outcomes generated by the new model are presented. This article introduces a comparative perspective between Argentina and Chile, which show a remarkable practice of the afore mentioned reforms. In this sense, our proposal is to establish some coincidences in matters of the changes within the secondary sociability in both countries in order to analyze the differences in the construction of collective responses made by the popular sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Leo S. Rowe, before becoming director of the Pan-American Union, came to Argentina to gather information, connect with local intellectuals, and disseminate the basic ideas of an emerging inter-American system of cultural and intellectual cooperation that would be the backbone of Pan-Americanism. This paper deals with the interaction and communication between the Hemispheric Intellectual-Statesman and its local counterparts, focusing on the dynamic of the imperial hegemonic process. Argentine intellectuals failed to accept Rowe's progressive ideas about modern corporations, government by public opinion, and social reform. But they were quite ready to entertain ideas of inter-American cooperation with the powerful Northern Neighbor, vindicating at the same time their affinity with and belonging to "European culture". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Papeles de Población is the property of Universidad Autonoma del Estado de Mexico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Summary: This paper links employment dynamics to the business cycle in Argentina and examines the self-employed sector. We evaluate whether this sector resembles the industrialized countries view, where it is characterized as being creative and dynamic, or the dualistic view, where it is seen as stagnant and unproductive. We study transition patterns from salaried positions and unemployment, and the evolution of the sector in the period of analysis. We found a clear segmentation. Own-account workers (accounting for over two-thirds of the self-employed) show characteristics similar to what is predicted by the dualistic view; while self-employed with employees resembles the industrialized countries view. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Proponents of pension privatization in Latin America argued that systems of private fully pre-funded defined-contribution individual accounts would be better insulated from politics than was the case with public pay-as-you-go pension systems. However as the Argentinean case demonstrates, most recently with the 2008 nationalization of its private individual accounts system, transferring pension management and investment to the private sector does not necessarily reduce or eliminate political risk. In fact, the implementation of systems of individual accounts creates a new set of political risks, in part because they are a potential financial resource for governments, especially during times of economic stress. This article describes the range of political risks inherent to individual account pension systems, with specific reference to Argentina's 1994-2008 experience with privatization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Andaluces is the property of Revista de Estudios Andaluces and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Synthetic biology emerged in the USA and Europe twenty years ago and quickly developed innovative research and technology as a result of continued funding. Synthetic biology is also growing in many developing countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America, where it could have a large economic impact by helping its use of genetic biodiversity in order to boost existing industries. Starting in 2011, Argentine synthetic biology developed along an idiosyncratic path. In 2011–2012, the main focus was not exclusively research but also on community building through teaching and participation in iGEM, following the template of the early "MIT school" of synthetic biology. In 2013–2015, activities diversified and included society-centered projects, social science studies on synthetic biology and bioart. Standard research outputs such as articles and industrial applications helped consolidate several academic working groups. Since 2016, the lack of a critical mass of researchers and a funding crisis were partially compensated by establishing links with Latin American synthetic biologists and with other socially oriented open technology collectives. The TECNOx community is a central node in this growing research and technology network. The first four annual TECNOx meetings brought together synthetic biologists with other open science and engineering platforms and explored the relationship of Latin American technologies with entrepreneurship, open hardware, ethics and human rights. In sum, the socioeconomic context encouraged Latin American synthetic biology to develop in a meandering and diversifying manner. This revealed alternative ways for growth of the field that may be relevant to other developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Throughout the 1970s, violence gripped the Southern Cone of Latin America. Military dictatorships took power in Chile (1973), Uruguay (1973), and Argentina (1976). Elements of the armed forces already had control in Paraguay (1954) and Brazil (1964). In a supposed quest to rid the hemisphere of subversive leftist elements, these right-wing dictatorships waged a brutalGuerra Sucia(Dirty War) where thousands perished. Political violence pervaded the entire region, from the streets of Buenos Aires to the beaches of Valparaíso. While theGuerra Suciahas long been associated with generals, and dictators, recent films have refocused our understanding of how the conflict affected all elements of society. This article explores the recent utilization of adolescents as lead characters in major Southern Cone films on theGuerra Sucia. Arguing that such an approach allows for a more complete understanding of the regions violent past, and can elicit a powerful emotional response from audiences. Films under analysis include two Argentinian productions, Gastón Biraben’sCautiva(Captive, 2003) and Benjamín Ávila’sInfancia clandestina(Clandestine Childhood, 2011). