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In Morocco, devotional literature devoted to the Prophet was very prolific, particularly from the first half of the 8th/14th century and prefigured the success of the prayer book on the Prophet, Dalā’il al-Khayrāt created in the following century by Muḥammad b. Sulaymān al-Jazūlī (d. 869/1465). This Moroccan mystic, founder of the Jazūlite Sufi order played a crucial role in the religious life of Morocco by placing the prayer on the Prophet at the heart of Muslim spirituality. This article questions the practical manifestations of pre-modern Moroccan Sufism through the codicological study of the manuscripts of the Dalā’il produced in Morocco from the 12th/18th to the end of the 13th/19th centuries. How did the book come to mediate the Jazūliyya doctrine, from its circulation within the zāwiyas’ circles to its diffusion among the different layers of Moroccan society? What are the graphic and ornamental devices used by the actors of this transmission, i.e., the manuscripts’ makers, that ensure the reading, the memorization, and the interpretation of the text by its users? The paper also explores how the latter appropriated and personalized the text, beyond the doctrine.

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La peinture de paysage joue un rôle central dans la réception de l’art anglais par les critiques allemands du XIXe siècle. L’époque voit le genre se renouveler différemment selon les pays et leurs traditions. Les nouveaux rapports que les paysagistes anglais entretiennent à la nature et à sa mise en scène picturale provoquent ainsi des réactions contrastées de la part des commentateurs allemands ; nous tenterons ici de les mettre en lumière et de définir plus précisément leur spécificité, notamment en les comparant aux réactions françaises face aux nouveaux courants venus d’outre-Manche.

The ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead is a collection of magic-religious formulas, whose aim was to aid the deceased on his way to a happy life in the hereafter. Beginning mainly in the New Empire, this funerary composition is attested to on the shrouds, coffins, papyri, the walls of the tombs, funerary statuettes (shabtis), amulets and mummy bandages. The Pasenedjemibnakht papyrus (Louvre E 11078) contains a Book of the Dead that has been preserved in its entirety, give or take a few lacunae. The roll (19.44 metres) contains 153 formulas. It comes from the town of Akhmīm and most likely date from the second half of the fourth century BC (end of the Late period – beginning of the Ptolemaic period).

Created in around 1670 by Louis XIV, the Cabinet of Paintings held exclusive reproduction rights to portraits of the king and the royal family and was managed by the superintendence of the Bâtiments du Roi. For both constitutional bodies and individuals, obtaining an original or a copy of a royal portrait was a real challenge: there were many demands, and at the height of Louis XVI’s reign, just seven copyists were employed to meet these requests. Overlooked – and poorly paid – the copyists of the Cabinet of Paintings could demonstrate, however, great skill. They also created originals for the royal apartments, and some are distinguished by their talent, including Jean-Martial Frédou, who acquired a certain notoriety with his portraits of the Duke of Burgundy.

“Finished! Old friend! Yes, this book of mine is finished … I have been at my table since yesterday, eight o’clock in the morning. My head’s about to burst. No matter, it's a real weight off my shoulders.” This is the famous note where Flaubert announces to Jules Duplan the completion of his novel that has taken him almost five years to write. But in fact, on May 16, 1869, Flaubert has not quite finished with his “bouquin”, as provesthe intense work of rereading and corrections that he will accomplish during the following months. After having spent a week “adjusting” his manuscript (from May 16th to the 24th), he hands it over to be copied. It is this carefully handwritten fair copy of the manuscript which the printer will use for his proofs. It is this same copy that Flaubert will send to a few close friends, in particular Maxime Du Camp who will write twelve pages of comments… Finally, it is also with this copy that Flaubert intends to correct “each phrase” of his text with Louis Bouilhet. But Bouilhet died prematurely at the end of July so it is on his own that Flaubert entered the final corrections to the Éducation Sentimentale. He spent about takes two weeks rereading and revising his manuscript which he then handed over to his publisher (August 14, 1869). The copyists’ copy – we have noted four different handwritings – has until today never been studied. Why? Probably because the act itself of “copying” has always been considered negligible, quite insignificant. It is thought that the copyist’s manuscript is incapable of revealing anything of interest since it is only the slavish reproduction of the definitive autograph Manuscript… In fact this is not the case at all. This manuscript constitutes an irreplaceable genetic document, all the more essential that we do not have access to the corrected proofs of the novel. Aside from the last minute changes decided by Flaubert himself, this copy contains numerous mistakes due to the copyists’ negligence. These alterations of the text escaped Flaubert’s notice and were subsequently reproduced in two editions of the Éducation sentimentale published during his lifetime (1869 and 1879). We will try to show with precise examples how these errors – of all kinds (additions, omissions, substitutions, displacements…) – have in many ways modified the very reading of the text of the Éducation sentimentale. What repercussions have these modifications, not willed by the author himself, on the meaning or the interpretation of the novel? What are the networks of meaning not desired by the author that have been abusively induced by these “misreadings”? Vice versa, what are the significant logics built by the author that we are deprived of because of these slips of the pen?

