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This article follows the transnational career of Suzanne Labin, a French socialist and anti-communist professional, in order to analyse the roles and agencies of individuals while the global connectivity of anti-communist actors was growing during the 'long 1960s' (approximately 1955–1980). Retrospective analysis, as well as accounts from contemporaries, describes this period as a time of multi-polarisation and globalisation. I will chart Labin's path from anti-Stalinist circles in France to conservative circles in the US, to finally becoming the first and only female permanent member of the global anti-communist umbrella organisation, the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), chairing its French chapter in 1972. An analysis of Labin's seemingly ambiguous alliances as a socialist with anti-communist and right-wing organisations will shed light on the particularities of international anti-communism during the 'long 1960s' on three levels. First, it will show the dynamics between anti-communist networks and actors on national, transatlantic and global levels, especially their contact points. Second, it will underline the diversity of anti-communism and its capacity to integrate several (even contradictory) ideologemes. Third, by following Labin's global anti-communist engagement within the WACL and her cosmopolitan lifestyle, this article will argue that anti-communist actors were actively involved in the process of globalisation during the 'long 1960s'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Gerda Lerner as historian and activist "Women's History: European-American" and women to be legitimate and relevant subject of history and object of historical scholarship mainly because women make up half of humanity. It mentions Lerner's life theme and also the life theme of a long one generation of feminists for whom Gerda directly or indirectly taught or became a role model. It also mentions annexation of Austria by Nazi Germany and bitterly poor beginnings as an immigrants in the U.S., from the repression by the anti-communist McCarthyism.

The article demonstrates that the 1950s marked the ideological origins of rapprochement in which a group of China-watching intellectuals revised the outlook of the U.S. Democratic Party on China. Topics discussed include the role played by Harvard professor John Fairbank in pushing for a U.S.-China rapprochement, the impact of McCarthyism on the efforts to establish harmonious relations between the two countries, and how Chinese communism posed a difficult problem for Democrats by exposing cracks in their Cold War liberalism.

The article examines the rise of McCarthyism in the U.S. South as revealed in the hearing transcript, along with the summary report and surviving audiotapes of the anti-communist hearing of the Special Education Committee (SEC) of the Arkansas Legislative Council (ALC) in mid-December 1958. Topics covered include Communist Party USA (CPUSA) membership in Arkansas, legislative measures against dissident groups in the state, use of witnesses in the hearing and civil rights activists as targets.

This article reveals how the Cold War impinged upon not just national, but local political considerations and became woven into communal narratives. It contributes to the examination of religion in the conflict, adds to the historiography of Britain and the Cold War, and provides a context by which British Cold War experience and responses can be assessed. With Northern Ireland's political similarities to Great Britain, its consistency with European norms and its overlaps with popular sentiment in the United States, Northern Ireland offers a gauge to better understand the nature of anti-Communism in the Cold War's first decade and offers an unexplored perspective on the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early Cold War, the US government institutionalized a national security program, centered on the investigation into the political beliefs of federal employees, to safeguard the nation from Communist subversion. Often interpreted as the result of a partisan battle between New Deal Democrats and conservative Republicans, the national security program had deeper origins, reflecting the influence of psychiatric discourse on public understandings of deviancy. Framed by a metonymical logic that linked radical political beliefs, deviant sexual behaviors, and other illicit behaviors under the category of psychopathology, the security program sought to guard against the threat posed by potentially dangerous individuals, a form of protection that necessitated the public disclosure by those deemed security risks of all aspects of their personal lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians of the social sciences and historians of economics have come to agree that, in the United States, the 1940s transformation of economics from political economy to economic science was associated with economists' engagements with other disciplines--e.g., mathematics, statistics, operations research, physics, engineering, cybernetics--during and immediately after World War II. More controversially, some historians have also argued that the transformation was accelerated by economists' desires to be safe, to seek the protective coloration of mathematics and statistics, during the McCarthy period. This paper argues that that particular claim 1) is generally accepted, but 2) is unsupported by good evidence, and 3) what evidence there is suggests that the claim is false. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with one part - the first segment - in a period of Australian post-war history. The entire period concerns the reaction to Communism in Australia following World War II. The period itself began with the introduction of the Communist Party Dissolution Bill by the Menzies Government in April 1950. It concluded with the formation of the Democratic Labour Party in 1955. The first segment relates to the prevention of McCarthyism in Australia and concludes with the commencement of the Petrov Affair in May 1954. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the validity of the additional convictions and sentences of imprisonment imposed on the defendants of the U.S. court case Dennis v. United States in 1951. It provides a background of the evolution of outlawry into a device for local legal and social control in England and the U.S. It also offers information on the Outlawry bills in the U.S. Congress and the anti-communist campaign that pervaded in the U.S. during the later 1940s and the 1950s.