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: A new criminal database, proposed by our Latin-American Society For Forensic Genetics, is ready at the maximum level of the Argentinean National Government, in order to promulgate a law that represents a positive contribution to the pressing subject of the security, fighting against the crime, and that at the same time contemplates and care the human rights of guilty persons and their victims. We have been presenting several proposals since 2003, in some cases with small successes. Ephemeral, by the way, like the resolution of the Ministry of Justice 415/2004, that created the Registry, but never it was carried out. From there, a dozen of projects have been presented by other organizations, but no one has prospered, although all the papers say almost the same. In fact, we did not invent anything either: we based our proposals on the successful European and American experiences. This work describes the antecedents and characteristics of the criminal database, which is similar to the American CODIS, but with some differences because of the local law and procedures of the Justice. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article argues that the logic of territory is particularly important for understanding the processes of capital accumulation and resistance in Latin America. The analysis focuses on Argentina, but draws on examples from throughout Latin America for a regional perspective and from the provinces of Jujuy, Cordoba and Santiago del Estero for subnational views. Section one describes the territorial restructuring of meaning, physical ‘places’ and politico-legal ‘spaces', as it plays out at multiple scales to facilitate the investment in and sale and export of natural resource commodities. I argue that land grabs contribute to this process but are not solely responsible for it. Section two explores the territorial logic of resistance. In what might be understood as territorial restructuring from below, rural communities are finding their own ways of restructuring places, legal spaces and the meaning of resistance from a peasant struggle for land reform to a peasant–indigenous alliance in defense of territory. This emerging alliance is not only important for understanding the nature of reactions to land grabbing and land conflict today. Recognizing and navigating the differences between peasant and indigenous histories of collective action are also crucial for sustaining such alliances at the regional, national and subnational level. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Religious actors regularly participate in political debates in Latin America. In Argentina, Historical Protestant Churches have been politically involved in several debates since the 1970s. This article compares two processes in which Historical Protestant Churches took part: the defense of Human Rights (1976-1983) and the support for Same-Sex Marriage (2010) in Argentina. It is based on a research about the relationships between evangelicals, politics and sexuality in Argentina, which focuses on diverse documentary sources (religious and secular press, churches' declarations) and interviews with key informants (especially, evangelical leaders). The article analyzes the performance of these churches because they took an alternative position to most religious actors in Argentina-including the Catholic Church and its hierarchy-and because they led the ecumenical and interreligious alliances that supported these causes. The main hypothesis is that the performance of these churches in both contexts share significant characteristics that allow us to understand patterns of political participation of religious actors. First, they backed these causes through public statements and activities by their institutional bodies and leaders. Second, they built alliances with other religious and non-religious actors in order to defend the rights of groups that were politically persecuted or marginalized by the State. By doing so, they led the ecumenical and interreligious space that supported these causes. The recognition of Protestant Churches by social movements and State agencies has increased the visibility of these religious actors in the public sphere and the legitimacy of its political interventions. Without overestimating the influence of the Historical Protestant Churches in Argentina, we believe it is pertinent to point out their roles in the processes described, because in recent decades they have positioned themselves as authorized voices in the political spectrum in favor of the recognition of rights. This place must be considered when analyzing other discussions in Argentina, such as the legalization of abortion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines recent transformations on the discourses of race and nation in bicentennial Argentina, which have shifted from the notion of a fundamentally white nation to an assertion of its racial and cultural diversity. I examine the production of race in contemporary institutional and non-institutional practices that challenge the discourses of modernity according to which Argentina is a white, homogenous and Europeanized nation. The article focuses on a set of cultural manifestations involving Japanese Argentines that – as non-traditional actors in the racial and national stages and as ‘desirable’ immigrants – reveal some inherent fissures in the current official narrative that ostensibly progresses from homogeneity to diversity, and from exclusion to inclusion. By observing the performativity of race and a non-constructivist understanding of race embedded within these cultural manifestations, I argue that the newly multicultural nation continues to inherit its mechanisms of racial production from the modern nation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Journal of Latin American Studies is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores ideas of citizenship in Latin America, arguing that this very western idea plays a key role in configuring and embedding the Occidental project in empirical reality and in academic theorizing. Drawing inspiration from 'coloniality of power' scholarship, it explores the way in which citizenship is conventionally configured and goes on to demonstrate