Search

Various studies highlight the importance of discourses in consumer culture, yet fewer explore the historical development of these phenomena. This paper examines a long-view of the meanings and uses of primitive discourse in consumer culture. An investigation of the changing representation of indigenous Hawaiian surfing within Euro-American culture between the late-eighteenth and mid-twentieth century illustrates the ambiguous and malleable articulations of marketplace discourses. We find that over the course of this period, primitive discourses are expressed differently by changing figurations of social actors in manners that serve colonial, celebratory, contemplative and countercultural intentions. Finally, we find that the construction of surfing as a partly primitive marketplace culture combines these discourses to offer consumers a distinct and domesticated theatre of liberatory othering. Illustrating the changing possibilities and potentials for otherness in consumer culture, this paper reaffirms that contemporary marketplace cultures have complex historical roots. These legacies justify extended contextual investigations. Implications concerning representation and the politics of marketplace primitivism are discussed.

Les disciplines « anthropologiques » en Roumanie (l’ethnographie et le folklore) appartiennent historiquement plutôt à la grande famille des « ethnologies nationales », voire des « sciences nationales » au service de la nation, ayant comme objet d’intérêt le Paysan plutôt que le Primitif. À part une brève période internationaliste, le communisme n’a pas mis en question cette approche, se contentant de l’utiliser à son profit. Elle n’a pas fait l’objet d’une analyse critique, même après la chute du communisme, se plaçant ainsi dans une « longue durée » qui reste un enjeu en soi.Dans ce contexte, l’anthropologie arrive en Roumanie pratiquement avec la chute du communisme, apportant la bonne parole d’une connaissance occidentale noble, car non maculée par le nationalisme ou le communisme local et n’ayant pas non plus l’intention de se mêler à ces pratiques académiques plutôt indésirables. Se tenant au début à l’écart les uns des autres, les « folkloristes » et les « anthropologues » ont fini par se polariser socialement et par couper pratiquement toute communication. L’expertise de la « vraie société roumaine » se voit ainsi fragmentée elle aussi, instrumentalisée par des jeux de pouvoir changeants.L’article se pose la question de l’avenir de la discipline (des disciplines?) et ses rapports avec la société dans ce contexte où l’ethnologie nationale semble avoir touché à sa fin, où l’intégration européenne a légiféré « la mort du Paysan » et où l’anthropologie qui vient de l’Occident a du mal à se positionner par rapport a cette double mort dont on n’a pas encore fait le deuil., The “anthropological” disciplines of ethnography and folklore have historically been seen in Romania as being part of the “national ethnologies,” and even as “national sciences” in the service of the nation. In keeping with this view, it was the Peasant rather than the Primitive that was the subject of study. With the exception of a brief internationalist period, this approach was never called into question by the communist regime, which was content to take advantage of it. Nor was it subjected to critical analysis after the fall of communism, simply being incorporated into a “long-term view” that is an issue in itself.For all intents and purposes, anthropology arrived in Romania with the fall of communism, spreading the good word of a noble Western discipline that was unsullied by local nationalism and communism and that had no intention of becoming mixed up with these somewhat undesirable academic practices. Folklorists and anthropologists, who initially kept their distance from each other, eventually became entirely focused on their separate fields, the end result being an almost complete rupture in communication. Knowledge about “real Romanian society” was likewise fractured, and came to serve as a tool in power struggles.This article looks at the future possibilities for the discipline (disciplines?) and its relationship with Romanian society in a context where the national ethnology seems to have reached its end, where European integration has legislated the “death of the Peasant,” and where the Western discipline of anthropology has not yet been able to adopt a clear position on these two not-yet-entirely-accepted deaths., Las disciplinas «antropológicas» en Rumania (la etnográfica y el folclore) pertenecen históricamente a la gran familia de las «etnologías nacionales», véase de las «ciencias nacionales» al servicio de la nación, que tiene como objeto de interés el Campesino en lugar del Primitivo. Aparte de un breve periodo internacionalista, el comunismo no cuestionó está perspectiva y se limitó a ponerla a su servicio. No ha sido objeto de análisis crítico después de la caída del comunismo, situándose así en la «larga duración» que en sí misma constituye un reto. En dicho contexto, la antropología llega a Rumania prácticamente con la caída del comunismo, portadora del apostolado del conocimiento occidental, noble y sin la mácula del nacionalismo o del comunismo local y sin la intención de entrometerse en las prácticas académicas más bien indeseables. Teniéndose en un principio lejos unos de los otros, los «folcloristas» y los «antropólogos» terminaron por polarizarse socialmente y cortar prácticamente toda comunicación. La experiencia de la «verdadera sociedad rumana» se vió así fragmentada, instrumentalizada por los retos cambiantes del poder. El artículo se cuestiona sobre el futuro de la disciplina (¿las disciplinas?) y sus relaciones con la sociedad en un contexto en el cual la etnología nacional parecer tocar su fin, en el cual la integración europea ha legislado «la muerte del Campesino» et en el cual la antropología que viene del Occidente le cuesta trabajo posicionarse con relación a esa doble muerte, cuyo duelo aun no ha terminado.

Cioran se présente, selon nous, sous les traits d'un ethnographe apocalyptique qui parcourt tous les continents de l'angoisse humaine, cette angoisse ineffable et sans limites qui jaillit en tout homme et à toute époque : l'« inconvénient d'être né ». Le signifié tragique de la vie et de l'histoire, l'absence de Dieu, la perception intense et profonde de la souffrance et de l'injustice ne sont que quelques-uns des contenus de son anthropologie philosophique négative., Cioran, the most corrosive Privatdenker of the twentieth century, portrayed himself as a “post-illusionist”, claiming that he actually preferred this definition to that of “post-modernist”. Cioran has the characteristics of an apocalyptic ethnographer who travels through the continents of human anguish. The tragic sense of life and history, the absence of God, and the intense and deep perception of suffering and injustice, are some of the features of his negative philosophical anthropology.

