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The politics of Queen Anne's reign are characterised as the rage of party; Whigs and Tories contended over religion, the constitution and the succession, and foreign policy. This struggle was taken to the electorate in five elections during Anne's reign, and these raise a question concerning electors' motivations, the answer to which remains elusive: were they acting according to principle, or reflecting the electoral interests to which they were subject? This article analyses the two surviving poll books for Dorset elections in the age of Anne, those at Wareham in 1702 and at Dorchester in 1705. It focuses principally on the voting behaviour of those engaged in the towns' governance structures: corporation members, councils of freemen and local parishes. However, it also considers the behaviour of other categories of voter: politicians, the clergy and non‐conformists. The analysis shows how electoral interest was mediated through the towns' governing institutions and suggests that (at least in these two cases) negotiation between the parties had a greater role in the outcome than has sometimes been suggested. It also demonstrates the limits of the electoral influence of the boroughs' elites: significant numbers of voters were simply not prepared to be led. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the resignation of Anne, Queen of Great Britain, and accession of George I, King of Great Britain and Ireland. It further discusses the downfall of the tory party in Ireland; consequence of the crystallization of 'party politics' in Ireland after 1702; combination of peerage creations, appointments and translations in the episcopate; and leadership of the family interest in the Irish house of commons.

This article reconsiders the problem of 'liberal Toryism' in the 1820s not by looking at the government's policies, but instead at the very 'liberal' language through which they were expressed. It argues that an existing domestic language of 'liberality'—which was associated with religious toleration and with freer trade—was quite distinct from the new political movements on the Continent. Canning and Huskisson used this well-established, and generally well-esteemed, language to enhance and extend their appeal to 'public opinion'. However, many Tories were coming to view this terminology with increased suspicion in the aftermath of the Revolutions of 1820. The article stresses the way that the Tory press popularised a negative typology of the 'liberal system' which ran together religious, economic and foreign affairs, and depicted Canning and Huskisson as 'theorists' content to ruin the moral fibre and economic health of the nation in quest of an abstract metaphysics. By 1826 'liberal' and 'illiberal' were increasingly seen as distinct positions that could not be bridged. Although Canning's brief ministry was not able to bring about a reconfiguration of parties, the final years of decade saw a clear sense among many Tories that 'liberalism' was a powerful threat to traditional religious, political and economic practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract We present the results of studying the behavior of temperature and of the atomic oxygen concentration in the mesopause region during the 2013 January major Sudden Stratospheric Warming (SSW). The data on the hydroxyl molecule OH(6-2), 834.0 nm emission intensity and rotational temperature were analyzed. These data were obtained through spectrometric measurements at the Geophysical Observatory of the Institute of Solar-Terrestrial Physics of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences (51.8°N, 103.1°E, Tory), and at the Zvenigorod Station at the Obukhov Institute of Atmospheric Physics of the Russian Academy of Sciences (55.7°N, 36.8 E°). We calculated the concentration of atomic oxygen and its variations by using the data of the OH emission measurements. We revealed, that the response of the mesopause characteristics for two longitudinally spaced mid-latitude regions essentially differs. Thus, from the Tory Station data, the maximal increase in the OH emission intensity (by a factor of ∼2) and in the concentration [O] (by a factor of ∼3) occurred during the sudden stratospheric warming (SSW) evolution, whereas, from the Zvenigorod Station data, the OH emission intensity increase (by a factor of ∼3) and the concentration [O] increase (by a factor of ∼3.5) was observed at the SSW recovery phase. As a result of numerical modeling using the Middle and Upper Atmosphere Model (MUAM), it was shown, that the cause for the revealed effect may probably be longitudinal differences in the diurnal variation in the vertical wind at the mesopause heights over the indicated stations during the SSW. One may elucidate these differences through the generation of non-migrating tides due to a non-linear interaction between the intensified stationary planetary wave 1 (SPW1) and migrating tides and forcing a set of high-frequency PWs at the stratospheric heights. All these waves are capably of propagating into the MLT region and produce observed changes in behavior of the OH emission intensity, temperature and atomic oxygen concentration over Tory and Zvenigorod. Highlights • Effects of 2013 SSW on the MLT for two longitudinally spaced mid-latitude sites are investigated. • Longitudinal differences in the behavior of the mesopause temperature and composition were found. • It may be caused by longitudinal differences in the diurnal variation of vertical wind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beatrix Campbell was one of the first feminists to try to make sense of women's support for Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and their mobilisation for the Conservative Party since the beginning of the twentieth century. Her book The Iron Ladies: Why Do Women Vote Tory? (1987) was groundbreaking when it was published, and it is still highly informative and instructive in making sense of women's leadership and support for the Tory Party today. In correspondence and in conversation with historian Julie V. Gottlieb, Campbell revisited The Iron Ladies at just the time when a second Conservative woman, Theresa May, became Prime Minister. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the significant role trade unions play in the fight for economic justice, despite media hostility. It mentions the Tory government is attempting to weaken the right to strike by employing tactics like using taxpayer money to compensate companies affected by strikes and proposing laws to maintain minimum staffing levels during strikes, and also addresses the challenges facing trade unions, such as declining membership rates and an aging demographic.

