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This article focuses on the shortcomings and dangers of the recent Home Office consultation paper on prostitution. First, what is certainly missing is an historical perspective by which one can judge what sort of contribution the proposals are attempting to make. The de-contextualization of the proposals may be deliberate or unintentional but the danger is real. Second, we consider what is potential misinformation in the consultation document that risks perpetuating myths associated with prostitution. Here we note the complexity of the assertion that prostitution is dangerous and call for a more realistic understanding of the public health issues. Third, we focus on the potential mismanagement towards which a consultation document of this kind can perhaps unwittingly lead. We point out how models of regulation suggested as solutions in the consultation paper could reinforce measures to displace individuals rather than facilitate safe, consensual commercial sex. Finally, we suggest that the primary mission should in the first instance be the protection of minors rather than a diffuse attempt to tackle prostitution in all its forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article's point of entry is Plate 3 of William Hogarth's print sequence The Harlot's Progress (1732), specifically Hogarth's deliberate, hostile choice of an unframed, titled, small portrait engraving of the Reverend Dr Henry Sacheverell as a 'pin-up' within the harlot's bedroom furniture. The article reappraises and recontextualises Hogarth's choice of Sacheverell, which makes sense in the context of Hogarth's life and work, but which, with Hogarthian irony, is further informed by the subsequent discovery (1747) of Sacheverell's internment alongside a notorious prostitute, given the association of Sacheverell's celebrity and notoriety with his alleged support from London's 'kind shees' and streetwalkers at the time of his trial. This, together with a strong, nascent material consumerist culture, sees Sacheverell anticipating the 'politics out of doors' associated with John Wilkes by 50 years and is a specifically gendered version that has gone largely unexplored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are various ideological positions towards prostitution and its connection with organised crime. It means that the State and non-state responses that support women exiting from prostitution are predominantly governed by law enforcement and/or protection approaches. However, the welfare and development approach receive less attention. This paper presents a working thesis on exiting prostitution and its implications on criminal justice social work. The paper is based on the voices of women attempting to exit prostitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Trafficking in persons, particularly trafficking in women for prostitution, is a troubling crime that violates human rights. This paper aims to delve deeper into the phenomenon of trafficking women for prostitution, the factors influencing this practice, and the efforts that have been made to address this problem. The research method is comprehensive and descriptive, involving literature studies, accurate case analysis, and interviews with various related parties. The results of this study are expected to provide a more complete picture of the problem of trafficking women for prostitution, as well as develop more effective recommendations in the fight against this cruel practice and protect vulnerable victims. Through deeper understanding, it is hoped that concrete action can be taken to end trafficking in persons and restore the dignity of victims caught in this cruel trap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding the determinants of prostitution is key to regulate it. This paper studies the hypothesis that marriage conditions are an economic determinant of female prostitution. I exploit differences in the timing of entry into force of divorce laws across U.S. states to explore the effect of such laws on arrests of female prostitutes. Using a difference-in-difference design, I find that unilateral divorce leads to a reduction of female arrested prostitutes between 5–10%. Results are consistent with the notion that improving marriage opportunities can be a powerful force to deter entry into prostitution for a subset of the population who is inframarginal. Lack of alternatives are key to explain the choice to conduct this activity. To this extent, this work is part of a broader research agenda hinting at improvements in gender equality as a mean for tapering off female prostitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Sexual slavery as a phenomenon of war was rampant during the Japanese Imperial Army's occupation of territories before and during the Second World War (1939-1945). These innumerable sex slaves, or "comfort women", as the Japanese Army had named them, were women (a striking number of them being minors) who were forcefully captured and separated from their families and placed at comfort stations built to fulfill the sexual needs of the Japanese soldiers. While this entire system was created on the pretext of reducing wartime rapes and curbing the spread of venereal diseases, these comfort stations did just the opposite. Studies conducted into these comfort stations reveal how they had become sites of inhuman sexual violence, torture, disease, and