Search

The purpose of the study is to find out how the Greek pentathlon was organized at the Panhellenic Games as well as what was the sequence of competitions in it, whether the rules of its organization differed at the Panhellenic and the local Games, how the judges determined the winner, and which path the pentathlete had to go to victory. Basing on the written sources and epigraphic data, the author demonstrates that the basic principle of the pentathlon organizing was developed at the Olympic Games, but deviations from it were possible at the local Games. The sequence of pentathlon competitions and the determination of the absolute winner is one of the most difficult tasks in the scientific literature but it is directly related to the question of which competitions the athlete should have won on the path to victory. Statistical analysis of data on the athletes’ victories in the pentathlon as well as on the pentathletes’ victories in special disciplines allow the author to assume that pentathletes more often won due to competitions in running rather than in wrestling, and that a track and field athlete had good chances of winning rather than a martial artist.

This article examines several narratives about the posthumous veneration of King Leonidas in Sparta. The details of the funeral ceremony held for him are analyzed. Leonidas was the only ruler to be commemorated with three tombstones and three funerals, all in different locations. These unprecedented honors emphasized the exceptional importance attributed to Leonidas by the Spartan authorities. They affirmed his commanding role in strengthening Sparta’s reputation as the leader of the Greek resistance. Leonidas’ recognition and the annual holiday in his honor were fundamental in shaping the mentality of the Spartan citizens. He and the three hundred Spartans who perished with him at Thermopylae embodied the ideal of a noble death in defense of the homeland and showed the Spartans that they were expected to either triumph over the enemy or meet their fate. This concept became ingrained in the ideology of the Spartiates. The intrigue surrounding the transfer of Leonidas’ remains from Thermopylae to Sparta is discussed. Due to a gap in Pausanias’ text, the identity of those responsible for this action and its timing are still unknown. The speculation is fueled by the discrepancy between the name and date provided in the manuscript. Here, several different options to fill the gap are considered. Out of all the options, the one that involves the least amount of intervention, i.e., simply replacing one digit in the manuscript, stands out.

Upon scrutiny, the accepted historical contextualization of the famous Uzziah Epitaph (IM 65.56.38 = CIIP 602) is revealed to be full of difficulties. While Garbini's argument that the artefact is a modern fake is unconvincing, good reasons exist to explore it instead as an ancient forgery. The present article accordingly explores an alternative understanding of the inscription as the product of a hellenized fashion for the sight-seeing of celebrity tombs and an emergent culture of "biblical tourism" in Judea. From this perspective the "staged authenticity" of the epitaph is analyzed through the socio-rhetorical function of the object as understood and experienced within this context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La interpretación del patrimonio cultural, especialmente con el storytelling, está aumentando su importancia dentro del turismo. Es aquí donde intervienen las fuentes de viaje como elemento configurador del contexto cultural del destino y/o recursos mediante el mensaje que estas transmiten de ellos. Así, este estudio pretende demostrar que estas fuentes, Pausanias concretamente y los relatos de viajes de los siglos XVIII y XIX, tienen influencia en el mensaje de la señalización turística de Atenas, lo que ha permitido deducir un modelo teórico de storytelling que incorpora a estos viajeros.

The article describes the places visited by Pausanias, such as Plato's Academy and Aristotle's Lyceum in Athens, Ephesus, Samos, Clazomenae, Elea, Miletus, and Corinth. Three ways of understanding and instituting life are mentioned as alternatives to the repetition that leads to absurdity and suicide: the Athenian philosophical way, the Spartan military way, and the cunning Corinthian way. The influence of Pausanias on philosophers like Albert Camus is highlighted through anthropological authors like Frazer and essayists like Chateaubriand. Additionally, several places related to Greek philosophy are mentioned, such as Plato's Academy and Aristotle's Lyceum in Athens, Ephesus, Samos, Clazomenae, Elea, and Miletus. Different versions of the myth of Sisyphus and his punishment by the gods are also presented. [Extracted from the article]