The Nottingham workhouse case was a test of the resolve both of the Poor Law Commissioners appointed to administer the post-1834 New Poor Law, and of the strength of the Whig interest in the town’s municipal and parliamentary elections. All eyes were on the implementation of the legislation in Nottingham, partly because of the influential thinking of local administrators such as Absolem Barnett, and partly because the government needed evidence that the system of unions and workhouses set up after 1834 would actually work in industrial towns. The Nottingham case showed only too clearly that the key issue was the trade cycle, and fluctuations in the town’s hosiery and lace trades made it almost impossible to implement the terms of the legislation fully. The key battle was fought over the decision to build a new workhouse, which the Whigs favoured and the Tories resisted. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article challenges the historical paradigm which portrays the eighteenth century English political factions the retrograde land-based Tories and the progressive, commercially advanced Whigs battling against each others economic policies. Topics include the economic arguments of writers on the side of the Tories including Charles Davenant and Nicholas Barbon compared to Whig economic writers like John Pollexfen, and the Tories policy for more legislation of consumer habits.

This article examines the career of Richard Thompson, briefly dean of Bristol in 1685, as an example of a clergyman of Tory royalist and anti-exclusion principles. Thompson’s public attack on the Popish plot and impugning of the exclusionist cause led to his attempted impeachment by the House of Commons in December 1680. Only the prorogation of parliament in January prevented his impeachment. Nevertheless, Thompson remained a figure strongly associated with the anti-exclusion cause in Bristol. His fractious behaviour brought him to the attention of Archbishop Sancroft on a number of occasions. But this did not prevent his advancement to a prebend and then the deanery of Bristol. His sermon during the Monmouth rebellion is one of the highest expressions of Tory theology. Thompson’s extreme High Tory position therefore also serves to illustrate the spectrum of views within Toryism in the late 1670s and 1680s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Whig and Tory parties played an important role in British politics in the decades following the Glorious Revolution. This article introduces new data on the political affiliation of all Members of Parliament in England and Wales between 1690 and 1747. The data have numerous applications for research. The focus here is on majority party representation and the electoral politics of constituencies. I show that the Whigs had stronger representation in municipal boroughs with small and narrow electorates, whereas the Tories were stronger in county constituencies and in boroughs with large and more democratic electorates. The Whigs were stronger in the Southeast region and the Tories in Wales and the West Midlands. After the Whig leader, Robert Walpole, became prime minister in 1721 the Whigs lost some presence in their traditional strongholds including counties where the Dissenter population was large. Finally, I incorporate data on electoral contests and show that the majority party generally lost strength in constituencies following contests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The success of Tory Democracy in Lancashire heightened its influence in Conservative party debates about tariff reform and India. New Delhi’s imposition of tariffs from 1917 prompted Lancashire Conservatives to gradually modify their position on free trade, so that by 1931 they supported imperial preference. India’s reluctance to lower tariffs led many to criticise the 1933 India white paper. Historians have examined front bench and die-hard conservative efforts to win over Lancashire, but they have overlooked the extent to which local feeling and activism on India was native to the county and not imported from Westminster. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The "PM and Pendulum" model was adjusted for the 2015 General Election to take account of the LiberalDemocratic participation in government and the SNP surge. So adjusted, the model predicts a Tory vote victory by 3.4 percent over Labour. The seat forecast puts the Tories ahead with 287 seats to 263 for Labour, with 41 for the SNP. Thus another Hung Parliament! Ex-post estimates show that without the Lib-Dem adjustments the model would have predicted a Conservative majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British foreign policy from 1700 to 1790 serves as a way to consider the Tory and Whig visions of Britain's relationship with the wider world. This article uses foreign policy to ask and answer broader questions about British political culture in the eighteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a history of news development and publication in Great Britain. Topics include the history of long-form narrative reporting and the works of journalists Denis Hamilton, Ron Hall, and Jeremy Wallington in the newspaper "Sunday Times." Also discussed are the topics of some published news stories including the Profumo affair, a property issue involved by developer Peter Rachman, and the Tory politics.

