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Focuses on the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe's (OSCE) activities pertaining to a peaceful settlement of the Kurdish conflict in Turkey. Question of why the OSCE, despite a fully-fledged protection of minorities mechanism, has not so far been very active and what other opportunities are at its disposal for constructively dealing with the conflict; Description of the Copenhagen document; Details of the Kurdish conflict in Turkey; Actions which have been initiated by the OSCE in regards to this conflict; Reasons for the lack of interest in the Kurdish conflict by other countries.

Copyright of Erciyes Medical Journal / Erciyes Tip Dergisi is the property of KARE Publishing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

To evaluate the effect of video-assisted self-assessment on nursing students' knowledge and skills in nasogastric catheter (NGS) insertion. Psychomotor skills are critical in nursing education, but traditional teaching methods often limit students' practice opportunities. Video-assisted learning, especially self-assessment, is an innovative approach for enhancing clinical competencies, yet its use specifically for nursing skill development is under-researched. Parallel-group Randomized Controlled Trial (Clinical Trials ID: NCT06494267). This study involved 65 first-year nursing students at Atatürk University, assigned to an intervention group (video feedback for self-assessment, n = 31) and a control group (no video feedback, n = 34). Both groups received theoretical and practical NGS training. In the intervention group, students' NGS insertion performances were recorded and reviewed for self-evaluation, whereas the control group received no video feedback. Data were collected using a knowledge test, OSCE-based skill checklist and satisfaction questionnaire. Statistical analyses included t-tests and effect size calculations. Both groups showed significant pre-to-post-test improvements in knowledge and skills (p < 0.05). The intervention group achieved a greater increase in knowledge (mean 60.64 ± 15.53) compared with the control (57.20 ± 18.14; p = 0.417, d=0.203) and a significantly larger improvement in OSCE scores (intervention: 87.61 ± 7.25; control: 61.29 ± 17.51; p < 0.001, d=1.931). Additionally, 94.19 % of intervention group students reported that video-assisted self-assessment facilitated deficiency identification, with 93.55 % noting its support for objective evaluation. Video-assisted self-assessment significantly enhances NGS placement knowledge, skill performance and self-confidence, demonstrating its effectiveness for improving nursing education outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim/background: To investigate the effect of a stress and anxiety coping programme on anxiety and objective structured clinical exam (OSCE) performance in medical students. Material and methods: First-year medical students about to sit their first OSCE were randomised into experimental (n = 75) and control (n = 78) groups at the Ondokuz Mayis University Medical Faculty in 2009-2010. Before the study, the state-trait anxiety inventory (STAI) was applied to both groups (pre-tests). The volunteer medical students in the experimental group received nine sessions (one 30 min session per week for 9 weeks) of an anxiety- and stress-coping programme. At the end of the programme (post-test) and 3 months later, following an overview session with the experimental group, the STAI was readministered to both groups (1st follow-up test). One month later, the experimental group performed deep diaphragmatic breathing and listened to gentle classical music in the test room while waiting to sit the OSCE, while the control group waited in a silent room. Both groups retook the STAI (2nd follow-up) just before sitting the OSCE. The groups' pre-, post-, 1st and 2nd follow-up STAI scores and the relations with OSCE performance and anxiety were investigated within the groups. Results: Although there was no difference in the pre-test STAI results between the experimental and control groups (state p = 0.213, trait p = 0.122), the experimental group had lower post-test, 1st and 2nd follow-up STAI scores (p < 0.001, respectively). The OSCE results of the experimental group were higher than those of the control group (p < 0.001). In a linear regression model, post-test, 1st and 2nd follow-up trait anxiety (p =0.023, p = 0.014 and p < 0.0001, respectively) and state anxiety (p = 0.032, p = 0.026 and p < 0.001, respectively) were identified as independent factors for higher OSCE scores. Conclusion: Our results indicate that the participants in the experimental group achieved lower scores on post-STAI and improved OSCE performance.