In Classical times, the Athenian war dead were buried in the suburb of the Kerameikos, within a place which is currently defined, after Thuc. 2.34.5, as Demosion Sema, or Mnema, as according to Paus. 1.29.4. In the framework of the recent general reassessment of this burial area, which is no longer conceived of as a national military cemetery in a modern sense, but as a more nuanced ‘space for the fallen’, this paper argues that the expressions demosion sema (public tomb) and mnema (monument) have been arbitrarily taken to refer to the burial area as a whole. In light of a renewed textual analysis of Thucydides’ and Pausanias’ narrative contexts, as well as of a survey of their extant editions and translations, this paper suggests that this ‘space’ did not have a more specific name than the name of the ‘most beautiful suburb of the city’ where it was located, the Kerameikos.

Copyright of Gerion: Revista de Historia Antigua is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The contradictions and ambiguities in, admiration for, and potential benefits derived from cheating in modern athletics have numerous parallels in ancient Greek culture. Because both ancient and modern competitive sports share common structures and behavioral patterns that enable cheating, viewing attitudes of the ancients provides a useful lens through which to assess our own ambivalent responses to rule-breaking today. This paper traces the growth of ancient sports and the financial and personal rewards that motivated many athletes to game the system. Numerous examples of athletes and the parents of athletes who sought success at all costs indicate that ancient sports cheating was not so distant from cheating in modern sports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the myth of Dionysus’ arrival in Argos reported by Pausanias (2nd century AD) in Periegesis 2.20.4, 22.1 and 23.7 as an aetiology of Argivian monuments (tombs of maenads, sanctuary of Dionysus Krēsios). The prominent role accorded to the citizens’ resistance and the hero Perseus will lead to a political interpretation of the myth (section 1). Convergences between this myth and the cult (with particular attention to the integration issue of external elements into a local community) will be verified through the comparison of Pausanias’ account and historical documents of Dionysian cults (sections 2-3). Finally, the results of the previous analysis will be compared with two Hellenistic fragments by Euphorion of Chalcis (3rd century BC; fr. 19a, 40-44 and fr. 109, 17-26 Lightfoot) and will open up new interpretations of them (section 4).

Copyright of Journal of Egyptian History is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The key aim of this article is to provide an interdisciplinary look at tourism and its diachronic textual threads bequeathed by the ‘proto-tourist’ texts of the Greek travel author Pausanias. Using the periegetic, travel texts from his voluminous Description of Greece (2nd century CE) as a springboard for our presentation, we intend to show how the textual strategies employed by Pausanias have been received and still remain at the core of contemporary series of travel guides first authored by Karl Baedeker (in the 19th century). After Baedeker, Pausanias’ textual travel tropes, as we will show, still inform the epistemology of modern-day tourism; the interaction of travel texts with travel information and distribution channels produces generic hybrids, and the ancient Greek travel authors have paved the way for the construction of networks, digital storytelling and global tourist platforms.

This article examines the literary representation of the foundation stories of the cities of Ionia in Asia Minor in Strabo and Pausanias. It aims to analyse their accounts on the Ionian migration, as well as the analogies, differences, and methods employed by these authors, as well as the historical contexts of their texts. Importance is given to the study of other fragmentary sources and the evidence of inscriptions in order to outline the different strands of tradition and assess the extent of the originality of Strabo's and Pausanias' historical accounts. Literary sources on the Ionian migration are considered in tandem with relevant aspects and narrative patterns of the various "local" traditions. By examining a selection of foundation histories as recounted in the narratives of Pausanias and Strabo, this article gives a broad overview of the historiographical perspective of both authors, their writing strategies, and cultural milieux. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the monuments of Thebes mentioned by Pausanias and related to the story of Seven against Thebes. It is claimed that these monuments were a part of the local educational practice, which reflected the Theban mythical history and fostered patriotism. Most of the monuments were located near the gates of the Kadmeia (at a distance of up to 260 m) and formed a close cir-cle of monuments. In some cases, the monuments formed a far circle (at a distance of 300 to 500–960 m from the gates). The first of the monuments considered is the monument associated with Am-phiaraos. Regarding the place where the earth swallowed Amphi-araos, there exist two traditions, namely the “Theban” and the “Tanagrian” ones. It is hypothesized that the “Tanagrian” tradition was adapted by the residents of Oropos and, thus, reflected in Eu-ripides’ tragedy The Phoenician Women. The educational topogra-phy of Pausanias shows that the “Theban” version is consistent with the text of Aischylos’ tragedy Seven against Thebes, while the “Tanagrian” version is consistent with the text of The Phoenician Women by Euripides. The location of the tombs of Melanippos and Tydeus near the Proitides gates also corresponds to the tradition captured by Aischylos, which presumably reflects the local, or “Theban”, version of the myth. Through Pausanias’ educational topography, the connection of the figure of Kapaneus with the Elektrai Gates and the walls of Thebes is emphasized, which is confirmed by the evidence of material culture. As a possible grave of Oidipous’ children, the largest of the chamber tombs on the hill of Megalo Kastelli is considered. A large number of monuments associated with the story of Seven against Thebes symbolized mil-itary valour and glorified Thebes in their victory over the Argives. Some of the monuments possess ambiguous symbolism, among which are the tomb of Menoikeus and the place of the duel be-tween the sons of Oidipous. The article is equipped with a map reconstructing the probable location of the monuments, including various versions of their localization, as well as illustrations with the images on the objects of material culture associated with the War of the Seven.

