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P.Oxy. XX 2258 is one of the most renowned papyri of Callimachus. This article demonstrates that one of the scraps published among the Unidentified Fragments, which contains marginal annotations, actually originates from a Demosthenes codex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pherecydes of Syros' work is difficult to understand because of its fragmentary nature. A previously unexplored perspective on his work is to analyze how it was understood and used in Ptolemaic Alexandria, particularly by Eratosthenes and Callimachus. Eratosthenes' distinction between Pherecydes of Syros and Pherecydes of Athens (DL 1.119) has been used as a key piece of evidence that those two authors are, in fact, distinct. However, there has been little discussion of Eratosthenes' interest in these authors outside of that statement. Callimachus' interest in Pherecydes has also been ignored by both scholars of Pherecydes and scholars of Alexandrian poetry (except for brief references). Through this examination, I argue that Pherecydes of Syros was an important figure in discussions about the development of prose in Ptolemaic Alexandria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the relics of Callimachean criticism in the testimonia to the work of Anaximenes of Lampsacus and Choerilus of Iasos, portrayed either as poet-sycophants or authors of bad quality poetry. It assesses the profile of Anaximenes as an epic writer and investigates the origin and dynamics of the confusion between Choerilus of Iasos and Choerilus of Samos in late Hellenistic and Imperial witnesses. It concludes that the negative judgment on Choerilus of Samos formulated by Istrus, a disciple of Callimachus, may have been wrongly transferred to Choerilus of Iasos and that it influenced later critics and writers’ perception of the latter.

This article focuses on the implications inherent to the use of the word χέλυς (‘lyre’) at line 16 of Callimachus’ Hymn to Apollo with regard to both the Hymn to Apollo itself and the rest of Callimachus’ Hymns. Since the most famous source, and the one in which the χέλυς plays a prominent role, is the Homeric hymn to Hermes, it makes sense to surmise that this is the text Callimachus chose as his model. In this poem, not only does Hermes invent the lyre, but he also teaches his brother Apollo how to play it. The idea of music and poetry sponsored by Hermes centers upon grace and pleasantness. This idea seems to espoused also by Callimachus, whose account of Apollo’s achievements is markedly different from that we read in the Homeric hymn to Apollo. Since the same grace and pleasantness characterize the account of other deities’ deeds throughout the Hymns, we may say that Callimachus made Hermes’ idea of poetry his own.

This article seeks to explain Callimachus' blame of Thebes in the Hymn to Delos , arguing that Callimachus uses Apollo as a mouthpiece to voice the goals of his poetic project, signaling not only the influence of earlier Greek works—particularly Pindar's Isthmian 1—but also his departure from these models. Moreover, Callimachus' relationship with Pindar is more than simply literary, as shown through an intertextual reference that reveals a perceived familial tie, which helps explain Callimachus' use of Pindar as a source. Callimachus' blame of Thebes is a programmatic statement, demonstrating how Callimachus views his sources, his poetry, and himself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When dialogues with teaching purposes are studied, no one will think sua sponte of the little poems which are called ‘epigrams’. Nevertheless, this study tries to suggest how complex dialogues have gradually appeared in some of these small poems, which aimed at a sort of teaching. Focusing on epigrams which contain more than a single exchange of words, two epigrams are studied: in the first one, by Callimachus, the deceased teaches the living epigrammatist that there is nothing after death, whereas in the second one, Posidippus teaches us about the purposes of the allegory of Καιρός carved by Lysippus.

This article re-examines the scholium on Euripides, Andromache 445, which several scholars have used to support the claim that Andromache premiered outside Athens, and concludes that both the scholium itself and a remark in the play's hypothesis rather suggest that the play was produced in Athens as part of a dramatic competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focusses on the catalogue of love-affairs from Book 3 of Hermesianax's Leontion (fr. 7 Powell = 3 Lightfoot). Contrary to two basic assumptions of previous scholarship, this article underscores that fr. 3 Lightfoot is neither representative of the Leontion as a whole nor an instance of unsophisticated poetic production. The evidence indicates that Hermesianax's catalogue might have played a crucial role in shaping the later reception of some of the figures he portrays (Mimnermus, Antimachus and perhaps even Hesiod). Finally, several points of contact with Clearchus of Soli show that Hermesianax may be engaging with relevant aspects of contemporary culture, most of all the Peripatetic investigation of biography and the phenomenology of love. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Saber & Scroll Historical Journal is the property of Policy Studies Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Antik Tanulmanyok is the property of Akademiai Kiado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Propertius’ Elegy 1.18, the speaker arrives at an empty, desolate grove so that he may complain loud about being an abandoned lover in solitude. The work is positioned in the mainstream of the Augustan love elegy, but apart from elegiac concepts, it contains numerous topoi and intertextual references to the tradition of bucolic poetry. This article discusses the functioning of the motif of loneliness, which in 1.18 combines various elements that make up the image of the depicted world and enables the selection and modification of interpretative clues.