death. This paper will look at how Jing-Jing Lee's historical fiction How We Disappeared (2019) rewrites these innumerable, nameless, brutalized women into the world's history as victims of a bloody war that had tainted unassuming lives and had snuffed out their existence ruthlessly. Lee's narrative is scarred by violence committed along gendered lines -- illustrating the reduction of the female body to a disposable sexual tool, existing merely to bear the brunt of a war that was not theirs. This paper decodes the politics of gender violence behind Japan's enforced and licensed prostitution, the nature of sexual violence, the commodification of women's bodies, the place of women in the socio-cultural context of the era, and the gendered role of women, in what was quintessentially men's war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Modern Italy is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nursing Perspectives / Ošetřovatelské Perspektivy is the property of Silesian University in Opava, Faculty of Public Policies in Opava and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: The debate about prostitution within Spain's feminist movement has recently, and recurrently, been transferred to the social and political sphere, but without arriving at a clear and shared position. The aim of this research is to verify the characteristics of those who are in favor of banning prostitution in Spain and to what extent there are differences between men and women. Methods: To do so, we will use our own collected data during 2022 through a prestigious social research company, 40 dB, and by applying advanced statistical techniques—Logit model. Results: The analysis illustrates three types of profile. The first one depicts the prohibitionist's supporter profile in general terms. The second and the third ones demonstrate how women and men share similarities but also underlying differences, showing how women are more inclined than men to the prohibitionist approach. Conclusions: This paper comes to validate, once again, most of the previous theoretical supported evidences, but not the religious element as a defining variable for being a banning supporter. The data also shows the possible consensus of those surveyed on this issue across different political parties. Policy Implications: The implications of all kinds that arise around prostitution generate different public perceptions about its existence and practice, with its prohibition being one of the most important issues on the Spanish public agenda in recent months. This article depicts how the Spanish society positions itself in this policy agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the legalization or decriminalization of prostitution impacts healthcare and social stigmas about to prostitution in the United States. Some feel that laws against prostitution do more harm than good. In the past, due to social stigmas, there was little focus on the health and legal needs of prostitutes. Many people oppose prostitution because they feel it is immoral or think it degrades and victimizes women. Because prostitution usually involves consensual behavior, some scholars say it should not be illegal in a society that values a right to privacy [1]. The public health industry has placed disproportionate attention on sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV, syphilis, or gonorrhea [2]. Unfortunately, prostitutes face issues that are only indirectly related to sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). Due to lifestyles, prostitutes are likely to suffer from mental health and substance abuse issues. Furthermore, prostitutes are likely to suffer physical abuse on the job as they operate under unsafe conditions with few legal protections [3]. Moreover, health issues such as heart disease, cancer, COVID, and other common illnesses do not discriminate based on profession, impacting farmers, teachers, athletes, and prostitutes alike. This paper will examine the legal issues and those concerning access to quality healthcare for prostitutes. The paper will additionally introduce the potential recommendation in the access and quality of care. Lastly, debating if the legalization of prostitution may improve the health and legal issues and potentially improve the quality of life for this portion of the population. However, for this paper acknowledges males and females engage in this line of work. For this paper, the focus will be on females within the industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1928, the Committee of Fourteen, New York City's leading private antivice organization, employed a black teacher to conduct a five-month undercover investigation of Harlem's nightlife. It had been ten years since the committee had subjected the neighborhood to such intensive surveillance. Typically explained as the result of racism, that neglect also reflected white investigators' increasing inability to gather information in Harlem. This article explores the work of investigators and the racial dynamics of undercover investigations to show how those difficulties grew from the congregation of waves of new black migrants in the neighborhood and, as Prohibition drew whites to Harlem, blacks' retreat into private spaces, buffet flats, for their leisure. It uses the rich snapshot offered by the black investigator's reports to reveal how, in the 1920s, black prostitutes, rather than being successfully