Anne's accession was greeted warmly in the University of Oxford, the intellectual centre of Toryism in the early eighteenth century, and she made Oxford the destination of one of her earliest excursions out of London in 1702. Yet Anne never returned to Oxford again, while majority opinion in the university was disappointed at her unwillingness to champion wholeheartedly the high-church cause. It was only after 1714 that the reign of Anne came to be represented by Oxonians as a golden age for the university; the reality was more variable and confused. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses some familiar arguments both for, and against, same-sex civil marriage. I argue that it is not enough to defend gay marriage by a simple appeal to equality, unless one addresses the view that same-sex marriage would be contrary to the objective nature and purpose of marriage. I illustrate the ways in which a stand-off is reached in discussions of this particular matter. I also suggest that there is a mystery about what the ‘upgrade’ from a faithful relationship to marriage amounts to, but that part of the answer is that marriage embodies a state-recognized social transition. This is underpinned by the interest that society has in marriage, largely owing to its facilitating a stable environment for children. However, I suggest that marriage also properly functions as a way to uphold commitment and love, and conclude that that there is no good reason not to uphold – through marriage – those things in same-sex relationships. But I concede that religious organisations with theological objections to same-sex marriage should not be obliged to conduct gay weddings. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In January 2009 David Cameron announced that the 'underlying philosophy' of his government would be progressive conservatism. Despite the ambiguity about this term, it was generally interpreted as a signal that Cameron was moving his party to the left. To some commentators, Cameron was allying with the progressive 'one nation' strand of conservative thought. To others, particularly in the media, he was drawing on the more immediate influence of Phillip Blond's ' Red Toryism'. However, the focus on the market (as opposed to state or community) found in both Cameron's speech and subsequent policies sits uneasily with both of these interpretations. Cameron's progressive conservatism has more in common with Thatcherism - an earlier conservative modernising project - than it does with centrist forms of conservative progressivism. Cameron's progressive conservatism is progressive, but only in particular, less commonly used, ways - not as a rediscovery of social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the territorial statecraft of the Conservative Party both internally and in the Coalition Government since 2010. Using Bulpitt's statecraft framework alongside some more recent work on UK intergovernmental relations, it argues that the Conservative Party has pursued broadly the same strategy as the previous Labour administration: centre autonomy management. Thus, as long as the devolved administrations and Welsh and Scottish Conservatives stick to their low politics remit, territorial policy divergence and autonomy remain mostly irrelevant to the centre. In terms of intergovernmental relations, the Conservatives have handled territorial politics in coalition reasonably well. However, the recent Scotland Act and the Commission on Welsh Devolution point towards a future of sharing Treasury control over UK public finances. With the centre's governing autonomy increasingly compromised, the Conservative Party faces the challenge of creating a new strategy which allows it to pursue its priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Critics predominantly read Daniel Defoe's A Tour thro' the Whole Island of Great Britain (1724-26) as a work promoting a vision of Britain as an economic power. They also treat the Tour's narrator as Defoe himself, or, at least, as a figure with the same beliefs as Defoe. In this article, I prove that the narrator of the Tow is not Defoe but a fictional persona, a staunch supporter of the Church of England. I also demonstrate that the work is not just an encomium of British commerce but a sophisticated argument for religious toleration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Delarivier Manley's 1709 bestselling political satire, The New Atalantis, volume 2 contains a long tale of the virgin Elonora, her brother Don Juan, her suitor Don Antonio, her gambling aunt, and various men who conspire against her virtue. Most of Manley's other Atalantis stories satirize immediate Whig-Tory conflict in Queen Anne's Court and are decipherable, at least to a certain extent, through separately published keys. Despite this tale's length and prominence of place, however, no complete key to the characters' possible real-life identities exists; scholars have declared it unidentifiable, and perhaps pure fiction for entertainment. In this article, I demonstrate how the Elonora story invokes the memory of Sir Robert Howard, the only identified character, in a financial allegory dramatizing the dangers of England being in debt to foreign creditors beyond her net worth. Manley also hints at the implications of a notorious 1708 military pay scandal involving prominent Whig officers. This tale and others like it may have emboldened her soon-to-be employer Jonathan Swift to make the same allegations more overtly in his bestselling The Conduct of the Allies (1711). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses that Jane Austen, author of the 1813 novel "Pride and Prejudice," was in favor of a national minimum wage proposal and an expansion of the old Elizabethan Poor Law benefits. Topics discussed include the response of British political party Tories to higher wages and expanded benefits, the 1979 survey "The State of the Poor," by Frederic Eden, and percentage of inhabitants in a parish that obtained some form of aid via the Poor Laws.