The paper deals with the era known as McCarthyism in the context of the early Cold War. It focuses on how the Americans perceived the threat of domestic Communists and how their view was linked to the events abroad. Using poll data from Gallup Polls conducted in and around the years in question, it discusses the cause and effect relation between the public opinion and the hearings. The paper concludes that the negative and sometimes hostile opinion of Americans toward Communism was not caused by McCarthyism, but it rather worked as a catalyst for the politicians who wanted to build their career on the issue of Communist subversion. When the external factors helped ease the domestic tension, the careers of McCarthy and others collapsed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article discusses the U.S. Supreme Court during the era in U.S. political history known as McCarthyism, adapted from the book "The Supreme Court and McCarthy-Era Repression: One Hundred Decisions" by Robert M. Lichtman. It discusses political repression and anti-Communism in the U.S. in the mid-20th century, several significant cases decided by the Court during the McCarthy era, particularly concerning the organization the Communist Party of the United States (CPUSA), and what the author calls anti-Court legislation in the U.S. Congress.

The Chinese Revolution, Korean War, and McCarthyism loomed large over Kennedy administration assessments of Chinese intentions in Vietnam. The president and his advisors disagreed over the exact nature of the Chinese threat, but they uniformly believed in a dangerous, expansionist China. Their assessments promoted cautious escalation in Vietnam, where Kennedy sought to avoid “losing” another Asian country to Communism without provoking another war like Korea. This, in turn, promoted Chinese militancy. Central to Kennedy administration thinking was the idea that Vietnam served as a test case for Beijing’s more radical foreign policy line vis-à-vis Moscow. This article traces the development and influence of such assessments. It also argues that the China factor informed Kennedy and Johnson administration notions of credibility. Holding back or reversing Communist gains in Asia by supporting Saigon offered these administrations the chance to kick once and for all the “who lost China” stigma that had haunted the Democratic Party since 1949. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the history of academic freedom at institutions of higher education throughout the southern states of the U.S. between 1955 and 1965. The author discusses how McCarthyism and anticommunist sentiments impacted U.S. schools, explores the anticommunism and segregation that took place at the University of Arkansas, and examines the censures organized by the American Association of University Professors (AAUP).

Commonsense Anticommunism is a useful reminder that opposition to American Communism was rooted in realistic concerns about the policies and behavior of the CPUSA. It raises significant and difficult questions about how to categorize such ideas as "red-baiting" and "McCarthyism." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author of Commonsense Anticommunism describes the process of researching and writing the book, and offers thoughts for further research on American labor history, the history of American Communism and anticommunism, the history of American conservatism, and the history of federal repression and the FBI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legislation introduced by Prime Minister Robert Menzies to ban the Communist Party of Australia in 1950 has been studied in great detail, but there has been little discussion about why Menzies considered that an outright ban was the best way to thwart the Communist Party. Australia did not, for example, follow the American example of public show trials, denunciations and informants, characteristics of the phenomenon known as McCarthyism. This article explores the decision to reject the American model by focusing on legislation that the Liberal Party drafted in 1948, but never introduced. It also details the internal division of the Liberal Party over communism and the conflicted nature of Menzies’ own views. As a consequence, Australia did not introduce the equivalent of the anti-communist state apparatus of the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the dismissal of radio commentator William L. Shirer from the broadcasting network CBS, allegedly for his political beliefs. It examines Shirer's liberal political views and notes that he was suspected of espousing or sympathizing with communism. The author comments on surveillance of Shirer by the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and explores the context of U.S. anticommunism and McCarthyism. He also reflects on the blacklisting of Shirer, noting that he was listed in the 1950 book "Red Channels: The Report of Communist Influence in Radio and Television," published by the American Business Consultants.