the role of citizenship in the task of epistemological colonization in the case of Argentina. I discuss processes of coloniality/modernity, including the Conquest of the Desert, and assimilation initiatives during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, including the more recent phase of multiculturalism. I conclude by outlining a strategy for decolonial citizenship and advocate a shift in emphasis from (liberal) rights to dignity, and from (Occidental) universality to diversality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do policy feedbacks interact with transnational policy ideas? How do they impact domestic policy development? Using a qualitative research method based on a comparison of two poverty alleviation strategies in Latin America, this article asserts that in all likelihood, if a previously implemented policy initiative was ‘locked-in’ through domestic policy experimentation and resultant state-building and interest group policy effects, it will not easily be replaced by alternative, transnational policy ideas that appear on the radar screen of national policymakers at a later date. However, if transnational policy ideas and models can draw on or build upon already established ideational and symbolic beliefs, they can actually be used to further the motivations of key political actors and societal interests – here, diffusion opens up great reform opportunities and opens the door to further policy institutionalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two new species of Diaptomidae were found in the Middle Paraná River. The new species are referred to as “Diaptomus”curvatussp. nov. and “Diaptomus”frutosaesp. nov. Important character states in “Diaptomus”curvatusinclude: right fifth leg with a well-developed endopod and with the lateral spine of the second exopod segment curved and longer than the segment on which it is inserted, plus the presence of a large dorsal process on urosomite 4 of the male. For “Diaptomus”frutosaethey include: a differentiated hook-like process on segment 20 with chitinous protuberances at base of male right antennule; the last segment of the right leg 5 of male is triangular, and the lateral spine inserted distal to mid-level of this segment. Both species are placed in “Diaptomus”sensu latoas a temporary placement.http://www.zoobank.org/urn:lsid:zoobank.org:pub:FECDD6C4-C0AC-4043-ADDD-F29539B451F0 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Resumen Uno de los desafíos centrales de la política social latinoamericana es garantizar seguridad social para toda la población en contextos de alta informalidad laboral. En la Argentina, un país pionero en el desarrollo de los sistemas de pensiones en la región, más de un tercio de las personas en edad jubilatoria carecían de beneficios en 2005. A partir de entonces la cobertura se expandió sustancialmente como resultado de la implementación de un programa que relajó los requisitos contributivos y otorgó beneficios a un gran número de adultos mayores que se hallaban fuera del sistema. Esta investigación analiza el impacto de este proceso sobre el nivel y distribución de la cobertura, identifica los cambios en los factores sociodemográficos asociados a la inclusión/exclusión del sistema previsional argentino, y discute los obstáculos que persisten para alcanzar una cobertura universal en el mediano y largo plazo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries a group of intellectuals and Spanish scientists found it necessary to resume cultural relations with Latin American countries that had been Spanish colonies in the past. In order to do this, they promoted a school of thought called 'Hispano-Americanism', which aimed to create a Spanish-speaking geopolitical space that would counteract the growing influence of other European powers and of the United States in Latin America. This American projection would serve at the same time to 'regenerate' cultural and scientific life in Spain and to improve the country's position in the international field. This movement relied on the financial support of the Spanish communities settled in Latin America. They contributed to the creation of cultural institutions to disseminate Spanish scientific progress. The first and most successful of these creations was the Institucion Cultural Espanola de Buenos Aires (Spanish Cultural Institution of Buenos Aires), which became a model to imitate in other Latin American countries. The associations tended to impose their own interests and priorities, focusing on acquiring more prestige and social recognition in the countries that had settled through links with local political and cultural elites. This was due to the absence of a genuine Spanish foreign policy and to the financial responsibility adjudged to the local communities of Spanish immigrants regarding cultural and scientific initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Contexto Internacional is the property of Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro, Instituto de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian & Latin American Economic History is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What silences an emergent watchdog press, even after that press has overcome great adversity to bring a form of journalism to mainstream news supporting democratization and social justice? Argentina presents an interesting case study in terms of changes in watchdog performance in a democratic and market-oriented context. A content analysis of three major Argentine news outlets from 1985 to 2005 first demonstrates that observable changes have taken place in mainstream watchdog reporting. Then, from interviews with journalists, media managers and media analysts, results indicate perceptions that public opinion shifts, media economy fluctuations, organizational strategies and government media relations facilitated or hindered the free practice of watchdog journalism in mainstream media. These findings illustrate the effects of forces working at the institutional and individual level that influence media performance, rather than simply at the environmental. Rather than a paradox, the Argentine case has implications for press freedom in other democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]