This article examines the nature of George Orwell's Tory anarchism, a term that he used to describe himself until his experiences in Spain in 1936. The argument developed here says that the qualities that Orwell felt made him a Tory anarchist remained with him throughout his life, even after his commitment to democratic socialism. In fact, many of those qualities (fear of an all-powerful state, respect for privacy, support for common sense and decency, patriotism) connect the two aspects of his character. The article explains what the idea of a Tory anarchist means, describing it as a practice rather than a coherent political ideology, and moves on to examine the relationship between Eric Blair, the Tory anarchist, and George Orwell, the democratic socialist. It makes the case for his Tory anarchism by drawing out recurring themes in his work that connect him to other Tory anarchist figures such as his contemporary Evelyn Waugh. Thus Tory anarchism is presented as a conservative moral critique of the modern world that can connect figures who hold quite radically different political beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nottingham's Conservative-led inter-war municipal housing policy is widely acknowledged to have been progressive and a model of its kind. This is at odds with traditional views of Tory housing policy between the wars. This paper examines the development of the city's inter-war housing strategy and identifies key stages and trends. Events in Nottingham are explored through an examination of conflicts and tensions within the city council, and by considering the effect of party politics on municipal housing policy. This research quantifies the city's achievements and finds explanation in a combination of consensus politics, Tory paternalism, and private enterprise failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of influence -- what constitutes it, how it works and who exercises it--is the subject of much research on British foreign and defence policy making in the twentieth century. This article introduces a possible new character to the interwar British imperial defence policy making system, the 27th Earl of Crawford and Balcarres. The focus of the article is on the Imperial, as well as the British, nature of that system, emphasizing the informal nature of the information flows which influenced and created strategic policy. As well, the article places the Anglo-American strategic relationship at the heart of the imperial defence system, showing the connectivity required within the system to deal with issues presented by the growing importance of America to the British system of lmperial Defence, not only in the Atlanticist context, but in the global/imperial sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europe has long divided the UK's political parties, especially the Conservatives and Labour. The parliamentary vote to enter the Common Market relied on rebel pro-European Labour MPs, while in the 1980s Labour was calling for withdrawal. If a decade on the Conservative Party saw a growing number of rebels against the Treaty of Maastricht, three decades later those Tory rebels-alongside a new party established to oppose membership, the UK Independence Party-have grown in number and look to the UK's ultimate withdrawal from the EU. This article explores the impact of European integration on British party politics, examining the ways in which it has caused division and fragmentation at the national level. It then looks at the impact of British membership on European level parties, which have also seen a degree of fragmentation owing to the nature of British parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses and presents the document the "Case of Henry Sacheverell," by Charles Burd, likely compiled in 1711, concerning the 1710 impeachment trial of English High Church clergyman and politician Henry Sacheverell following his delivery of controversial sermons. The work is held by the Harvard University Law Library in Cambridge, Massachusetts and features satires and an original drawing. Whig and tory perspectives on the trial are considered.