The article discusses Pausanias' obscure statement (1.26.3) that the early Hellenistic Athenian general Olympiodoros 'recovered the Piraeus and Mounychia'. By understanding the feat as an episode within the wider context of the Athenian stasis of 295 between the 'tyrant' Lachares and Olympiodoros' democratic resistance, the article shows that the narrative of the enterprise (most likely based on an honorific decree) aimed to i) establish a parallel between Olympiodoros and the illustrious democratic recovery by Thrasyboulos, ii) rehabilitate Olympiodoros as a democratic hero after his involvement in the oligarchic years of the second regime of Demetrios Poliorketes in Athens, and iii) serve as a call to action to recover the Piraeus, which was under Macedonian control when the honours were bestowed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: Pausanias; historical; traveller; geographer; ancient Greece; Roman Empire EN Pausanias historical traveller geographer ancient Greece Roman Empire 1 3 3 08/24/22 20220701 NES 220701 'From here the high road to Delphi becomes both steeper and more difficult for the walker. Google Scholar Google Preview OpenURL Placeholder Text WorldCat COPAC 10 Clendenon C. Ancient Greek geographer Pausanias as a qualitative karst hydrogeologist. Pausanias, "Hellados Periegesis", Book 10 Pausanias was an ancient Greek traveller and geographer, who is known as the world's first travel writer. [Extracted from the article]