In his poetic work, Callimachus pushes the art of allusion to heights of refinement: the choice of an adjective in the Hecalea alone offers a fine illustration.

This article offers a close reading of a gloss in Codex Ambrosianus B 106 of Origenes' Hexapla on Psalms, which has in the past only been analyzed for its reference to the Patriarch. This article focuses on the Jewish scholar described in the gloss and analyzes his method of identifying Moses as the author of ten anonymous Psalms in view of Alexandrian scholarship. As Origen could only have communicated with his Jewish contemporary in Greek, the gloss provides unique insights into Hellenistic Judaism in 3d century Caesarea, which turns out to be well connected to Alexandrian methods of scholarship, available in late Antiquity in numerous intellectual centers of the Eastern Mediterranean, including Caesarea and Gadara. Moreover, the article points to conduits of communication between the Jewish Hellenistic scholar and rabbinic literature, where his conclusions resurface. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I analyse the motif of drinking cold water in the poems of Leonidas of Tarentum, showing the relation of his epigrams to the works of Anyte and of other Hellenistic poets, focusing on metaphorical and programmatic meaning. Epigrams 16 and 18 GP of Anyte are interpreted as opening poems of a collection. The famous metaphor of drinking from the sacred fountain, instead of a polluted river, comes from Callimachus Hymn 2, 108-112, which is similar to the opposition in Leonidas' 86 GP. The ecphrasis of a cup represents poetic work in Theocritus Idyll 1. By comparing these texts, I argue that epigrams of Leonidas are related not only with Anyte's poems, but also with the works of other Hellenistic authors and the drinking motif should be read metaphorically, as referring to poetic activity, not as a simple bucolic scene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The name of Virgil’s Volscian heroine Camilla has been a source of scholarly discussion, especially in light of evidence from Varro and Macrobius, citing Callimachus and Pacuvius. Consideration of Virgil’s introduction and presentation of his probable literary invention will show a deliberate intention of highlighting the importance of Callimachus as an intertextual model, not least in Camilla’s anagrammatic association with the Hellenistic poet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I try to demonstrate that Callimachusʼ commemorative poem in honour of the deceased queen Arsinoe II capitalizes heavily on the notorious Hellenistic penchant for verbal puns. In addition, it will be argued that etymologic and anagrammatic devices are not only contrived for their own sake, but are part and parcel of the poemʼs meaning contributing to its poetic and ideological agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Antik Tanulmanyok is the property of Akademiai Kiado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We try to show from a few examples of the fragmentary collection of the Aitia that Callimachus is also sensitive to sound effects (alliterations, assonances, anagrams, sound chiasms) in the composition of his poetry and that this inclination is linked to the power of names which is the base of his poetic writing.

The Telchines, magical craftsmen and wizards, are best known for their criticism of Callimachus' poetry in the prologue to the Aetia. The other two appearances of the Telchines are also in programmatic passages in Callimachus' extant works. In the Hymn to Delos (30–3), the narrator asks an aporetic question about the theme of his song. There, the Telchines are the makers of the trident used to form every island but Delos, highlighting her singular status as uniquely created without force (30–3). In Aet. fr. 75, the Telchines appear in Xenomedes' history of Ceos. There, Callimachus explicitly names one source for his material, but omits direct citation of equally important sources, namely Pindar and Bacchylides, while still alluding to their songs. This article examines verbal and thematic parallels among these three passages and argues that Callimachus uses the Telchines not only to link the passages but also to comment on his authorial process, his use of sources and his poetic programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Filología Clásica: Estudios Griegos e Indoeuropeos is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Myrtia is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to underline the intertextual ties of the second book of the Horatian Epistles with the poetry of Callimachus. Horace is markedly inspired by the Alexandrian way of writing, both in choosing the form of the collection and in the manner that he uses some of the common motifs found in the Epistles. In other words, most of the famous motifs of Callimachus, such as the ὀλιγοστιχία and the need for originality that Callimachus declares in the prologue of Aitia are firmly present, yet they undergo transformation in Horace's poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues for an allusion in Virgil's Eclogue 4 to one of Pindar's victory odes (Olympian 6). It will be suggested that this Pindaric pretext is viewed by the Latin poet through a Callimachean perspective which adds to it further layers of significance. Consequently, the evidence will be discussed for reading the allusion in terms of royal ideology which places Virgil's poem in the tradition of Hellenistic ruler-encomia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Homer, Callimachus, Hecale, Eurycleia, Homeric Hymns Keywords: Callimachus; Hecale; Homer; Eurycleia; Homeric Hymns EN Callimachus Hecale Homer Eurycleia Homeric Hymns 313 316 4 12/02/21 20211101 NES 211101 Fr. 80 Hollis (263 Pfeiffer) is preserved by I Suda i 1990 (lines 1-5) and I Etym. Magn. i p. 442.30 (lines 1-2). A. S. Hollis, "The beginning of Callimachus' Hecale", I ZPE i 115, 1997, 55-56; L. Lehnus, "Ipotesi sul finale dell' I Ecale i ", I ZPE i 117, 1997, 45-46 (now in L. Lehnus, I Maasiana & Callimachea i , Milano 2016, 131-132); Hollis (n. 4) 264. [Extracted from the article]