As the New York Public Library entered the post-war era in the late 1940s, its operations fell under the zealous scrutiny of self-styled 'redhunters' intent upon rooting out library materials and staffers deemed un-American and politically subversive. The high point of attacks upon the New York Public Library came during the years 1947-54, a period that witnessed the Soviet atomic bomb, the Berlin airlift, and the Korean War. This article charts the narrow and carefully wrought trail blazed by the Library's leadership during that period. Through a reading of materials in the Library archives, we see how political pressures were perceived and handled by Library management and staff. We witness remarkable examples of brave defence of intellectual freedom alongside episodes of prudent equivocation. At the heart of the Library's situation stood the contradictions between the principled commitments of individual Library leaders and the practical political considerations underlying the Library's viability. As a general rule, the New York Public Library did not hesitate to acquire materials considered subversive by pressure groups, but the Library frequently struck a course that sought to avoid controversy when possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the exposure, and in some cases dismissal, of Boy Scouts who belonged or sympathised with the Young Communist League in Britain during the early 1950s. A focus on the rationale and repercussions of the organisation's approach and attitudes towards 'Red Scouts' found within their 'ranks' extends our understanding of youth movements and their often complex and conflicting ideological foundations. In particular, the post-World War Two period presented significant challenges to these spaces of youth work in terms of broader social and political change in Britain. An analysis of the politics of scouting in relation to Red Scouts questions not only the assertion that British McCarthyism was 'silent', but also brings young people firmly into focus as part of a more everyday politics of communism in British society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an in-depth examination into the history and political background of the second symphony "The Age of Anxiety" of the 20th-century U.S. conductor and composer Leonard Bernstein. Extensive discussion is given describing the influence of the anti-communist movement of McCarthyism and the broader political-psychological culture of the U.S. during the 1950s on the work.

Between 1950 and 1954, Sen. Joseph R. McCarthy’s anticommunist crusade created a schism in the journalistic interpretive community with publishers and editors being forced by the public nature of their work to choose sides. When he called New York Post Editor James A. Wechsler before his committee in 1953 to answer for his newspaper’s editorial policy, McCarthy brought that schism into clear focus. Wechsler’s determination to obtain the release of the hearing transcript as evidence of McCarthy’s true aims led to his capitulation with McCarthy’s demands that he name names. In the aftermath of his appearance, Wechsler asked his journalistic colleagues to determine whether or not a congressional inquiry into editorial policy constituted a threat to press freedom. In a time clouded by the madness of McCarthyism and despite the clarity of Wechsler’s argument that intimidation of any journalist represents a threat to all, the brightest editors of the time were unable to agree even with that fundamental assertion. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents an examination of the efforts of United States congressmen to end the Korean War during the administration of President Harry Truman. It explores how congressmen responded to the suggestion of peace prior to the formal armistice talks that began in Kaesong, Korea in July 1951. It examines U.S. proposals to end fighting and discusses the influence these suggestions had on the Truman administration. Additionally, the article examines how congressmen negotiated the idea of peace without total victory during the height of McCarthyism in the U.S.

This paper is an anatomy of an inquisition. It examines the Cold War persecution of Edwin Berry Burgum, a university professor and literary theorist. Whilst his professional competence was consistently applauded, his academic career was abruptly destroyed. His 'fitness to teach' was determined by his political beliefs: he was a member of the American Communist Party. The paper argues that New York University, an institution that embodied liberal values, collaborated with McCarthyism. Using previously overlooked or unavailable sources, it reveals cooperation between NYU's executive officers and the FBI, HUAC and the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. Though its focus on one individual, the paper illuminates larger themes of the vulnerability of academic freedom and the bureaucratic processes of political repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an examination into the historiography of the Cold War and the U.S. anti-communist movement. Details are given highlighting several historical works which profile the major elements of the political discourse and the literary propaganda which emerged during the period. Subjects addressed include the rise of Senator Joseph McCarthy and his anti-communist conservatism, the central ideological theme of patriotic allegiance, and the unique characteristics of anti-communism in the public and private spheres.