General introductions to the ancient Olympic Games often paint an idealized picture of intrinsically motivated and fair athletes, competing purely for the honour of the victory. From a scholarly point of view, this image has been adjusted in recent years: also among the ancient athletes there were certainly some who cheated. As the topic of fairness and cheating is very accessible to younger students, this theme is well-suited for classes on ancient culture: it invites them to think about idealizations of the past, and about their own ideas on fair sport. A passage on Olympic cheaters from the travel guide of Pausanias (5.21.2-18) offers a convenient entry point to the topic. As this author is not part of standard school curricula, working with a modern translation would be a logical choice. This article consists of two parts: a historical introduction to the reality of cheating at ancient Olympia, discussing the rules, types of offenses and the most common punishments, and a didactic part, which offers examples of the kind of questions that can be raised in class around this topic, and suggestions how to employ translated sources in your classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pleasant, quiet archaeological site of Olympia appears a far cry from the fame of the ancient Olympic Games, or from the spectacle of the modern variety. In this article, I discuss the end of ancient Olympia and the gradual re-emergence of the archaeological site. After Olympia was abandoned in early Byzantine times, its location was no longer remembered. However, its fame remained, partly through translations of ancient texts, notably Pausanias, partly through the revival of the Olympic Games in the 19th century. Early modern travelers and the French scholars who worked at the site as part of the Expedition de la Morée hoped that the site could fulfill their high expectations, in particular with regards to ancient sculpture. As the excavations continued, since 1875 as part of the research program of the German Archaeological Institute, the buried remains have revealed a different material reality. As a result of the combination of continuous research and restoration up until the present day the site of Olympia now provides an independent view on the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although ancient Olympia is usually viewed as a Classical Greek site, most buildings that are visible nowadays were not there yet when Pindar celebrated famous victors or Peisistratos and Alcibiades won their races. More generally, even though new research has substantially improved our knowledge, the early history of the site is often still neglected in introductory presentations of the site. In this article some important main issues are discussed. First, new excavations have revealed that Bronze Age occupation of the area cannot be connected to the later cult, as some scholars have argued in the past. The older remains were covered by flooding of the nearby rivers when the sanctuary was founded in the 11th century BCE. Up to the late 7th century the sanctuary remained an open area around a large ash altar. Its main structure was a large dam protecting it from floods. The temple now associated with Hera, built around 600 BCE, was the first monumental building of the sanctuary. Recent research suggests this may originally have been dedicated to Zeus, but this cannot be proven conclusively. The common idea that this temple was originally a wooden construction has now also been debunked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the vocabulary of sexual violence in the Periegesis Hellados. The vocabulary of sexual assault in the Periegesi s encompasses the related noun and verb pairings ἁρπαγή and ἁρπάζω, αἰσχύνη and αἰσχύνω, βία and βιάζω, and ὕβρις, ὑβρίζω. All denote 'rape' defined as 'nonconsensual sex' (though matters of consent are sometimes ambiguous), but they are not used interchangeably in the text. Several patterns emerge from this analysis: first, the language of violence and sacrilege correlates with suffering in Pausanias' usage, so the more explicitly violent and transgressive the sexual assault, the more likely it is that aspects of the victim's experience and agency will be included in the account. Second, racial formation is a key operator in the narratives of sexual assault, so Greek stereotypes about barbarian alterity are amplified in the representations of rape in Pausanias' text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The key aim of this article is to provide an interdisciplinary look at tourism and its diachronic textual threads bequeathed by the 'proto-tourist' texts of the Greek travel author Pausanias. Using the periegetic, travel texts from his voluminous Description of Greece (2nd century CE) as a springboard for our presentation, we intend to show how the textual strategies employed by Pausanias have been received and still remain at the core of contemporary series of travel guides first authored by Karl Baedeker (in the 19th century). After Baedeker, Pausanias' textual travel tropes, as we will show, still inform the epistemology of modern-day tourism; the interaction of travel texts with travel information and distribution channels produces generic hybrids, and the ancient Greek travel authors have paved the way for the construction of networks, digital storytelling and global tourist platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Thiasos is the property of Edizioni Quasar di Severino Tognon s.r.l. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The stance of Greek intellectuals towards the idea and the practice of Roman emperor cult has been often examined, with the main result that the complacent, conformist attitude of these subjects of the Empire has been ascertained (thus in a still basic study by G.W. Bowersock, 1973). A new scrutiny of the available evidence, however, spots also serious reserves in that circle towards the real content of emperor worship at least since the Antonine age, while outright and conscious flattery as driving force and quintessence of the imperial cult appears even earlier. After the proper analysis, cultic acceptance of a real benefactor-emperor, refined flattery or careful, direct or indirect, rejection appear as the three poles around which the attitudes of Greek intellectuals towards the imperial cult circled. Essentially, all three variant stances continued threads of reaction to the practice of ruler-cult beginning already in Hellenistic times, thus pointing to an underlying continuity between the ideological picture of the ruler in this period and the Roman Empire.

Significant studies have led to identify a group of thirteen athletes-heroes, from sources of varying degrees of reliability. Taking Pausanias as the basis since he offers the greatest number of references, we will first examine the four athletes declared hero by him (Oebotas of Dyme, Theogenes of Thasos, Cleomedes of Astypalaea and Hipposthenes of Sparta); it will allow us to identify what, from his point of view, guarantees heroic status. Building on these cases, we will assess the ancient testimonies at the origin of other identifications put forward by scholars, sometimes tempted to imagine a heroic figure modeled on another. The remaining thirteen athletes on the list will be taken into consideration, but particular attention will be paid to the cases of Orsippos of Megara, Euthykles of Locri, Chionis of Sparta and Euthymos of Locri. We will thus appreciate Callimachus’ testimonies, which are cited in support of the heroisation of the two Locrian athletes.