Background: Workplace-based assessment methods are essential in the assessment and evaluation of competency-based cardiology residency training. This study aims to determine the assessment and evaluation methods used in cardiology residency training in Türkiye and to reach the opinions of the institutions on the applicability of the workplacebased assessments. Methods: In this descriptive study, a Google Survey was sent to the heads/trainers of residency educational centers and their opinions about the currently used assessment and evaluation methods, applicability of cardiology competency exams, and the workplacebased assessments were asked. Results: Responses were received from 65 (76.5%) of 85 training centers. Of the centers, 89.2% reported using resident report cards, 78.5% case-based discussion, 78.5% direct observation of procedural skills, 69.2% multiple-choice questions, 60% traditional oral exams, and less commonly other exam types. About 74% of responders gave a positive opinion on the requirement of being successful in the Turkish Cardiology Competency knowledge exam before specialty. Case-based discussion was the most common workplace-based assessments that the centers think could be applied as suggested by the current literature. A common idea was the adaptation of workplace-based assessments based on international standards and our national norms. The trainers supported a nationwide examination for all training centers to ensure standardization. Conclusion: In Türkiye, it was promising to see that the trainers are positive about the applicability of workplace-based assessments, but they commonly thought that the proposed workplace-based assessments should be adapted before nationwide applicability. Medical educators and field experts need to work together on this issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In order to increase the quality of patient care and to ensure patient safety, nursing students should be given the best possible clinical skills education. Therefore, nursing educators should be strengthening their skills training through the use of education technologies. Objective: This randomized controlled trial study was conducted to examine the effects of the use of supported educational videos on the nursing student’s skills to administer parenteral medication. Methods: The sample was 80 first year nursing students who enrolled at a University in Turkey. The 40 of students were randomly selected into the control group while the remaining 40 students were assigned to the experimental group. The parenteral treatment training was given to the control group (n= 40) only with the demonstration method while the experimental group (n= 40) was trained using educational videos in addition to the demonstration method. A questionnaire and obstructed skill clinical examination (OSCE) were used for the data collection Results: The obstructed skill clinical examination posttest skill scores of the experimental group trained with supported educational videos were found to be higher than control group was trained with just demonstration method. In addition, most of the students who were experimental group were quite satisfied. Conclusion: A supported of educational videos education and conventional teaching methods will contribute to the training nursing skills education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Rouya Turkiyyah is the property of Insight Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Through a comparative study of Turkey and Israel, this article highlights a specific strategy that autocratizing populist incumbents in ethnically divided societies utilize when they face election setbacks. A "blood gambit" entails fomenting violent conflict to keep the opposition divided along identitarian cleavages, while creating a rally-around-the-flag effect to help the incumbent win a renewed election. After failing to secure a parliamentary majority in June 2015, Erdoğan ended the Kurdish peace process and engineered repeat elections amidst heightened nationalist fervour and renewed conflict with the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). These elections gave the Justice and Development Party (AKP) a majority and marked the beginning of its alliance with the ultranationalists. Following Israel's March 2021 elections, Netanyahu increased state repression of Palestinians, which triggered interethnic violence and renewed confrontation with Hamas. The violence threw a wrench into coalition-building efforts between ideologically and ethnically diverse opposition parties. The comparison of Israel and Turkey as two countries with different majority religions, ethnic compositions and socioeconomic levels shows that "blood gambit" is not a parochial strategy. Our analysis also demonstrates that the outcomes of these strategies are shaped by differing institutional and political contexts, in particular, the extent of executive aggrandizement and the level of party fragmentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Marmara University Journal of Turkology / Marmara Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Marmara University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, we focus on how refugee children from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Sudan resettled in Konya, Turkey, use coping strategies in response to the ethnic categorization and exclusion policies of the local population. Employing ethnographic methodology combined with grounded theory, we conducted participant observations, as well as in--depth interviews with 65 refugee children. The family members of the children, as well as the local population, were also within the scope of the study. Furthermore, we conducted extensive interviews and observations in two different religious secondary schools attended by refugees. We aimed to understand their local experiences and intergroup relations by expanding the field. As a result, we observed that these children resisted societal pressure by developing various coping strategies such as emphasizing Muslim identity, attending schools as spaces for socializing, choosing to speak Turkish, standing with the strong, and building shared enjoyment or joining existing ones. These findings show that the refugee children do not passively submit to the conditions they find themselves in and do not simply embrace the impositions of power as they are. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses strategies of electoral manipulation employed by the regime of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Turkey. Three long-term methods and three short-term methods are examined, the former being unequal access to resources, media and law, and the latter being election fraud, intimidation of opposition, and vote buying. The text argues that the Turkish government employs primarily long-term strategies, but short-term ones are also present and thus should not be ignored. State resources are being siphoned to municipalities controlled by AKP and regime-friendly businessmen who then provide donations and other favors for the party. State media and media regulators came under the regime's control, resulting in minimal coverage of the opposition in both public and most private media outlets. The takeover of the judiciary and vague definitions in the Anti-Terror law and other laws were used to suppress opposition politicians and journalists. It also allowed the regime to take control of bodies overseeing elections, leading to malpractice. Intimidation of opposition had a form of both legal prosecution and physical attacks and focused primarily on pro-Kurdish parties. Vote buying in Turkey seems mainly to be a form of rewarding voters of the ruling party, not an attempt to persuade swing voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Administrative Sciences / Yonetim Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Canakkale Onsekiz Mart Universitesi, Terzioglu Kampusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article evaluates Turkey's position in European security governance. In the post-Cold War period, the administration, coordination and regulation of security has been, largely, performed through such an approach which itself is based on three assumptions. Firstly, the meaning of security was altered in terms of its conceptual and political indications. Secondly, there emerged a need to define this change and the dynamics thereof. Thirdly, states and international organisations (such as the UN, NATO, EU, and OSCE) wherein they participated came to be dominant security actors. The functioning of the network of international institutions, and its norms, is of utmost importance to Turkish foreign policy. As in case the Bosnian, Kosovar and Macedonian crises, Turkey has been included in European security governance. Turkey, as an actor centrally located in the instable Balkans-Caucasus-Middle East region, and experiencing negative impacts of regional crises, is compelled to encounter security issues and threats that increased and became more diverse in the post-Cold War period. This article proposes that Turkey should adopt a strategy that is geared toward influencing the network's functioning to the greatest extent possible instead of situating itself outside of it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time of authoritarian drift in many parts of the world characterizing a post-liberal order, this paper aims to contribute emerging literature on how domestic and international factors interact in shaping the foreign policy preferences of middle powers in this new epoch. Hinging on a synthesis of linkage and regime survival theories, the article argues that as the 'inner-directed linkage' of the West to those authoritarian regimes weakens, those regimes' 'outer-directed linkage' with emerging Asian authoritarian centres strengthens. Having been ruled for more than 20 years by authoritarian leader Erdoğan of the JDP (Justice and Development Party), Turkey is an interesting case as an authoritarian middle power with its incrementally intensifying ties with Russia and China. Drawing on the Erdoğan regime's statements and acts departing from the liberal order, especially after the Gezi Park protests in 2013 and the failed coup attempt in 2016, the article concludes that Turkey has recalibrated its domestic and foreign policy, replacing its Europhilism with Eurasianism as a part of his regime survival strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The modern phase of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan has lasted for over three decades. Since the independent republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan emerged in 1991, the status of Nagorno-Karabakh has been at the centre of these countries' foreign and domestic policies. Using Robert Entman's theory, this article examines speeches about possible remedies to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict by the leaders of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkey between 2002 and 2022 and identifies frames that these leaders create over the conflict's resolution. By enhancing our understanding of how state leaders frame their perspectives on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict for external audiences, this article demonstrates the complex challenges in achieving a peaceful resolution. Understanding these framing strategies is crucial for comprehending the underlying motivations and interests of the involved parties and sheds light on the challenges faced in resolving the conflict through peaceful means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Caring for cancer patients requires both technical and psychosocial nursing skills. The aim of this study was to determine the psychosocial care skill levels of nurses and affecting factors. This multicenter, cross-sectional study was conducted with 1,189 nurses providing direct care to adult cancer patients in 32 hospitals in 12 geographical regions of Turkey. A questionnaire, the Psychosocial Skills Form, and the Professional Quality of Life Scale were used to collect the data. Nurses' psychosocial skill level was in the range of 2.72 ± 0.98 and 2.47 ± 0.89 out of four points. Communication skills such as empathic response, active listening, and the ability to provide information were found to be at a higher level than skills such as the activation of social support systems, therapeutic touch, and development of coping methods. Approximately 40% of nurses had received psychosocial care training, and 87% were interested in receiving additional psychosocial training. Gender, educational status, previous training in psychosocial care, and work experience with cancer patients were shown to affect psychosocial skill levels. There was a positive relationship between the level of psychosocial skills and the level of compassion satisfaction, and a