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Little is known about how portrayals of American unity (i.e. "we're all in this together") have been received by essential workers on the front lines of the COVID risk divide, and how the pandemic may have contributed to perceptions of class inequality among lower-income workers. In this paper, we draw upon 192 in-depth interviews with precarious and gig-based workers in New York City. We find that during the height of the first wave of the pandemic, precarious workers often expressed frustration over class-based inequalities and antagonism toward elites. Many respondents expressed significant skepticism toward messages that the pandemic has brought Americans together. Instead, workers identified two distinct, class-based realities in New York: elite Americans are able to socially-distance in "mansions," or on "yachts," while precarious workers struggled to weather the storm in "dinghies." Likewise, workers felt "abandoned" by wealthy owners and managers, who fled the city to socially-distanced homes in beach communities and surrounding suburbs. Our findings suggest that low-wage, high-risk workers articulate complex conceptualizations of inequality and convey grievances toward elites during the pandemic. This study contributes to broader literature on perceived inequality, the rise of noxious work, and the social consequences of COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the topographical and socio-cultural developments during the Golden Age in New York, Los Angeles and San Francisco, three Beat Generation epicenters, which determined the deconstruction of traditional norms. Modifications at both city and society levels were represented by the emergence of countercultures, such as the Beat. The visibility received by urban problems, due to the increase in social demonstrations and activism, fostered the formation of a unified front that demanded equality and encouraged social and political movements, such as the Civil Rights and the Second Wave Feminism. The socio-political challenges which the American society was confronted with from the 1950s to the 1970s in these three cities, also reveal a few problems regarding the status of the Beats as well as of minorities in metropolises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that daily practices in the child welfare system in the urban United States contribute to the racialization-the process of creating and recreating racial groups, meanings, experiences, and inequalities-of African American communities. First, child welfare practices reinforce and legitimize views of poor women of color as irresponsible mothers and urban black communities and families as in need of state supervision. Second, the child welfare system plays an important role in the 'prison pipeline,' the interrelated factors that converge to make minority boys more likely to end up in prison. Child welfare is thus a key, yet relatively unexamined, set of state practices that perpetuates inequalities and recreates race. [Race; Racialization; Child Welfare; Urban United States; Prison Pipeline] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Present social discord lends great support to Layton's insistence that inter-disciplinary scholarship regarding political and social spheres is of help to psychoanalysis. Layton's wish that social psychoanalysis need be part of mainstream psychoanalysis is a laudable and worthy one that warrants wide recognition for its significant contribution to interpretive thinking. Edited by Marianna Leavy-Sperounis, the first section covers the topic of what constitutes social psychoanalysis, and is followed by two sections addressing Layton's concept of a normative unconscious and neoliberal subjectivity in the United States. [Extracted from the article]

How do children in the U.S. represent the ideal society? A scientific understanding of how children engage in utopian thinking—and how their ideas relate to cross‐cultural standards developed by the United Nations—is potentially useful for the development of social movements aimed at progressive social change. In this article we report the results of group projects created by 56 fifth‐grade students (27 boys, 29 girls) in New York City who were instructed to work together in small groups to represent their ideal society of the future. We found that themes of economic prosperity and cultural sensitivity, especially the need to promote social and economic equality and to prevent discrimination and prejudice, were central to children's conceptions of the good society. On several major issues, the utopian societies that were proposed dovetailed with the sustainability development goals identified by the United Nations, especially 'Decent Work and Economic Growth', 'Reduced Inequality', and 'Peace, Justice, and Strong Institutions'. The children were acutely aware of the need for environmental protection and climate action but understandably lacked a clear sense of how to provide 'Affordable and Clean Energy' and 'Clean Water and Sanitation' in their ideal societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on job polarization and increasing inequality in the nation and in northern New Jersey region. It says that changes in globalization and technology appear to drive behind job polarization and through automation and the substitution of low-cost labor from other countries increased employment opportunities for high-skill workers. It adds that the job growth in New York and New Jersey was because of lower-middle-skill jobs and fast-low-skill group.

Super-diversity as a methodological lens calls for a study of dynamics of new and diversified social groups that moves away from more traditional approaches focused on ethnicity. In examining the potential of super-diversity as a methodological lens, I identify a risk of downplaying the effect of “old” categories of difference that are likely to continue to shape social structures as well as space. I propose a re-centring of power and inequality in the study of super-diversity by situating its study within an urban culturalist approach, with sociological tools borrowed from ethnomethodology and symbolic interactionism. This proposal is illustrated through the analysis of two public spaces in a super-diverse New York neighbourhood. I conclude by raising questions about the use of super-diversity discourse in the public and policy spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This article explores racial disproportionality in criminal justice processing in an era of punitive criminal justice policies and mass incarceration. Using arrest data from New York State, the authors compare the racial disparity in prison sentencing with the disparity at arrest while controlling for crime type and criminal history of the arrest population. Findings show that the racial disparity in prison sentencing at the state level is established before courts begin criminal case proceedings. Scholars and policy makers interested in the sources of racial disparity in incarceration should concentrate on the processes that generate crime and arrests. However, a decrease in racial disparity at prison sentencing, relative to arrest, suggests that the practices of courtroom actors still merit scholarly attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses fairness and equality in relation to the use of a sharing-related rotation (taking turns) method for distributing the disputed property in a U.S. decedent's estate as of 2015, and it mentions the 1973 New York case In re Estate of McDowell which deals with two siblings and a dispute over the possession of a chair. Distributive justice is examined, along with several forms of rotations such as single-object and multiple-object rotations.

The article discusses the role of outsider narrative theory in relation to legal advocacy against discriminatory policing in places such as New York, New York. Vulnerability and social inequities are mentioned, along with an anti-stop-and-frisk police technique movement. An American lawyer's role in understanding and promoting narrative in mobilization against aggressive policing is examined, as well as police-citizen relations and police-related legal cases such as Terry v. Ohio.

The article explores the vigorous but unsuccessful opposition to the passage of a fair employment practices law to outlaw discrimination in employment in New York. A resistance against affirmative action and civil rights first emerged during World War II when the state contemplated the passage of the fair employment law. The author focuses on the opposition by business groups, rural and suburban whites, and conservative Republicans. Opponents decried the law as imposing racial quotas and betraying U.S. beliefs in equality. This opposition provides a perspective on the fall of the New Deal order and the rise of the New Right.

Provides information on a study which examined the inequality, violence, and gender relations in New York from 1986 to 1996. Details on the experiences of women who have found their way through violence; Isolation of violence; Conclusions.

The article presents reply to James P. Pitts in response to his comments on group disorders in the public school by Sociologists Pual Ritterband and Richard Silberstein. The authors say that in "Group Disorders in the Public Schools," they set out to understand and explain the distribution of two related sets of events in the high schools of New York City. The article was not set out to explain inequality in the schools nor did it attempt to describe the ways in which schools sort people into the general social structure. The authors did not and do not feel that every sociologist who deals with questions of race has to recapitulate the history of inequality. On the most primitive empiricist level, the authors were able to show that the distribution of non-political disorder was relatively random in the New York City High School context during their study. They deny inequality in school resources and achievement. They demonstrated that more money is spent on black pupils in New York City than Puerto Ricans or Whites, though the way the money is spent makes no dent in the educational problem.