The article discusses and presents texts of contributions by tory statesman Daniel Finch, the 2nd earl of Nottingham, to the 1710 impeachment trial of English High Church clergyman and politician Henry Sacheverell. It contains a draft version of a speech that Nottingham likely delivered during a debate in the British Parliament's House of Lords and his personal notes on the proceedings. Nottingham's role in the Glorious Revolution of 1688 and post-Revolution politics are also considered.

The article discusses and presents the text of a manuscript called the "Account of the Trial of Dr Sacheverell," concerning the 1710 impeachment trial of English High Church clergyman and politician Dr. Henry Sacheverell, held at the Beinecke Library Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut. It comments on scribal writing, the author's display of tory sympathies, and coverage of speeches during the trial.

This article locates Red Toryism within the broader Context of conservative thinking, tracing some key sources and influences. It discusses the concept of virtue in relation to some earlier Tory efforts to revive medievalist thought. It concludes with an analysis of some potential problems which derive from the attempt to apply a pre-modern form of thought in a multicultural environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents information on the Ten Commandments followed by the Tory political party in Great Britain. It is inferred that they should exert more effort to exemplify hard work and fun-loving individuals. It is stated that party members should protect and preserve the welfare of the middle class. The assurance to the public on the security of the National Health Service is a must.