This article argues for a new way of reading Hellenistic “literary” hymns, one that situates them in contemporary religious and cultural discourse through the notions of “textualization” and the “cultural archive.” I apply this framework to Callimachus’ Hymn to Delos and show how this hymn became an important part of the articulation of Ptolemaic religion in the context of ritual politics in the third-century Aegean, as well as how it had a lasting impact on the way that the ritual geography of the Cyclades was imagined. Specifically, the analysis spotlights how the hymn successfully links historical and contemporary theoric choral activity with the etymologization of the Cyclades; how it textualizes the island of Kos within the ritual nexus of Delos; and, finally, how it becomes an important part of Greek cultural memory about Delos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to relate Callimachus’ poetry with the measurement and distribution of land in a colonial environment. Certain words used by Callimachus in his description of the foundation of Zancle and in some other episodes (for example γεωδαῖται, σπάρτον, σχοῖνος, μέτρον ἀρούρης, διαμετρέω) refer to a technical vocabulary as well as units of measurement widely attested in Ptolemaic Egypt and Southern Italy. Besides the influence of local Egyptian knowledge, these features display the diffusion of scientific and philosophical traditions (Aristotle and the Aristotelian school, Pythagoreanism, etc.) in the Greek poleis in Sicily and Magna Graecia.

This paper explores the significance of Oppian's engagement with Callimachus (Hymn to Zeus and Epigram 1) in Halieutica 1.80-92. Both Callimachean allusions operate on two levels: (i) Oppian alludes to a specific phrase or set of phrases found in the Hellenistic poet; and (ii) he engages with linguistic or philological debates just as his Hellenistic predecessor. These allusions, furthermore, contribute to the exploration of profound epistemological questions that lie at the heart of Hal. 1.80-92. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A treatise on rhetorical tropes is attributed in manuscripts to the first-century grammarian Trypho: this article considers for the first time a fifteenth-century manuscript of this work (Leiden, BPG 74G), which turns out to be the only complete witness of its hitherto unknown original version; this version (very fragmentarily transmitted by a fifth-century papyrus scrap) is also partly found in another fifteenth-century manuscript now kept in Olomouc (M 79). Four interesting poetic fragments are quoted in this newly discovered, fuller version of Ps.-Trypho's De Tropis: some lines from Callimachus' fifth and fourth Iambi (23–9 and 90–2 respectively: a radically new light is shed by this new witness on the parallel papyrus fragments carrying Callimachus' text), an epigram dubiously attributed to Simonides (FGE 44 Page, probably to be dated to the Hellenistic period: the text can be now restored to its complete form), and some enigmatic lines of "Hesiod"'s Wedding of Keyx, which the new witness finally makes fully understandable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to shed fresh light on the aesthetic and stylistic affiliations of Lycophron's Alexandra, approaching the poem from two distinct but complementary angles. First, it explores what can be gained by reading Lycophron's poem against the backdrop of Callimachus' poetry. It contends that the Alexandra presents a radical and polemical departure from the Alexandrian's poetic programme, pointedly appropriating key Callimachean images while also countering Callimachus' apparent dismissal of the 'noisy' tragic genre. Previous scholarship has noted links between the openings of the Aetia and of the Alexandra, but this article demonstrates that this relationship is only one part of a larger aesthetic divide between the two poets: by embracing the raucous acoustics of tragedy, Lycophron's poem offers a self-conscious and agonistic departure from Callimachus' aesthetic preferences. Second, this article considers another way of conceiving the aesthetics of the poem beyond a Callimachean frame, highlighting how Lycophron pointedly engages with and evokes earlier Aristotelian literary criticism concerning the 'frigid' style: the Alexandra constructs its own independent literary history centred around the alleged name of its author, 'Lycophron'. The article proposes that this traditional attribution is best understood as a pen name that signposts the poem's stylistic affiliations, aligning it not so much with the Ptolemaic playwright Lycophron of Chalcis but rather with Lycophron the sophist and a larger rhetorical tradition of stylistic frigidity. Ultimately, through these two approaches, the article highlights further aspects of the Alexandra's aesthetic diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Significant studies have led to identify a group of thirteen athletes-heroes, from sources of varying degrees of reliability. Taking Pausanias as the basis since he offers the greatest number of references, we will first examine the four athletes declared hero by him (Oebotas of Dyme, Theogenes of Thasos, Cleomedes of Astypalaea and Hipposthenes of Sparta); it will allow us to identify what, from his point of view, guarantees heroic status. Building on these cases, we will assess the ancient testimonies at the origin of other identifications put forward by scholars, sometimes tempted to imagine a heroic figure modeled on another. The remaining thirteen athletes on the list will be taken into consideration, but particular attention will be paid to the cases of Orsippos of Megara, Euthykles of Locri, Chionis of Sparta and Euthymos of Locri. We will thus appreciate Callimachus’ testimonies, which are cited in support of the heroisation of the two Locrian athletes.