Author(s): Harth, Amy | Abstract: Book Review: Modern Production to Imagined Primitive: The Social World of Coffee from Papua New Guinea

The over 200 ethnicities in Nigeria are known for their distinct cultures and heritages. For the Igbo of eastern Nigeria, their heritage cannot be fully discussed without a look at the almost extinct uli body and wall painting practiced by Igbo women. Uli is the Igbo name for the indigo dye obtained from several species of plants and used to draw cosmetically on the human body. It is also the name of the traditional mural painted by Igbo women with four simple colours. The decline of uli art in the postcolonial period is a reflection of the sorry state of cultural heritage in Igbo land and Nigeria in general. Yet the story of uli reflects the unsung contribution of women to social development in Igbo land and how this unique contribution has been devalued in the highly maleprivileging art field of today. My work, therefore, focuses on the work of one uli woman painter, Eziafo Okaro, and highlights the trans-epochal qualities of her vision. The story of Eziafo Okaro provides a basis for discussing the need to preserve the self while appropriating the other and how the work of Igbo uli women classicists helped to reinforce and preserve Igbo identity.

Neste artigo, o autor analisa o caso dos estilos musicais associados ao "negro", persistentemente vistos pelas pessoas não negras como "primitivos", mas, ao mesmo tempo, "excitantes". Por isso, o conteúdo principal do artigo é a análise dos termos "África" e "negritude" através da música popular colombiana das décadas de 1920 a 1950, em particular a música da costa caribenha, porém vendo esses termos em relação à ideologia da mestiçagem. Descreve o fenômeno da nacionalização de formas musicais populares (cumbia e porro) durante esse período, formas estas que, ao final dele, converteram-se na música de representação nacional. Aborda, no caso da cidade de Cáli, a presença de grupos de jovens negros que se identificam com a cultura negra. Alguns desses grupos têm ligações com circuitos acadêmicos e resultam de processos liderados por agentes externos. Para esses grupos, a referência à África tem um peso simbólico muito grande. Por isso, é essencial para o autor mostrar o papel dos contextos sócio-históricos urbanos e rurais naqueles que se reinventam e que recriam os termos "negritude" e "África". The notions of "negritude" and, at minor grade, "Africa", have had a cultural and political importance during the Colombian history since the XIX century. These terms and their different lexical variations have changed historically, according to several social factors, where play the racial, social class and gender hierarchies. In this article the autor does an analysis of the musical s associated to "negro people", constantly seen by non-black people as "primitive" but, at the same time, as "exciting". Therefore, the main content of this article is the analysis of the terms "Africa" and "negritude" through Colombian popular music between the decades of 1920s to 1950s, in particular the music from the Caribbean Coast, although these terms are studied in relation to the mestizo cross-bred ideology. It describes the phenomenon of nationalization of popular music s (cumbia and porro) during this time when they became music of national representation. The article talks about, in the case of the city of Cali, the presence of groups composed by young black people that identify with the black culture. Some of these groups have connections with academic groups and result from processes led by exterior agents. To these groups, the reference to Africa is a very important symbol. So, it is essential to the author to show the role of the urban and rural social - historical contexts of those people that reinvented and recreated the terms "negritude" and "Africa". Les notions de «négritude» et, in mineur grade, «Afrique» ont eu une importance politique et culturelle dans la histoire de la société colombienne à partir du XIX siècle. Ces termes et leurs différentes associations lexicales ont changé historiquement selon plusieurs facteurs sociaux, où ils jouent des hiérarchies de race, classe et genre. L'auteur dans cet article montre qui les genres de musique associés «aux noirs» sont constamment perçus par les non-noirs comme «primitifs», mais en même temps «excitants». C'est pour cela que le thème central de cet article est l'analyse des termes «Afrique» et «négritude»- tout en rapportant ces termes à l'idéologie du métissage-, à travers la musique populaire colombienne des années 1920 à 1950, spécialement la musique de la côte des Caraïbes. Décrire le phénomène de la nationalisation des formes musicales très populaires (la cumbia et le porro) pendant cette période et qui, à la fin, sont devenues de la musique de représentation nationale. On y traite le cas de la ville de Cali avec la présence de groupes de jeunes noirs qui s'identifient à la culture noire. Certains de ces groupes sont en rapport avec des milieux académiques et sont le produit de processus commandités par des agents extérieurs. Pour ces jeunes-là, la référence à l'Afrique a un très grand poids symbolique. C'est pour cette raison que, pour l'auteur, il est essentiel de montrer le rôle des contextes sócio-historiques urbains et ruraux, ceux-là même dans lesquels se réinventent et se récréent les termes de «négritude» et d' «Afrique».

In this paper the attempt is made to shed light upon ideological background of the concepts of "progress" and "primitive" applied in our theories and rhetoric. Namely, evolutionary sequence and its accompanying political practices of colonialism and imperialism, because interrelated, because they were based on the recognition of natural history and on a time distance. Time distance was supposed to show that natural laws work in the development of human society/culture. This naturalization of time in its core was evaluative and hierarchical. As such it influenced the formation of one part of anthropological categorizing apparatus and especially the use of terms such as "progress" and "primitive." With time the notion of "progress" was more and more identified with economical progress which is analogous to the spread of quantitative forms of society and culture while ignoring their other aspects. At the same time, it was precisely the notion of progress that enabled the experience of "other" as "primitive." This created the conditions for misconcepted ideas of culture and ideas of progress i.e. simplified viewing of sociocultural activity, but also of two opposite concepts of progress according to which technological and moral progress will be unified.