regulated, blended into these new black spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is based on an empirical socio-legal analysis of criminal court case files concerning the abuse of prostitution in Slovenia. Based on the theoretical framework developed by Petra Östergren, the authors analyse whether the Slovenian regulatory system on sex work is repressive, restrictive or integrative. The paper explores how the courts define “abuse” and “exploitation” of prostitution,1 how the p articipation of third parties in sex work activities is dealt with by the courts, how the vulnerability of sex workers is treated, and how the existence of consent is considered before the courts. The paper examines the files for moral arguments, stereotyping, and stigmatisation, as well as references to occupational risks in the field of sex work and sex workers’ rights. In the conclusions the authors argue that in Slovenia the characteristics of the restrictive model, with elements of both repressive and integrative, prevail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Collected Papers of the Faculty of Law in Split / Zbornik Radova Pravnog Fakulteta u Splitu is the property of Split Faculty of Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Independent" sex work outside red light areas in big cities in developing countries is an understudied phenomenon. Through a survey of independent sex workers in Delhi, India, this paper sheds light on the governance of independent prostitution. It shows that in the sex work industry, which is informal in nature and faces a complex legal architecture, regulatory intermediaries (RIs) drive both regulation and responsibilization strategies. On behalf of the state, the police act as regulatory intermediaries, implementing hierarchical regulation. In red light areas, sex workers' collectives and solidarity networks operate as RIs on behalf of workers. But in independent sex work, it is pimps who act as intermediaries for workers, driving their responsibilization strategies. Independent sex workers take up the services of pimps even though they charge hefty fees, in large part because pimps can negotiate their protection from the police. I examine several characteristics of the relationships between prostitutes, pimps, clients, and the police, and refine the RIT model of regulatory intermediaries (Abbott et al. 2017) in the context of prostitution in a developing country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights groups in the Philippines built on the momentum of the United Nations Anti-Trafficking Protocol to address precarious and feminized labor. This paper examines how care has been conceptualized and practiced by Philippine anti-trafficking and women's rights groups in relation to domestic workers and sex workers. Based on ethnographic research with Filipino sex workers, and a critical historiography of the campaigns for legislation on domestic work, trafficking, and sex work, this paper demonstrates that the contrasting approaches to domestic work and sex work construct certain types of income-generating activities as 'labor' and others as 'abuse', and reify a hierarchy of work, with domestic work seen as virtuous and sex work as stigmatizing. This increases the precarity of sex workers and inadvertently normalizes exploitation in other feminized work by positioning prostitution as their 'always worse Other'. It also shows that by seeking to induce a 'sympathetic shift' through redefining sex work as victimhood, women's rights groups have re-inscribed the distinction between 'good' and 'bad' women, and entrenched sex workers' exclusion from political life. Secondly, this paper proposes that anti-trafficking groups consider sex work alongside other forms of intimate labor and support interventions focused on workers' rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper analyses the negotiations for the 'Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others' adopted by the General Assembly (GA) of the United Nations (UN) in 1949. This convention significantly shifted the international approach towards 'traffic in persons' by adopting a so-called 'regulation-abolitionist' approach and mandating the abolition of the then dominant national approach to prostitution: 'state-regulated prostitution'. International anti-trafficking law, for the first time, explicitly addressed national prostitution laws and, therefore, prostitution itself. Regulation-abolitionism called for the abolition of 'state-regulated prostitution' as a way of both freeing prostitutes from the discriminatory treatment of the police and other state actors, but also as a strategy to combat human trafficking. Through careful analysis of the documentary record concerning some of the core articles of the Convention, the paper identifies multiple contradictions and 'tensions of abolitionism' during the negotiations for the Convention, as well as competing ideas about the social and legal status of prostitution and people selling sex after the abolition of state-regulated prostitution. Most importantly, the moral condemnation of prostitution persisted across the political spectrum and the nascent ideological fault lines of the Cold War. In terms of actors, the paper focuses on the contribution of civil society actors, UN administrative personnel and two states (France and the United Kingdom). This paper proposes the concept of tensions of abolitionism