negative relationship between the level of psychosocial skills and the level of burnout and compassion fatigue (p < 0.05). Nurses perceive themselves as having a medium to high level of psychosocial skills yet desire additional training. The results of this study may contribute to the development of training programs according to the needs of nurses who care for cancer patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the current debates over religious education (RE) in state schools in Türkiye to better understand its future. The focus here is compulsory Religious Culture and Ethics Knowledge (RCEK) course in Turkish state schools. This is a qualitative, literature-based study, using official documents, existing studies and reports over the compulsory RE. After the initial analysis, three areas emerged as the most debated issues: the status of RE, its relationship with plurality, and its pedagogical approach. It seems that these issues have a potential to shape the future of RE in state schools in Türkiye. The article suggests that compulsory RE in state school does not seem to contradict basic human rights principles as long as it meets certain standards. Moreover, national policies and realities indicate that leaving RE out of state schools does not seem a viable option for Türkiye. Yet, the debates and local, national and international court cases show that the compulsory RE with its content and approach has failed to satisfy some segments of society in Türkiye. These issues therefore should be resolved if RE has a promising and less contentious future. The article suggests that when these issues are solved, the international human rights framework, RE scholarship and national policies should be taken into consideration to find a right balance. It might mean that for RE to continue as a compulsory school subject, it needs a substantial revision. When revising the compulsory RE a more pluralistic, objective and participative approach should be taken to eliminate the issues and problems raised in the debates and the court cases on RE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Türkiye, religious education, entitled 'Religious Culture and Ethics Knowledge' (RCEK), has been compulsory in primary and secondary schools since 1982. Even though Christian and Jewish children are exempted from RCEK, they can still attend, and some have chosen to do so. Moreover, the RCEK curriculum seeks to present Christianity and other religions objectively and descriptively using their own texts, sources and assumptions. Hence, this article aims to examine the presentation of Christianity in a documentary fashion in the curriculum and textbooks of compulsory religious education in Türkiye. The research question addressed is whether the textbooks present Christianity objectively and descriptively or not. The analysis shows that there are improvements in the presentation of Christianity in the current textbooks as compared with previous textbooks. However, there are also problems, such as passages that seek to negate some fundamental Christian teachings and instances of confrontational language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Online harassment toward women in social networks can occur in many forms such as contempt, profanity, insult, sexual desire, pruriency, physical threat, misogyny, and so on. Particularly, women with high social status and influence over society, such as female journalists, are more frequently exposed to online harassment. In an area such as sport, where male hegemony is dominant, female sports journalists are exposed to online harassment both in social media and in their professional lives. In modern Muslim countries such as Turkey, the controversial position of women is reflected in social media networks, and female journalists can receive harassment, as well as support. As a result of the present study, which evaluated the online harassment experienced by female sports journalists in Turkey on Twitter, as well as the subdimensions of the harassment observed using the netnographic method, it was determined that female sports journalists are frequently exposed to online harassment on Twitter. Based on the findings obtained in the present study, the most frequently received comments on Twitter by female sports journalists are derogatory and sarcastic, focusing on the physical appearance of women, exclusionary from a hegemonic perspective, and involving emotional harassment, physical threat, and profanity, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ermeni Arastirmalari is the property of Center for Eurasian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On the 100th anniversary of the Republic, Turkey experienced another multi-party election. This paper aims to analyse the role partisanship played in determining the outcomes of the 2023 General Elections. The literature provides valuable insights about the effects of partisanship on the vote choice in Turkey, and underscores the influence of political socialization, newly emerging political parties, clientelist ties and voters' threat perceptions on party identification. To contribute to this literature, this study provides individual level analysis of the data gathered via Turkish Election Studies (TES) and compares the results of 2018 and 2023 elections. This comparison includes comparative examination of partisanship vis-à-vis the effects of such individual variables as social class, political ideology, voters' perceptions of the recent performance of the macro economy, and cultural identities. The findings show that partisanship and cultural divisions seem to be crucial determinants of vote choices in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the impact of the Armenian-Azeri conflict on regional insecurity and a strategic partnership between Turkey and Russia in the South Caucasus. Like the Ottoman and Russian Empires of old, Russia and Turkey continued to have conflicting interests in the region after the end of the Cold War. However, the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 turned this confrontation into a partnership between Moscow and Ankara, as both Russia and Turkey exploited opportunities to expand their control and influence in the region. Lilia Arakelyan and Hanna Kassab argue that Russia and Turkey's prestige-seeking behaviour is based on reciprocated recognition of greatness through cooperation and mutual support. ■ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Romanian