In Callimachus' fifth hymn, the statement "her look is ever fair" may wittily allude to the myth of Athena as inventor of the aulos, which she immediately threw away thinking that playing it made her face ugly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Myrtia is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Keria is the property of Keria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Myrtia is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper attempts to clarify the chronology and especially the importance of the cult of the Thracian horseman, distinction is made between the votive monuments from those of a funerary character, from the very early fourth century BC to the end of the fourth century AD. His worship in Egypt - spread with the Thracian mercenaries as attested by Callimachus, offers a good parallel to evaluate his popularity in the Balkans in the early Hellenistic times. On the other hand, as his evolution in Egypt is detectable - crossing from the private to public area, suggests the possible way to understand his development in Thracia itself. Based to some archaeological finds and the use of shrines in the fourth century AD, we believe that his worship was preserved until it was replaced by Christianity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text of Aeneid 7.5 on the rites performed for Caieta, is suspicious for several reasons, most notably the unparalleled sedes of Aeneas . I argue that Virgil wrote at pius Aeneas sacris iam rite solutis, and that exsequiis is an intrusive gloss (evidence for which may be found in the ancient manuscripts). With sacris, Virgil seems to be suggesting cult honors as part of a complex allusion to Apollonius' Argonautica and Callimachus' Hecale . I also discuss four verse passages in Ovid, Petronius and Columella to argue that sacris would suggest a cult and, especially, that Ovid and Columella had a text of Virgil with sacris, not exsequiis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Metapoetics is a strong focus of the scholarship on Ovid's Heroides 20-1. Viewed from this perspective, the figure of Acontius is frequently regarded as a prefiguration of the poet, while Cydippe has traditionally been seen as the poet-lover's object. This article argues that Cydippe too may be understood as an embodiment of the poet--even, to some degree, of the poet Ovid. The argument for this identification emerges from a close analysis of Callimachean and Ovidian allusions that appear to promote significantly different kinds of poetics in the two letters. Finally, the article reflects on the ways in which the notion of Cydippe as a prefiguration of the poet may inform our appreciation of Ovid's Callimacheanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: Horace; Etymological Wordplay; Callimachus; Lipara I Hymn i 3.46-9, and the emphasis there laid upon Lipara: an explicit response to the same controversy to which Horace makes reference via this wordplay. Finally, Horace's strategy of engaging with this controversy shows an erudition and lightness of touch which are characteristic of their author and consistent with the conventions of etymological wordplay in late-republican and early-Augustan authors. Horace, Etymological Wordplay, Callimachus, Lipara. [Extracted from the article]