The following paper seeks to explore the relationship between globality and locality in Greece in the second century AD. In order to achieve that it is proposed a critical reading of Pausanias’ descriptions of his visits to three imperial Greek cities: Tegea, Patras, and Corinth. These three examples are considered as showing in a particularly clear way a disagreement between the author’s Hellenism, which is the universalist imaginary framework from which the local is visited and known in the Perigesis, and the memories, identities, and cult practices, which apparently are particularities of those local places. However, a deeper analysis allows us to notice that apparently particular phenomena are quite evident signs that the localities in which they are inserted are deeply traversed by the global phenomenon of the empire. It is sought here, then, to show how, although Pausanias wants discursively to erase from his work the imperial historical reality, this reality emerges in any case in his text because the empire itself has become a space of intense cultural exchange between global tendencies and local experiences.

Pausanias arranges the archaiologiai of the Ionian Dodecapolis so that, for each individual city, any single piece of tradition is either accepted or rejected and put in its place in chronological order. This means writing the history. The Periegetes knows very well the so-called «panionian» version, which underlies his text; he tends to prefer this version and, when he talks about identity, he thinks according to its mechanisms. But he gives an account in which this version is mitigated through the comparison with other elaborations, and includes some aspects of these latter in his text. Pausanias integrates the «panionian» story with the local traditions of the poleis in an original account but he does this by applying the panionian perspective to the city traditions and by using and eventually adapting a chronological scheme taken from the local history or the mythography, where available, or from the oral tradition, if the collective memory preserves one.

This essay makes a case for long-term history and its importance to the field of environmental humanities. Examining why the ancient world has only played a marginal role in this new paradigm so far, a new perspective on ancient environments is encouraged - one that does not see these environments as static containers of cultural memory, but rather as dynamic sites of human-nature interaction. With the help of one central text from the ancient world, Pausanias' Description of Greece, this essay seeks to introduce a reconceptualization of the ancient Mediterranean region - especially ancient Greece - as a landscape of porosity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reassesses the evidence for Malekidas, a boeotarch of the mid-sixties of the fourth century BC (IG VII 2408), to whom similar forms of the personal name at Plut. Pel. 35, 2 and Paus. 9, 13, 6 have been attributed. Similarity with the form Malekidas, however, does not constitute grounds for emending the name Malkites at Plut. Pel. 35, 2. In fact, a mistake that had already been made in antiquity may explain the other erroneous form, *Malgis, at Paus. 9, 13, 6, which is not generally emended. The forms in Plutarch and Pausanias are probably derived from textually corrupt sources about this person, and hence should not be emended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

O presente artigo tem como objetivo refletir sobre os fundamentos teóricos que balizam os argumentos apresentados por Pausânias em seu célebre discurso no Banquete. Demonstrar-se-á a forte influência sofística que carrega tal encômio, devendo, por isso, ser entendido como uma forte crítica platônica ao modelo paidédito proposto por esse grupo de pensadores. Concluir-se-á ainda, evidenciando, que assim como os demais discursos, o elogio de Pausânias a Eros constitui-se, na verdade, um louvor a si mesmo, pretendendo-se conceber como amante/amado ideal.