Review of Eurasian Studies / Revista Română de Studii Eurasiatice is the property of Romanian Review of Eurasian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Today the Treaty on Open Skies is confronted with contradictory developments: Continuing adherence of all parties, in particular Russia and the United States to the treaty and preparations for modernisation of the technical monitoring capabilities on the one hand, while the general support for conventional arms control and military confidence building in the OSCE region declines. Since January 2011 an intervention of Turkey over the accession application of Cyprus has prevented any regular sessions and decisions of the Open Skies Consultative Commission ( OSCC ). The treaty is taken hostage for an unsolved status conflict which has much wider dimensions. Since the impasse in the OSCC could not be solved on the diplomatic level so far (Oct. 2011), high level political intervention is needed to save the treaty from erosion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the light of the pre-eminent role of the military in Turkish public affairs, this article seeks to assess critically the suitability of the entry criteria that Turkey must fulfil if it is to accede into the European fold. With that in mind, the article takes the idea of the ‘democratic control of the armed forces’ (Decaf), as conceived of by Western agencies such as NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization), OSCE (Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe) and the EU (European Union), and unravels its relevance and implications for the Turkish case. The key features of Central and Eastern European systems of civil-military relations, which are targeted by the Decaf measures are contrasted with the Turkish case in order to show that a single-model approach to Decaf is untenable. It is then argued that the way that the strategy that has been used for implementing Decaf is impoverished because it fails to capture the ‘real politics’ in which militaries are embedded. Based on that, the article reaches the conclusion that one of the central factors preventing Turkey's potential accession into the European fold is the prevailing civil-military relationship. However, the approach being employed by Western agencies fails to adequately recognize and respond to the nature of that relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents the text of the Istanbul Summit Declaration in the Black Sea Economic Cooperation summit held in Istanbul in November 18, 1999. Declarations of heads of state of member countries of the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation; Commitment to the appraisal of political, economic and security developments in Europe.

This article locates Turkey in discussions of gender and violent extremism (VE), probes women's diverse roles, motivations, and constraints for and against religious radicalization, and discusses the impact of sustainable patriarchy on their agency. Building on the findings of an extensive field study on women's recruitment to ISIS and al-Nusra from Turkey, the article disproves women's widely assumed passivity, demonstrates other roles as sympathizers, recruiters, and perpetrators, and explores potential push, pull, and enabling factors. It also reveals the hindering effects of patriarchy on women's preventive roles and accentuates the empowerment of both women and women's NGOs for an effective and gender-sensitive fight against VE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Clinical exposure of learner nurses to psychiatric hospitals is a requirement by the South African Nursing Council. Clinical experience helps learner nurses build cognitive and affective skills, cultural acculturation, and professional identity. The clinical placement also aids nursing learner nurses in making decisions regarding future career paths. The goal of psychiatric nursing practice is to enhance mental and physical health and improve the patient's quality of life and rehabilitation. A qualitative research approach was followed, and a descriptive, explorative, and contextual design was used in this study to explore the challenges faced by University of Limpopo learner nurses during psychiatry clinical exposure. The population included learner nurses from level two to level four who registered for psychiatric nursing science practice. Convenience sampling was adopted. Semi-structured interviews were used to collect data, and the data were analyzed using the Tesch open coding method. Measures to ensure trustworthiness were adhered to, and ethical considerations were observed. The findings of this study indicated that learner nurses go through challenges and discomfort in the form of mental health care users, clinical environment matters, and the attitude of clinical staff in the hospital. Proper preparation of the learner nurses and clinical areas can assist in reducing the challenges that learner nurses go through. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkiye Klinikleri Journal of Nursing Sciences is the property of Turkiye Klinikleri and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study argues that minorities have higher in-group consciousness and adaptability developed through uneven interaction with the majority. Once migrated, their collective experiences are transferred to the country-of-residence with them, leading to higher civic and political integration in the country-of-residence than majority-migrants. Introducing a new civic and political integration model, it compares the majority and minority migrants from Turkey in the UK, by using ordinal logistic regression analyses. Findings show that Kurds are more involved in politics than Turks, however, they do not differ in terms of civic participation. Compared to Sunnis, Alevis feel more represented in the political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Analecta Política is the property of Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses about international leverage and democratic backsliding in hybrid regime in Turkey. Topics discussed include progressive expansion of democratic institutions; Turkey's transition into more liberal and democratic regime; and rising influence of nondemocratic states, particularly China and Russia, combined with the declining influence and leverage of democratizing powers such as the U.S. and European Union.