A combined investigation of Herod. Mim. 8 (Ἐνύπνιον) with Callim. Ia. 1, 13, and Ep. 8, reveals that they all relate to a certain poetic contest that took place in Alexandria under the auspices of Ptolemy I, in one of the last years of his reign. The contest, must have been co-ordinated by the Mouseion and its director at the time, Zenodotus. The two poets took part in the contest, together with a host of other poets. Callim. Ia. 1 gives a figurative account of the contest's course of action. Herodas, awaiting the results, writes Mim. 8, where he expresses his hopes for a prize, though he suspects foul play on behalf of the poets employed at the Mouseion by the king who was supposed to decide the prize. Callim. Ep. 8 is a sarcastic reply to Herodas' fears, while Ia. 13 narrates the harsh criticism Callimachus received from Zenodotus and his proud reaction in response, obviously after his contribution was rejected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the use of caves in Ovid's works. It focuses on several passages from Ars Amatoria, Fasti, and Metamorphoses in which Ovid uses cave imagery as part of his Golden age discourse. Ovid's use of cave as a motif in Golden age imagery is distinct from his Greek predecessors (Homer, Hesiod, and Callimachus) whose works he heavily drew on. Caves are sometimes dangerous, but most often they are presented as places of refuge, where one finds privacy from prying eyes including the gaze of Augustus, whose moral laws Ovid criticized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Antik Tanulmanyok is the property of Akademiai Kiado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Lyric after Pindar should be seen not as declining and petering out, but as developing in ways which radically question or play with the fundamentals of the genre (or “super-genre”). The stanza is a crucial feature of lyric up to Pindar, especially when seen textually; “modernist” expansion into huge astrophic entities (Timotheus, etc.) and “postmodern” reduction into stichic lines (Callimachus, etc.) both involve radical rethinking of the super-genre, and one is a reaction to the other. However, the most innovative postmodernists are the poets somewhat earlier than Callimachus and Theocritus (Simmias, Philicus, etc.); Callimachus and Theocritus continue their ideas with new twists and new point. And the stanza is not really dead: within Timotheus’ and Callimachus’ poems stanza-like structures are built up. The late-classical and Hellenistic development of lyric is as dynamic and thought-provoking as that of sculpture.

This study argues that Callimachus' treatment of his 'animal-voiced' contemporaries at the conclusion of the fable in Iamb 2 reflects zoological and physiognomic practices so as to represent the poetic narrator as a taxonomist of men. Elsewhere the classification of men as if they were flora or fauna appears, like fable itself, in distinctly moral and ethical contexts, as, for example, in Theophrastus' Characters. Callimachus' formulation of his narrator as a taxonomist who classifies 'species' of men based upon their literary 'voices' thus plays with modes of invective new to iambos while uniting moral criticism with literary polemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An examination of the citation by St. Paul (Epist. to Titus 12) of a famous hexameter attributed to Epimenides, while tracing its polemical use by Pagans and Christians and discussing modern interpretations, highlights the sarcastic employment of the verse (against Paul) by the emperor Julian in his work Contra Galilaeos and the reaction of the Antiochean exegetes Theodore of Mopsuestia and John Chrysostom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper concerns the water imagery of two iconic passages of Roman satire: Horace's figuration of Lucilius as a river churning with mud at Sat. 1.4.11, and the transformation of that image at Juvenal, Sat. 3.62–8 (the Orontes flowing into the Tiber). It posits new ways of reckoning with the codifications and further potentials of these images by establishing points of contact with the workings of water in the Roman world. The main point of reference will be to the work of Rome's censors, who were charged not only with protecting the moral health of the state, but with ensuring the purity and abundance of the city's water supply as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how the establishment of a parallel with another episode in the Aetia will enable the recognition of a likely aetiological theme in Callimachus' elegy on the wall in Athens. Callimachus was interested in historical curiosities and locales, used the original and correct name. It adds that the unlawful occupation of the place that the city was visited by the calamities.

This paper explores the motif of novelty in Philip’s Garland and various aspects of its literary innovation vis-à-vis Meleager’s Stephanos through a close reading of Philip’s introductory poem (AP 4.2) and a series of epigrams starting with omega which are shown to have a programmatic function in marking the collection’s end.

This paper contributes evidence to support the widely accepted view that Lucretius may justly be regarded by the reader as a Callimachean poet by synthesizing and analyzing Lucretius' use of the so-called 'Alexandrian footnote' in the DRN. Although most scholars have come to agree with Kenney that Lucretius embraces many of the same poetic ideals as his contemporaries, there are still some who remain skeptical of Kenney's thesis, and, while Kenney adduces the most prominent parts of the DRN that show signs of Alexandrianism, in fact he only scratches the surface of the extent to which Lucretius practices his own version of Roman neo-Callimacheanism. Moreover, very few of those who accept Kenney's results have followed his lead by adding corroborating evidence. It is still very much worthwhile, therefore, to explore this aspect of Lucretius' poetic artistry; this paper's analysis of the Alexandrian footnote provides further proof that Kenney's argument is correct, and it expands on his thesis by showing how integral Alexandrian poetic techniques are to Lucretius' philosophical purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]