This article deals primarily with the figuration of dialogue in La Tentation de saint Antoine and in Bouvard et Pécuchet, two novels in which it cannot be reduced to the textually related exchange of words. These are two works whose aesthetic and meaning rest on the idea of dialogue. While Antoine addresses himself to God, Bouvard and Pécuchet speak with one another. While the two copyists sustain a long dialogue with the authors that fill their library, until finally returning to their original profession, the saint conjures an entire catalogue of pagan gods and heretical voices before finally returning to his unequivocal prayers. That is to say that Antoine’s prayers are fundamentally reflexive, despite their apparent variety — they do not transcend the logic of the monologue. Bouvard and Pécuchet’s experience, on the other hand, proceed from a spirit of dialogue. At the end of their encyclopaedic wandering, they do not take up the same copying from which they have retired, but rather a sort of quoting that permits them to conserve their social bond — and a dialogue with the world free of cynicism.

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Francesc Eiximenis va treballar en una enciclopèdia que havia de tenir tretze volums entre els anys 1380 i 1390. En els manuscrits les formes «crestià», «crestiana», «crestianisme», etc. són freqüents i semblen justificar el títol "Crestià". El present article posa en relleu que en els manuscrits medievals aquests termes s’abreujaven d’acord amb les recomanacions de teòlegs i místics que desitjaven manifestar, a través de l’ús de lletres especials i d’abreviatures, els misteris inherents a les lletres dels noms «Jesús» i «Crist». Una abreviatura molt freqüent per «cristià» era xpa amb un signe sobre la p. Aquest signe era molt similar al signe usat per abreujar el conjunt de lletres "re" o "rest". Els copistes, després d’haver vist centenars d’abreviatures d’aquesta mena, o de paraules en què el grup "pre" s’escrivia amb una p acompanyada de l’abreviatura per "re", creient que "ia" era el final de la paraula i estan acostumats a la pronúncia dissimilada "crestià", van acostumar-se a transcriure aquestes abreviatures com "crestià", tot i que Eiximenis explica que «cristià devalla de Crist».