There are several reports and cases that demonstrate the clear increase of hate speech in Turkey through media and especially on social media against some national and religious minorities, asylum seekers, refugees, and LGBTQ. This was also reported by the European Commission which pointed out that there is no effective prosecution of incitement to hatred, including by the media. In addition hate speech is not clearly regulated, expressions that can be considered hate speech are interpreted sometimes through provisions that regulate the crime of defamation against a person or the crime of defamation against a part of people. Although tidy legislation which defines and regulates hate speech through media, the internet and, social media is not yet available in the Turkish Penal Code. Major provisions that can be associated with hate speech are available in the Turkish Penal Code in a scattered manner. There are also related regulations in the law governing internet broadcasting and the law governing radio and television broadcasting. Expressions that can be considered hate speech are, in some cases interpreted through provisions that regulate the crime of defamation against the person. The most important problem pertains to the fact that hate speech and hate crimes have not been prescribed under a single title in Turkish Law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ege Journal of Medicine is the property of Ege University, Faculty of Medicine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article offers a critical discussion of third-country access to normative contestation within the European normative order. It empirically examines the external contestation of the EU's recent sanctions policy directed towards Russia by Turkey, a candidate state, and elaborates on the context in which Turkey contested and renegotiated the normative validity of the EU's sanction policy. The study empirically suggests that Turkey, while behaviourally practising non-compliance, accessed the European normative order and negotiated the normativity of its non-alignment. In the making of this proactive contestation, the normativity of the country's positions and the invalidity of the sanctions policy have been widely negotiated in domestic politics by the political elites. Eventually, Turkey, against the EU's expectations from a candidate state, turned the normative monologue on the sanctions into a multilogue of legitimate normative differences on the validity claims of a united action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Party institutionalization (PI) and party system institutionalization (PSI) are critical for processes of democratization and democratic consolidation, yet their impact and relationship have not been explored under conditions of autocratization. How does autocratization relate to party and party system stability, and how does that link manifest itself? To answer those questions, we draw evidence from Turkey to demonstrate that when autocratization occurs, stabilization at the systemic level can go hand in hand with declining levels of PI. We also conceptualize the process of stabilization at the systemic level alongside unit-level de-institutionalization as a form of systemic ossification. Ossified party systems appear stable but are continuously subject to the possibility of de-stabilization, or even implosion, due to the under-institutionalization of incumbent parties. Driving factors of such (de)stabilization are: (1) the increasing unevenness of party competition and (2) increasing levels of societal and political polarization resulting from autocratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the complex history of Nagorny Karabakh and the wider Caucasus and its implications for the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR). Special attention is paid to the geopolitical role of Iran, Turkey, Russia, the United Kingdom and other states. It contends that the Second Karabakh War of 2020 and its aftermath signalled a new historical stage in the geopolitical rearrangement of the region, primarily between Russia and Turkey, a situation reminiscent of the deal between Lenin's Russia and Atatürk's Turkey a century ago. Arguably, it is this rearrangement—as well as the ensuing reconfiguration of Russia's and Turkey's relationships with both Armenia and Azerbaijan—rather than the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic's relationship with its patron state of Armenia that will determine the future existence of the NKR as a de facto state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interaction between Russia and Turkey since 2015 suggests a new quality in foreign affairs combining tactical alliance and strategic competition. The Russian invasion of Ukraine did not change this. By studying the cases of Syria, Libya, and Nagorno-Karabakh, we observe not only elements of geopolitical competition and cooperation but also that the combination of the two