The conventional view is that analytic philosophy has dominated American philosophy departments since 1950 and that continental philosophy and pragmatism have been marginalized almost out of existence due to philosophical inferiority or McCarthyist persecution. But a precise historical treatment of transformations in the field shows that this is, in fact, the golden age of continental philosophy and pragmatist scholarship, that McCarthyism had nothing to do with pragmatism's fall from dominance, and that the shape of the field depends more on larger academic-historical trends. However, McCarthyism likely had lasting effects on analytic control of powerful qualifying institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The China Hands -- the US Foreign Service officers who served in China during the second world war -- have been portrayed as both villains and tragic heroes of US diplomatic and Cold War history. As villains, they deliberately 'lost' China to the communists in 1949. As tragic heroes, they proposed wise alternatives to US policy in Asia: alternatives that might have pre-empted the war in Vietnam. Rather than render judgment on the recommendation to cooperate with the Chinese communists, this article considers instead the medium through which this recommendation was made, namely diplomatic reporting. A focus on the two most vilified and heroized of the China Hands, Jack Service and John Davies, demonstrates the importance of the evolving tradition of Foreign Service reporting to the rise of the China Hands during the war . It also reveals how, after 1949, the anti-communist attack on the China Hands focused not only on the immediate recommendations of the China Hands, but also on the tradition and practice of diplomatic reporting, thereby suggesting that the medium was itself associated with communism. The effects of this conflation outlasted the internal policy debate to which the China Hands' reports properly belonged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the political career of R. W. Scott McLeod, who headed the Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs in the U.S. State Department during the "Red Scare" of the 1950s. McLeod's association with U.S. Senator Joseph R. McCarthy and McCarthyism, the overzealous effort to rid U.S. government and society of perceived Communist sympathizers, is discussed. McLeod is found to have been less fanatical and corrupt than widely believed, and his historical reputation for subservience to McCarthy is likened to the kind of guilt by association used as a political tactic by McCarthy himself.

This article reminds us that the most effective anticommunist measures after the Second World War were neither irrational nor conservative, but rather rational and carried out by liberals. It argues that anticommunism did not curtail the New Deal, as is still commonly assumed, but rather strengthened and expanded it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an examination into the anti-Communist "McCarthyism" movement of the United States during the 1950s and its effects on foreign relations with Great Britain as well as Great Britain's larger political policies and culture. Details are given noting the British opposition to the problems of the movement in regard to civil rights limitations and "witch hunting." Analysis is then offered charting how Great Britain balanced its cooperation with the U.S. government for security purposes against its domestic policies and ideological stances against the excesses of McCarthyism.

The article examines the case of United States surgeon and chairman of the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee (JAFRC) Dr. Edward K. Barsky in order to illustrate the political repression that existed in the United States during the early years of the Cold War. As a result of his decision on behalf of the JAFRC to not cooperate with the United States House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) in 1945, Barsky was sent to a Federal prison for six months and had his license to practice medicine revoked. The article discusses HUAC's inquisition of the JAFRC and examines how McCarthyism was carried out on the bureaucratic level. The article also examines the life and career of Barsky as well as the activities of the JAFRC.

This detailed case study documents the anti-communist attacks on Lisa Sergio, who worked as a news commentator for The New York Times-owned WQXR from 1939 to 1946. Using her 300-page FBI file and her personal papers, it examines the FBI's investigation of Sergio, the circumstances surrounding WQXR's decision to fire her, her blacklisting experiences (including her successful bid to remove her name from American Legion lists) and a few of the many public attacks she endured. Altogether, this paper contributes to a portrait of blacklisting as a complicated web of collaborators that encompasses private citizens, business, social organizations, and the executive and legislative branches of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article assesses the lack of action by the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), a professional association of higher education faculty members, to address violations of academic freedom and due process during the era of McCarthyism that saw the blacklisting of academics for alleged Communist affiliations. It is suggested that there is evidence that the AAUP's acquiescence and absence from the debate was systemic and broadly based in the attitudes among faculty members toward Communists. The conventional explanation for the organization's inaction, often directed toward the AAUP General Secretary Ralph Himstead and his inability to delegate authority, is questioned.