Tracing 60 years of shifting ideological fortunes, Tim Bale argues that the left wing of the Conservative party has atrophied and is impotent, posing major challenges to the party's ability both to govern in coalition now and to secure electoral success in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Henry Sacheverell's speech in his own defence on the eighth day of his parliamentary trial (9 March 1710) was, by all accounts, a show-stopping performance. The speech was an effective political performance at a show trial originally designed to condemn the principles he had enunciated in his controversial 1709 sermons at Derby and St Paul's Cathedral. Sacheverell avoided any forthright or elaborate defence of his beliefs with regard to the legitimacy of resistance during the Glorious Revolution in order to appear humble, orthodox, and loyal to the queen and to the protestant succession. As such, he presented himself as a sort of living martyr for the high church cause. While this strategy was itself deeply controversial, it was also rather successful in spinning the debate from one about 'revolution principles' to one about the persecution of a loyal clergyman. In order to understand the form, the effectiveness and the purpose of Sacheverell's trial speech, one must take its pathetic form and its widespread distribution, both in print and manuscript reports, into account. The sympathy garnered for Sacheverell due to his speech was a public relations success for the tory cause in the short run, but it also entailed a solid commitment to the Hanoverian succession that remained deeply controversial within high church circles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the trial of Dr Sacheverell attracted considerable public attention in Ireland, and a great deal of the pamphlet literature generated in England was reprinted in Dublin, there is little explicit evidence of the invocation of Sacheverell's name by Irish tories, in parliament, at elections, or in the indigenous press culture. On the surface, this seems hard to explain, even though Irish protestants were naturally more sensitive than their English counterparts to any challenge to the legitimacy of 'Revolution principles', for at the same time the protestant Irish 'political nation' was bitterly divided by a conflict of parties on the English model, and, indeed, regarded their own struggles as an extension of the warfare of whigs and tories in England. This article seeks to account for the non-appearance of Dr Sacheverell in Irish political discourse by emphasizing the presence in Ireland of two surrogates: Francis Higgins, the roaring anglican controversialist who, like Sacheverell himself, courted 'persecution' by bishops and whig governments, and Sir Constantine Phipps, lord chancellor of Ireland 1710-14, who turned himself into a tory champion in Ireland by using some of Sacheverell's methods of self-promotion. The fact that both were closely associated with the Doctor - Higgins as a chosen replacement for Sacheverell in the pulpit in 1710, Phipps as a defence counsel at the impeachment - infused both with reflected glamour and enabled Irish tories to express their support for Sacheverell indirectly, without calling into question their loyalty to the Williamite settlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the literature on the Sacheverell affair as it stood when it was delivered as a paper to the symposium held in March 2010 to commemorate the 300th anniversary of his impeachment. The basic narrative and prevalent interpretation of its significance were established by the late Geoffrey Holmes in his monograph The Trial of Doctor Sacheverell published in 1973. Holmes placed it in the context of a crisis in Church and state brought about by the Glorious Revolution and its aftermath. This led to the formation of the party conflict between high church tories and low church whigs. When the whigs, led by the junto, came to power between 1708 and 1710, their ascendancy provoked a reaction from tories claiming that the established Church was in danger. It was in this context that Sacheverell preached his provocative sermon on 5 November 1709, which brought on his impeachment for high crimes and misdemeanours. Holmes's detailed account of the trial, together with his separate analysis of the 'Sacheverell riots', have been generally accepted as definitive. Consequently, scholarly attention has tended to shift to the cultural aspects of the affair such as poems on affairs of state and political prints. These investigations have led, in turn, to attempts to establish an appropriate methodology for analysing their significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a notes and comments-style edition of two documents written by William North, Baron North and Grey, during the Sacheverell impeachment. The first of these was a response to arguments made by the Commons' managers before the Lords, the second was North and Grey's notes for his own speech in defence of Sacheverell. It is argued that together these encapsulate a strong tory's view of the impeachment and the revolution of 1688. Given the subsequently jacobite trajectory of North and Grey's career, it is suggested that these documents also offer an insight into the tory mentalité at the point when the first tory party was on the eve of its greatest political and electoral triumphs and before it turned against the Hanoverian dynasty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a response to the essay "Rethinking Mercantilism: Political Economy, the British Empire, and the Atlantic World in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," by Steve Pincus, published in the issue. It examines mercantilism, British imperial policy, and British politics in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The author reflects on the relationship between economic debates and politics, commenting on British Whig and Tory views. Competition and regulation in international trade are also explored.

The article discuses souvenirs of 18th century England, which served as memorabilia of King William III of England and served as political symbols of allegiance. The contribution was produced, according to the author, in light of a current emphasis in historical research on the impact of personality and a recent proliferation in political biographies. Other topics discussed include 18th century English political parties the Tories and the Whigs, political figures such as Benjamin Hoadly, and a debate on the "Glorious Revolution."