contradictory approaches in foreign affairs created new opportunities beneficial to the two sides. Russian-Turkish interactions are a unique case study in international relations and are conditioned by their geopolitical competition with the west, a fact that the war in Ukraine did not alter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Phenomenon:Clinical skills centers allow structured training of undergraduate medical students for the acquisition of clinical skills in a simulated environment. Physician, nurse, or peer tutors are employed for training in those centers. All tutors should have appropriate training about the methodology used in the clinical skills training. Many of the studies revealed the effectiveness of various types of tutors. The aim of our study was to evaluate medical students' satisfaction with clinical skills training, and their opinions about the differences in coaching skills among the physician, nurse, and peer tutors.Approach:This study was conducted with third-year students (467 students) in 2013-2014 academic year at Hacettepe University Faculty of Medicine. Participation rate was 85 % (397 students). The students attended the suturing skill training in groups of 40 students. First, a faculty member from the Department of Medical Education delivered a video demonstration and conducted discussion. After the demonstration, the students were divided into groups of 5-6 students. A physician, nurse, or a peer tutor facilitated each group. The students were asked to complete the Coaching Skills Evaluation Form after the practicum session. It contained 13 criteria for assessing the coaching skills. Additionally, the form included a question for rating the student's satisfaction with the tutor. The performance of the tutors at each step was rated on a three-point scale.Findings:Kruskal Wallis analysis was used to compare students' scores for their tutors. The students' satisfaction with tutors was high for all of the tutors. However, there was no difference between students' scores in suturing skill, and between physician, nurse, and peer tutors' coaching skills.Insights:In this study, we revealed that physician, nurse, and peer tutors were equally effective on the students' performances. They were also regarded as effective in their teaching role by students. But the most important point was that sufficient tutor training and preparation was crucial for the success of models. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

On May 14, Turkish voters headed to the polls to vote for presidential and parliamentary elections. This was the most challenging race yet for authoritarian populist Erdoğan, as the ongoing economic crisis and deadly earthquakes severely diminished his performance legitimacy. Moreover, the opposition parties united against his regime by rallying behind a joint presidential candidate. However, Erdoğan turned the tables on the opposition and won the presidential race for a third consecutive term while his electoral bloc secured a majority in the parliament. This paper analyses the context and results of Turkey's 2023 twin elections. We highlight the features of the competitive authoritarian regime, Erdoğan's religio-nationalist electoral strategy, and the opposition's fragile state and weak strategy to explain Erdoğan's electoral resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Nursing Effect / Etkili Hemşirelik Dergisi is the property of Dokuz Eylul Universitesi Hemsirelik Fakultesi Elektronik Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of European Review of Public Law is the property of European Public Law Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Energy policies are one of the important application areas of public policies produced by governments. Attention should be paid to the issue of energy in the diplomatic area in shaping and developing energy policies. Energy is one of the determinative factors in international relations and in foreign policies of states. The article examines current issues of Turkish energy diplomacy. The authors describe the key positive and negative results of Turkey’s foreign energy policy regarding the implementation of large energy projects. Geopolitical processes in the modern world and the clash of interests of different countries in the political arena are important factors influencing pipeline projects for the transportation of oil and natural gas. Although Turkey is not rich in proven hydrocarbon reserves, it has recently emerged as an important player in the energy field. With its location at the intersection of major hydrocarbon producers and major consumer markets, Turkey is of key importance in terms of transferring produced energy resources to consumer countries. Turkey in a strategic position between the region containing 70% of proven global oil and natural gas reserves in the east and the region with 50% of global oil and gas consumption in the west. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]