The article presents an examination into the editorship of the U.S. Unitarian Reverend Stephen H. Fritchman at "The Christian Register" during the 1940s, analyzing the legitimacy of charges against him for being a Communist. Details are given describing the events surrounding his investigation and suspension from the journal due to anti-Communist sentiment within the American Unitarian Association. Questions are raised asking whether or not Fritchman's allegedly pro-Communist views were authentic or merely the results of U.S. Cold War paranoia. Evidence is cited and evaluated from two reports made by investigators Warren Bartlett Walsh and Leon Milton Birkhead.

The article focuses on the life and works of Paul Robinson, an athlete, stage and screen actor, singer, orator, and radical civil rights and political activist in the U.S. His stellar reputation has slowly re-emerged, ending generations of official silence and hostility due to his outspoken political radicalism and his disgraceful removal from the historical record during the era of postwar McCarthyism and anticommunist fury. Meanwhile, the 110th anniversary of his birth opens a splendid opportunity to build on the resurrection of the Robinson legacy and to expand public knowledge of his work and reputation.

The article reports on a presentation titled "McCarthyite in Camelot: The "Loss" of Cuba, Homophobia, and the Otto Otepka Scandal in the Kennedy State Department," by the author. It is opined that the influence of Otepka, the former chief of the Office of the U.S. Internal Security, quickly faded when President John F. Kennedy and Secretary of State Dean Rusk took over. It is stated that one of the outcomes of anti-intellectual and homophobic offensive which became known collectively as "McCarthyism" was the creation of the Office of Internal Security within the State Department.

This article argues that the decline of the public housing program in the early 1950s has an overlooked political dimension—the role of the Red Scare/McCarthyism. Public housing advocates had used social democratic reform to secure the program. After the 1949 Housing Act, public housing foes were able to sequester the expansion of public housing legislation by turning to the local level. Many municipal policy battles attempted to limit the acceptance of federal public housing by means of Red Scare tactics. This is illustrated by the Los Angeles public housing war, one of the most vicious Red Scares of the domestic cold war. The Red Scare was used to cancel the ten-thousand-unit public housing contract with the Federal government and to reverse city policy by toppling the pro-public-housing mayoral regime, Public housing's local defeats were circulated back to the national level, resulting in the demise of the program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on former CBS Correspondent Winston Burdett, one of the best-known ex-communists during McCarthyism era. The author attempts to trace the path which led Burdett into the anti-communist spotlight. The article covers important events of Burdett's life till his death, including his testimony before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee in 1955 and naming former colleagues at the Brooklyn Eagle as Communists.

Aaron Copland's "The Tender Land" (1954) and Leonard Bernstein's "Candide" (1956) both comment sharply on McCarthyism, but their broader political implications are less clear. While the story of each may be read in terms of postwar liberalism, a position itself informed by anti-communist ideology, two crucial ensembles reflect a decidedly leftist perspective. "The Promise of Living,&" which ends act 1 of The Tender Land, and "Make Our Garden Grow," the finale of "Candide," celebrate a grand, utopian ideal—the politically outmoded, progessive ideal of community as a collective forged through common experience and shared labor—in musical terms that evoke the era of the Popular Front. Despite their similarities, however, "The Promise of Living" and "Make Our Garden Grow" arrive at structurally distinct points in their perspective works and announce different dramatic as well as political ends. Ultimately one community comes together while the other falls apart, and these divergent trajectories speak to the experiences of the composers themselves as representatives of separate political generations. Using achival research, cultural history, and music analysis, I argue that at these moments "The Tender Land" and "Candide" reject the conservative and liberal anticommunism of their mutual Cold War context to remember or imagine the possibilities of a vital Left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is about the process by which I became a radical, my early political activism, my struggle in the army daring McCarthyism, and the long fight for a political economy program at the University of California, Riverside. The point of the article is to convey to readers as clearly as possible information on the ways that people become radicals, the radical fight against McCarthyism, and the building of a political economy program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the history of the "Dissent" magazine. In the inaugural issue, editorial board member Irving Howe wrote about the inadequacies of the liberals. Passages from articles in several issues show the magazine's role as "radical gadfly to the labor-liberal movement." "Dissent" espoused its opposition to both Stalinism and McCarthyism.