One of the key products of archaeological work, the clear disciplinary distinction separating it from amateur curiosity or lucrative treasure hunt, is the text. Not only it stands at the end of almost every archaeological endeavour, text in its various forms often presents the source of fieldwork: archaeological excavations are preceded by (repeated) reading of previously written landscape, either represented through old travelogues, or through recent reports from archaeological surveys. In short, fieldwork and text are dialectically linked: fieldwork practice and texts mutually intertwine, confirm and (re)shape one another. Therefore, along with “founding fathers” of the discipline, some texts may also posses authority – achieved over time, confirmed, or lost. Opposed to the authors and works of the classical canon, Pausanias and his Description of Greece were not of noble origins, that would secure the position of indisputable authority in the field of classical archaeology. Therefore the reputation of the author and his work was built – through confirmations and refutations – in the very landscape of Greece, primarily through archaeological fieldwork. During the 19th century Description of Greece served as a kind of travel guide for researchers to the long-abandoned sites and grand archaeological discoveries, such as Schliemann in Mycenae. The Erechteion in Athens is today known by the name given to the temple by Pausanias. His authority, built in the field of classical archaeology, spread out of the domain of the discipline: on the grounds of the data from the Description of Greece and the esteem of its author, the administration of the new independent Greek kingdom started changing the Slovene, Albanian, Turkish or Italian toponyms in its territory. The excavations at Olympia – the case-study presented here, speak most eloquently about the mutual intertwining of archaeology and Description of Greece. On the one side, the years-long excavations, enabled by the decades-long diplomatic struggle for the licence, deepened the understanding of the work of Pausanias, but on the other side, the fieldwork practice has also changed, as well as the epistemological foundations of classical archaeology. The aim of this paper is to point once more to the inseparable ties linking practical and interpretive aspects, i.e. fieldwork and study in archaeology.

Copyright of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology is the property of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni is the property of Editrice Morcelliana S.p.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This note examines again the overall significance of Jerusalem within the Bar Kokhba revolt. It does so firstly by suggesting a better way to read our texts: Cassius Dio (69.12.1–4) wrote in a partially thematic way, and Eusebius (HE 4.6.1–4) merged several sources together, so that there is no real difference between the two texts in terms of the sequence of the revolt and the establishment of the colony Aelia Capitolina. Secondly, the examination of other sources, different types of evidence and several traditions, may suggest that the Roman reconstruction works in the city did not finish before the revolt, but in fact were halted by it, even without assuming that the rebels actually controlled Jerusalem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pindar's fragmentary Paean 8, along with the ancient Delphic verse 'eagles contribute the feathers and bees the wax', and Pausanias' account (10.5.9-13) are the main sources of the narrative concerning the first four temples in Delphi: one temple was constructed of laurel, another of feathers and beeswax, another of bronze, and the fourth of stone. This narrative has always been an enigma. According to ancient and modern scholars, some of these temples were real and some belonged to the sphere of myth. The argument is put forward here that the myth resulted from a misinterpretation of the enigmatic language of Pindar's paean and the Delphic verse. According to this analysis, the original narrative concerns three (not four) 'temples', which in reality were portable shrines. One was made of branches of oleander, another of bronze, and another was sculpted in stone. They represented the 'hut' of Apollo, his abode; they were kept in the sanctum and had the form of the object that later became known as the omphalos. They were periodically burnt and buried in a pit in front of the temple during the Septērion ritual, for which Pindar composed his eighth paean. The article also attempts to clarify some important aspects of the early history of Delphi (the architectural structure of the early sanctuary and the identity of the Hyperboreans and the Lokroi). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Victory at the Olympics was the main goal of any athlete. Having the Olympic wreath, medalist became a national hero of your policy. The fame and respect that accompanied him all his life, was the result of a hard daily work, but also with the grace of the gods. Victory olimpioniks had a sacral character, as was the special protection of Zeus. Olympic games and other Panhellenic games was a special form of worship of gods and heroes. Performing athletic feats, athletes were as it were the epitome of great heroes, especially the Hercules. Hercules is often revered as the founder of the Olympic games and the first olimpioniks. His name is associated with the introduction of the custom of sacred truce and rewarding olimpioniks a wreath of olives. The cult of Hercules was important for the decoration of Olympia, where he finally acquired a Panhellenic character. Hercules was a role model for many of the great Olympians. Moreover, for athletes who won the Olympics in wrestling and the pankration introduced a special title - “second after Heracles”.