By the late 17th century it had been largely established as a part of the 'constitution' that the house of commons played the leading role in proposing financial legislation and that the house of lords by convention could not amend such bills, but only accept or reject them. From the late 1670s, the practice developed of the Commons 'tacking' money or supply bills to other, controversial legislation, to try to ensure that the Lords would pass the whole bill. This underhand proceeding sometimes worked, but at other times the Lords amended the non-monetary parts in such a way as to render the bill unacceptable to the Commons, but such actions sometimes resulted in the loss of financial legislation necessary for the king's government. From the 1690s, the whig-dominated Lords attempted to 'outlaw' tory-backed tacking by protesting at its unparliamentary nature. This culminated in a formal declaration by the House in 1702 of the unconstitutionality of tacking. The last major attempt at tacking took place over the Occasional Conformity Bills of 1702-4. The final bill of 1704 essentially failed, however, because of the party strengths in the Lords when the tories were outvoted by the whigs. The Lords, however, continued to condemn tacking until at least 1709. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article considers the eighteenth-century myth of the Calves-Head Club, a British Republican group which purportedly supported the regicide of British King Charles I with celebrations on January 30th, the anniversary of his death. The idea of such a group appeared in the book "The Secret History of the Calves-Head Club, or The Republican Unmasked" by Edward Ward (1667-1731), first published in 1703. The author considers the historiography surrounding the Club and the book's propaganda role in promoting Tory ideologies during the reign of Queen Anne.

This article reconsiders, through the case study of High Tory MP Sir Humphrey Mackworth (1657-1727), an influential thesis that core values of the landed class were incompatible with ‘projects’—new speculative commercial and industrial ventures floated in the emerging stock market. Rather than presupposing inherent tension between Whig and Tory, or Court and Country, the article explores how the High Tory, critical of Whig finance, conceptualized and lent legitimacy to his mining scheme. The first section reviews the historiography and the second introduces the case study. The article then shows that Mackworth viewed and promoted his business as a pursuit of piety, profit, and public service. This godly framework, it will be shown, was no rhetorical ornament: it even influenced how Mackworth understood the frauds he committed, which made him a notorious swindler but also an ‘innovative entrepreneur’ contributing to local economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The May 2010 general election represented a change in tone on immigration and asylum policy for the Conservative party. Although its manifesto still contained a promise to limit numbers and expressed concern about the abuse of student visas, the Party's previous fixation with asylum seekers had disappeared. This article considers the rationale for these developments in the light of David Cameron's election as leader in late 2005 and his efforts from then on to reposition his party. Cameron's initial silence on this issue and his appointment of a moderate as immigration spokesman were part of an attempt both to shift the focus onto the economic impact of migration and, more broadly, to 'decontaminate the Tory brand' in order to gain 'permission to be heard' by small-l liberals who were critical to the Party's electoral recovery but alienated by hard-line stances. That said, immigration was never entirely forgotten even in this early period and was always seen, so long as it was carefully handled, as an issue capable of benefitting the Tories. As such, it was skilfully factored back into the Party's offer from late 2007 onwards. In government, the Conservatives may have the upper hand on immigration over their junior coalition partner, but this is no guarantee that they will be able to deliver the outcomes they promised [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The alliance between the tories and Frederick, Prince of Wales has usually appeared at best a passing interlude of opportunism in eighteenth-century politics, dismissed alike by scholars upholding 'jacobite' or 'Hanoverian' constructions of the party's identity. This article offers a re-examination of the relationship, assessing tory actions at Westminster against the larger hinterland of party literature and journalism. It argues that, especially after 1747, the association fronted a much more serious enterprise than is conventionally assumed, highlighting the continued political and ideological independence of the party into the 1750s and shaping the subsequent evolution of its identity. Intellectually, Frederick's image as a 'Patriot King' was driven by radical manifestos originating within the jacobite diaspora in Paris. Inside Westminster, his patronage changed the balance of power, bringing the tories to a point of primacy hitherto unmatched over the larger opposition. For four years, the promise of the prince of Wales provided the glue to hold the tory party together; his death threatened to unleash a process of fragmentation. The long-term legacy of the alliance informed the direction of those who remained tories into the following decade, determining the section of the party that would gain the ascendancy within the reign of George III. By showing how a member of the ruling dynasty could be recast in a favourable and highly partisan political complexion, the pact with Frederick represented a decisive stage in the reinvention of English toryism, and its movement from mid-century opposition towards rebirth as the loyalist champions of the house of Hanover. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the advances made to safeguard the future of the Welsh language under the Conservative governments of the 1980s and 1990s. These advancements included the establishment of a Welsh language television channel, advancements in the field of Welsh language education, the formation of a Welsh Language Board, and, finally, the implementation of a new Welsh Language Act in 1993. Challenging popular assumptions regarding the nature of Conservative governance during this period, the article examines the background and context of these developments by highlighting the limitations of ‘Thatcherite’ dogma not only in ‘second order’ areas of policy, but also in a nation where Tory roots were not deeply embedded. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As the Labour Party gears up to share early findings from its wide-ranging policy review at the autumn party conference, author and academic Tim Bale looks for lessons in over 60 years of Conservative party policy reinvention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at government policy and politics in Great Britain in 2010, focusing on the "Big Society Plan" of Prime Minister David Cameron. The plan's emphasis on social enterprise, civil society, and the service sector is discussed. The influence of political parties on social development policies is reviewed, including the Tory and New Labour parties. The author discusses the state of hegemony in British society and comments on the use of moral persuasion to influence social values and political attitudes.