The numerous eighteenth-century promptbooks conserved in the Bibliothèque-Musée de la Comédie-Française are for the most part in the hand of copyists attached to the company, people whose duties, often closely associated with those of prompters, gradually evolved over the course of the century. Traces of these people, who were as vital to the company as a whole as they were to individual actors who came to place great trust in them, may be discovered, scattered, not only throughout the minutes of company meetings and registers, but also in bills for copying work and other minor expenses incurred by the secretariat of the troupe. By collating these various sources it is possible to put a face to several of these figures, to identify the manuscripts and documents they copied out, the payment they received, and to understand exactly what their duties entailed over the course of the century. In addition, we shall consider the ‘outside’ copyists who were occasionally called upon, and those of the company's music copyists of whom we have evidence. After all, music in one form or another was an essential element of all eighteenth-century performances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Medieval & Humanistic Studies / Cahiers de Recherches Médiévales et Humanistes is the property of Classiques Garnier and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studii şi cercetări de istoria artei. Seria Artă plastică is the property of G. Oprescu Institute of Art History of the Romanian Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Vox Romanica: Annales Helvetici Explorandis Linguis Romanicis Destinati is the property of Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH & Co.KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Un ancien régime typographique: Culture manuscrite, société graphique et ponctuation turque ottomane La présente étude substitue une analyse technique et graphique des opérations typographiques à l'approche politique et culturelle qui met habituellement l'accent sur les obstacles opposés à l'apparition de l'imprimerie dans l'Empire ottoman. Au-delà d'une démarche historiographique centrée sur les échecs de la modernisation culturelle, un examen combiné des caractères typographiques et des signes de ponctuation invite à proposer une histoire conjuguée de l'imprimé et du manuscrit. Celle-ci, tournée vers l'étude des vitalités textuelles, met au jour des convergences entre les productions calligraphiques, les expérimentations de la typographie et les progrès de la lithographie. Elle relie le travail du typographe aux actions de la main, les activités de l'éditeur aux productions de l'auteur, l'impression des matrices aux inscriptions de la plume. La ponctuation est un terreau d'innovation qui propose, au fil de ses modalisations, de nouvelles insertions, créations et hybridations contribuant au développement de la société graphique ottomane : les gens de l'écrit (scribes, copistes, lettrés, mais aussi éditeurs, typographes et imprimeurs) produisent des textes en fonction d'une culture manuscrite, de contraintes techniques et des caractères propres à la langue turque ottomane. Dès lors, une approche technique de l'ensemble des formes de production écrite permet d'ouvrir un nouveau chantier : celui d'une histoire croisée de la langue et des textes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Le manuscrit du Coran dit « de la Nourrice » est l'un des plus célèbres de la collection de Kairouan, maintenant conservée au Musée des arts islamiques de Raqqada. Son origine est exceptionnellement bien connue grâce à un texte qui équivaut à un colophon et donne la date d'achèvement en ramadan 410/janvier 1020-ou légèrement plus tôt. Les dimensions remarquables de cette copie (environ 445x300 mm), sa calligraphie spectaculaire et son enluminure frappent l'imagination. Près de 2000 feuillets ont été préservés et une étude détaillée sera nécessaire pour comprendre cet important épisode de la calligraphie et de l'art du livre dans l'Ifriqiya ziride. Le présent article représente une première étape dans cette direction et montre que différents copistes et/ou enlumineurs ont été impliqués dans la réalisation de cet exemplaire en soixante volumes. Il tente de replacer ce superbe manuscrit dans le contexte de son époque. [The so-called 'Qur'an of the Nurse' is one of the most famous manuscripts from the Qayrawān collection, now in the Museum of Islamic arts in Raqqada. Its provenance is exceptionally well documented, with the equivalent of a colophon giving the date of completion in Ramaḍān 410/January 1020 or slightly before. The outstanding size of the copy ( c. 445x300 mm), and its dramatic calligraphy and illumination capture the imagination. About 2,000 folios have survived and a full study of the manuscript is required in order to understand this important episode of calligraphy and art of the book in Zirid Ifriqiyya. The present paper is a first step towards this goal and shows that various copyists and/or illuminators have been involved in the production of the sixty-volume set. It tries to put this magnificent manuscript into the context of this period.] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Abstraite: L'Armorial des chevaliers de la Table Ronde, ou Armorial arthurien, est un recueil du XVe siècle recensant les écus et parfois de petites biographies de personnages littéraires, les chevaliers de la Table Ronde. Ce texte présente de nombreux cas de diffractio, notamment dans la représentation iconographique des écus qui diffère parfois de ce que le blasonnement (la description) de l'écu indique dans le texte accompagnant les armoiries. Le personnage de Busterin le Grand, un chevalier de la Table Ronde presqu'inconnu, voit ainsi l'animal peint sur son écu varier au fil des manuscrits: tantôt un blaireau, tantôt un rat dans les premières versions de l'Armorial, le quadrupède se mue ensuite en belette et même en louveteau. Cet article explore les différentes raisons qui ont pu mener tant les copistes que les enlumineurs à cette confusion, puis aux diverses solutions auxquelles ils ont ensuite fait recours pour réinterpréter l'animal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sheds new light on a mode of late antique Vergilian interpretation, according to which Aeneas, Dido, and other characters in the Aeneid observe the regulations of Roman ritual norms, even standing in for priests including the famous flamen and flaminica Dialis. I argue that this mode of interpretation, which I refer to as sacro-legal exegesis, was a productive endeavor in Late Antiquity, offering members of the pagan aristocracy a means for locating and formulating the practice of traditional Roman cult within the pages of the Aeneid. I close by offering some parallels to a mode of rabbinic midrash according to which the biblical patriarchs followed the commandments prior to the revelation at Sinai. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Le religieux maronite Buṭrus al-Tūlāwī (1657-1746) est bien connu auprès des chercheurs pour le rôle que ses ouvrages jouèrent dans les sphères religieuse et intellectuelle au Proche-Orient du XVIIe au XIXe siècles. Son œuvre philosophique a encore été peu étudiée. Dans un article précédent, avec Maroun Aouad, nous avons établi un inventaire détaillé des codex – connus et nouvellement identifiés – contenant l' un ou l' autre des textes philosophiques de notre auteur, où nous avons détaillé les noms des copistes, des possesseurs, des glossateurs, parmi d' autres détails sur l' histoire de ces témoins. Il conviendra de mettre à profit les informations répertoriées dans ce travail de description des codex – toujours en cours, d' ailleurs – afin d' analyser la diffusion de cette œuvre, vaste entreprise compte tenu du nombre de ses témoins connus (153 répartis dans 143 manuscrits). Dans cet article, nous proposons une étude préliminaire portant sur les colophons de huit témoins emblématiques de la Logique – deuxième volume de la philosophie d' al-Tūlāwī –, ainsi que sur d' autres inscriptions paratextuelles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Medieval is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)