In 86 BC Sulla sacked Athens. The siege left deep marks in the cityscape and in the literary sources. This article traces a diachronic development in the ancient reception of the sack of Athens in Greek literature, from the first century BC through the second century AD. In earlier authors the siege is presented primarily in a military context, while in later authors the emphasis shifts onto Sulla’s destruction of cultural capital. His treatment of Athens comes to be understood as irrational and excessive. I argue that this latter depiction is an anchoring device that roots the new perception of the city during the Empire in the Republican past. In the first two centuries AD Athens increasingly came to be seen as the symbol of Greek culture. Plutarch and Pausanias react to this growing Athenocentrism by retrojecting an image of Athens as cultural symbol onto the first century BC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pausanias was an enigmatic Greek aristocrat from the Lydian area of Magnesia ad Sypilum, in Roman Asia Minor. In mid 2nd century AD he travelled through Greece and published, maybe between 155 and 175 AD, a Periegesis in which he sought to construct an image of the past in order to shape a Greek identity in the present. The aim of this paper is to show in some digressions the disagreements between Pausanias and his "local" sources, possibly "oral". Especially, the discussion will take into account the specific vision of the periegete on Corinth and the cult to Deima. It will allow to understand the periegete's vision on Roman Corinth and the "Greekness" of its contemporary inhabitants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Myrtia is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper examines the circumstances surrounding the beginning of the so-called Achaean war (146 BC) and the subsequent dissolution of the Achaean league by the Romans. The causes of these events, motives and explanations behind them are a source of confusion and disagreement for modern historians. The main reason for this is rather problematic, occasionally even contradictory, nature of the main sources, the book 38 of Polybius' Histories and a segment of the book 7 of Pausanias' Description of Hellas. In this paper the claim is made that the Achaean war was essentially a Roman surprise attack directed against a federation of city-states that displayed tendency for independence that was far too strong, at least from the Roman standpoint. Both Polybius and Pausanias (whose account is based on Polybius) describe and interpret events from a position that is distinctively pro-Roman. Polybius was not able to surmount political and ideological obstacles that stood in the way of objective analysis of the events. As in other places in his work, he decided that any serious critique of the Roman state, its representatives and their actions, is something completely unacceptable. Instead, the reader is presented with a contradictory narrative in which causes and effects switched places, the aggressor is painted as a neutral and well-meaning party, while the victims are forced to take the blame. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El patrimonio arqueológico actual presenta una problemática que necesita respuesta inmediata. La descontextualización de los vestigios les otorga un carácter abstracto que dificulta su comprensión por parte del público inexperto. La Interpretación del Patrimonio (IP) actúa aquí como herramienta para solventar esta circunstancia, aportando significado y referencias funcionales y espacio-temporales a las fuentes arqueológicas, permitiendo la comprensión contextual del objeto (Hernández y Rojo, 2012). Por ende, la presente investigación utilizará esta disciplina para solucionar la problemática particular de uno de los recursos arqueológicos atenienses con más valor intrínseco, el Ágora Griega Antigua. Mediante el análisis del discurso histórico de Pausanias, uno de los viajeros más importantes de la Grecia Antigua, se desarrollará una modalidad de itinerario interpretativo a partir del análisis previo del recurso, creando una concepción turístico-patrimonial basada en la antigüedad, más auténtica y diferenciada de los productos estandarizados contemporáneos, posibilitando así el desarrollo turístico-arqueológico y la protección patrimonial.

Copyright of Pasos: Revista de Turismo y Patrimonio Cultural is the property of Universidad de La Laguna, Instituto Universitario de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Thucydides' interest in Pericles best comes to sight when we examine Pericles' first speech in context. Situated at the end of Book I of the History, that speech concludes a set-piece that begins with the Corinthians' final speech and whose bridge is the 'digression' on Cylon, Pausanias and Themistocles. Read as part of this narrative structure, Pericles' speech represents the successful conclusion of a debate over political rule broadly understood. For Thucydides, that success consists in the ability of Pericles' rhetoric to invite his audience to reflect on the ends of political life, a rhetoric that Thucydides promises to represent in his historiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many texts from the ClassicalAntiquity mention the "Seven Greek learned men". However, the real number oflearned wise accepted as such was much larger. This article proves that there always existed, at a given moment, a list of seven which changed according to place and epoch.• The lists also varied for posterity depending on the source and on the degree of distance in time. The author defines a small number of names found-in most lists and, tnerefore, considered the basic of all of them.