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The article discusses the declining role of religion in politics in Great Britain from 1710 to 1734. It says that religion declined due to the Bangorian controversy, named for Whig Bishop Benjamin Hoadly of Bangor, Wales that arose in the elections in 1715 and 1722 between Whig Party and Tory Party. It cites the relationship of religion and politics using High Church clergyman Henry Sacheverell's trial on his sermon against Whig and the controversy which led to religious and political divisions.

The article discusses the Red Toryism concept of Phillip Blond, leader of the think tank group ResPublica. According to the article, Blond has been urging British conservatives to value the local instead of global, virtue over cynicism, common custom instead of bland commercial labels and family over discontents. It describes Red Toryism as a concept that seeks to dissociate Great Britain's conservative politics from its relationship with neo-liberal economics. It adds that the Red Tory economics can be categorized in terms of diagnosis of the malaise and prognosis of its cure.

Although the ideology of the Young England movement has been traced to a variety of sources, the influence of Robert Southey on it has largely gone unnoticed. Yet he shared with the Young England group a penchant for the middle ages. Like them, he was not nostalgic for the medieval era just for its own sake but wished to revive its alleged sense of community to offset the perceived social alienation of the new industrial age. While a leader of the movement such as Lord John Manners openly acknowledged his intellectual debt to Southey, Benjamin Disraeli rarely did so. Yet, as this article shows, there was a link in that Disraeli and Southey were acquainted through Benjamin's father Isaac, and Southey's ‘radical Tory’ views can be detected in Disraeli's ‘Young England’ novels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discussion by King Charles II and his senior advisors in 1672 of the choice of a new Speaker for the forthcoming parliamentary session reveals both the way in which the appointment was prepared and the government's considerations in the appointment. Prominent among them was the Speaker's personal influence, and his personal views on the great issue to be debated, the Declaration of Indulgence. The choice of Sir Job Charlton, and the behaviour of his successor, Sir Edward Seymour, in the chair, mark a new phase in the history of the speakership, in which Speakers are less likely to be lawyers, for whom the office was a step on the road to high legal office, and more likely to be significant political leaders with their own influence and following. After the 1688 revolution, the tendency for Speakers to be party political leaders became still more marked. Nevertheless, the country ideology espoused by several of them, including Paul Foley, Robert Harley and the tory, Sir Thomas Hanmer, provides a pedigree for the model of the impartial speakership whose invention is often attributed to Arthur Onslow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]