to capture the ways in which the regulation-abolitionist approach was caught between competing goals: the law-enforcement-centred repression (of exploitation), the deregulation of prostitution via the abolition of state regulation and the guarantee of the human rights of prostitutes vis-à-vis the state. The paper stresses the legacy of the 1949 Convention in re-structuring the practice of commercial sex to the detriment of sex workers and its failure in eliminating human trafficking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper leverages the timing of a ban on the purchase of sex to assess its impact on rape offenses. Relying on Swedish high-frequency data from 1997 to 2014, I find that the ban increases the number of rapes by around 44–62%. The results are robust to several econometric specifications that exploit different identification assumptions. The increase reflects a boost in completed rapes both in the short- and long-run. However, it is not accompanied by a decrease in the number of pimps. Taken together, the empirical evidence hints at the notion that the rise in rapes is not connected to the supply of prostitution but rather to changes in the demand for prostitution due to the ban. The results here have the opposite sign but larger magnitudes in absolute value than results in the literature on the decriminalization of prostitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Commercial sexual exploitation (CSE) of minors is a major social justice concern in the U.S. and youth who run away from their home or placement are at an increased risk of experiencing CSE. Runaway youth have higher rates of prior victimization, substance abuse, depression, suicidal behavior, and problems at school compared to youth who do not run away. When youth run away repeatedly, youth may end up arrested and detained for this status offense. Detaining runaway youth and those who are CSE victims can be detrimental to their health and well-being, in addition to being against federal laws. However, it is unknown whether runaway youth and CSE victims, when compared to other juvenile delinquents, present unique risk factors when they enter the juvenile justice system. Using a nationally representative sample of justice-involved youth, this study examines the risk factors of youth who are detained for running away or CSE victimization. This paper then compares these youth whose most serious offense is running away or "prostitution" to the characteristics of youth detained for more serious offenses. Comparing the characteristics of youth incarcerated for running away or CSE victimization to other incarcerated youth has not yet been done with a nationally representative sample. This study finds significant differences in many of the characteristics among runaway and sexually exploited youth who are detained, compared to youth incarcerated for more serious offenses. Policy and programs recommendations are given to reflect of the unique needs of these vulnerable youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an attempt to analyse the status of women in the Dogra regime in the former state of Jammu and Kashmir. It seeks to examine the situation of Kashmiri women and the frustration and abuse they experienced under the Dogra regime. Similarly this paper focuses around social evils such as trafficking in women, female feticide and prostitution and also in the fight against opportunities to eradicate the dictatorial, dynastic, primitive and strict doctrines of the Middle Ages. Examines their role. Women occupy an important place in shaping the history of mankind. The tools or status added or given to women frame a flat piece to determine the net progress of the general population. Although they have been singled out / underestimated in all fields such as politics, society, education since ancient times, women have been the basis and important part of any ordinary people on earth. There is also a certainty under Jammu and Kashmir that Dogra's cynical and barbaric rule of popular times. In addition, the rule affected the entire population of the state, both men and women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2003 and 2004, Aotearoa New Zealand enacted two key laws that regulate two very different ways in which the female body may be commodified. The Prostitution Reform Act 2003 (PRA) decriminalized prostitution, removing legal barriers to the buying and selling of commercial sexual services. The Human Assisted Reproductive Technology Act 2004 (HART Act), on the other hand, put a prohibition on commercial surrogacy agreements. This paper undertakes a comparative analysis of the ethical arguments underlying New Zealand's legislative solutions to prostitution and commercial surrogacy. While the regulation of prostitution is approached with a Marxist feminist lens with the aim to ensure the health and safety of sex workers, commercial surrogacy is prohibited outright for concerns of negative impacts on present and future persons. I ground the principles of each Act in their ethical foundations and compare these two against one another. I conclude that New Zealand's legislative approach to regulating the commodification of the female body is ethically inconsistent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Nasleđe is the property of University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Philology & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)