Se estudia aquí el problema de la memoria y el odio entre griegos en la Periégesis de Pausanias. Trofeos y despojos de las victorias de griegos sobre griegos aparecen como marcas que perpetúan en el paisaje de cada una de las localidades visitadas las victorias del pasado y actúan, por lo tanto, como conectores que impiden el olvido. Se intenta mostrar la importancia de esto en el marco de la lectura histórica del pasado griego propuesta por el periegeta, que pone el acento en la naturaleza del odio perpetuado como una fuerza disolvente opuesta al panhelenismo y ayuda así a explicar la pérdida de la libertad de Grecia.

This article studies Pausanias' description of Chinese silk production and Chinese geography within the context of Rome's eastern trade. China was the last stop of land and sea routes connecting Rome and the Far East through Asia Minor, Egypt, Arabia, Persia and India. Although he never journeyed into the Far East, Pausanias provides vivid descriptions of these regions, their products and inhabitants, and the people involved in trade there. The article examines the sources he might have used to construct narratives about the Far East, China and Chinese silk and where such sources might have been made available to him. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A landmark in the history of Greek script is the adoption of the Ionian alphabet by the Athenian demos during the archonship of Eukleides (403/402 BC). This event, which led to the abandonment of the Attic script in Attica, is recorded in the entries of two Byzantine lexica, the lexicon of Photius and the Suda. This article investigates the entries of the two Byzantine lexica and the possible sources (Hellenistic, Roman-era, early Byzantine) from which Photius and the Suda received this entry. It focuses on the role of Pausanias and the Synagoge in the transmission of these entries to Photius; it also stresses that Pausanias' ultimate source was Didymus of Alexandria. The article investigates Didymus' possible sources on the abolition of the Attic script and tries to trace them among older Atthidographers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La conjunción καθότι, resultado de la fusión de καθ᾽ ὅ τι “según lo cual, de la manera que”, sirve para introducir subordinadas comparativas de cualidad o manera. Según los suplementos al diccionario de LSJ, καθότι tendría además una función locativa que se atestiguaría en Pausanias. Otro posible ejemplo de este καθότι locativo aparece en un pasaje de Heródoto tal como ha sido transmitido por los códices de la familia romana. Esta función podría compararse con la función pseudolocativa de ὡς, que, en realidad, resulta de una ilusión creada por el contexto semántico y pragmático. Sin embargo, hay otros argumentos que sugieren que en los ejemplos en cuestión καθότι no es un simple sucedáneo de un adverbio relativo de lugar, sino que posee un significado espacial por sí mismo. Todo indica que este καθότι locativo es una mala grafía de los manuscritos que debería corregirse en καθ᾽ ὅ τι.

La atenta consideración del discurso corintio de Favorino (ps.-Dio Chrys., Or. 37) ha permitido llegar a una propuesta de lectura nueva que aclara el sentido de dos fragmentos anónimos citados en Cor. 11-13, corrientemente atribuídos a los Corinthiaca de Eumelo. Por otra parte, el análisis exegético, lingu..stico y métrico de esas citas sugiere la posibilidad de atribuirlas a la poesía lírica griega, tal vez a las Isthmiastai de Esquilo, y a los oráculos sibilinos.

The author discusses the tradition preserved in the scholia on Euripides' Medea, namely that her children were buried in the sanctuary of Hera Akraia, comparing it with the statement of Pausanias, who claims to have seen a ... of Medea's children in Corinth. He concludes that they are mutually exclusive. The sanctuary meant by the scholia must be that in Perachora, and by ... Pausanias definitely means 'grave'. To solve the problem of having two graves for Medea's children, he argues that the older, Euripidean tradition had been forgotten in Corinth in the 2nd century AD (due to the destruction of both Corinth and the sanctuary of Hera Akraia by Mummius in 146 BC) and that a new tradition with a new grave was invented. This kind of manipulation/ reinterpretation of the material environment has its roots in the archaising tendency of the Second Sophistic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]