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This report explores the history of Puerto Rico's relationship with the United States military and the resistance against militarization. Since the U.S. invasion in 1898, Puerto Rico has experienced the progressive takeover of land for military purposes, resulting in environmental damage and health repercussions. The resistance against militarism has taken various forms, including civil disobedience, marches, and armed struggle. The report showcases a collection of political propaganda, such as posters and pasquines, which were used to spread anti-militarist messages and mobilize people. These materials provide insight into the themes, styles, and campaigns of leftist propaganda between 1960 and 2000, highlighting the power imbalance between the armed forces and the common people. The report includes images and descriptions of selected propaganda pieces, demonstrating the diversity of styles and messages. [Extracted from the article]

University student activism is generally characterized by protests and demonstrations by students who are reacting to social, political, and economic challenges. The COVID-19 pandemic revolutionized university student activism, and closed the geographical space for protests and demonstrations. The pandemic locked students out of the university campus, thus, rendering the traditional strategies of mass protests and demonstrations impossible. The COVID-19-induced lockdowns made it difficult, if not impossible, to mobilise for on-campus demonstrations and protests. It seems the pandemic is the last nail in the coffin of on-campus student protests. This theoretical paper uses a collective behaviour framework to explain the evolution of student activism in Zimbabwe, from the traditional on-campus politics to virtual activism. It discusses the challenges associated with cybernetic activism. The paper argues that, despite challenges, Zimbabwean university student activists need to migrate to a new world of digital technology and online activism. In the migration to online activism, students activists face a plethora of challenges. On top of the already existing obstacles, activists face new operational challenges related to trying to mobilise a constituency that has relocated to cyberspace. Student activists utilize the existing digital infrastructure to advance their politics, in spite of a hostile state security system and harsh economic environment, and other operational challenges.

As of late, it would seem that the commonly sought after concept of collaboration has lost its appeal and, arising in its aftermath, is a reconfigured front of conflict between the public and private spheres of American life. In this current attack on the public, the stage is ripe for disobedience in all its various forms and functions to stand up against what privatization advocates have so strategically constructed as COMMONSENSE. This COMMONSENSE has evolved into a seemingly natural state that has captured the allegiance of folks who full-heartedly agree, without substantiated expertise, that systems of commodification and privatization will serve as simple solutions to the failures of society. Without forgetting acts of protest in all its forms and fashions, this paper follows the lead of Howard Zinn and revisits the meaning of disobedience as both an intellectual and political project within a world that for many seems stuck at a moral and ethical impasse. Surely, immediate reactions to human indignity are wholly necessary, but this cannot distract an individual from dismantling the symbolic field that systemically sustains this indignity--that of global capitalism and its discontents.

Over forty years ago, Howard Zinn identified the problem as not one of civil disobedience, but of civil "obedience". He confronted the problem of remaining obedient to laws and rules even "in the face of the face of poverty and starvation and stupidity, and war and cruelty." Framed in an early childhood context, this article explores the value of events of young children's classroom disobediences (civil and not), layered upon elements of Zinn's body of work that examines the role disobedience plays in the human potential to contribute to the common good. It is apparent that children find ways to function as "good"-as in kind, generous, contributing, skeptical, thoughtful, and courageous members of society even in the face of narrow, stingy, and mindless schooled notions of goodness as compliance to prevailing rules of order. In the spirit of the hopefulness that Zinn never abandoned-the lens on these children's moments of disobedience is directed away from a viewpoint that presumes the "good" child is the one who obeys. The snapshots of children in this article, viewed with a wide aperture, bring light to the possibilities inherent in these small acts of kindness, awareness, curiosity, justice--and disobedience. In his work, Zinn shone necessary light on pictures of history that showed the cruel reality of human behavior; but more profoundly, he offered "hope" through a concurrent human history of "compassion, sacrifice, courage [and] kindness." Zinn asked us to remember the times when people "behaved magnificently," and within this paper are descriptions of moments of disobedience in which children are behaving "magnificently"--moments that Howard Zinn would, perhaps, have celebrated.

Introduction: We investigate the conditions under which posting software known as "DeCSS" on the Internet is ethical. DeCSS circumvents the access and copy control protection measures on commercial DVDs. Through our investigation, we point to limitations in current frameworks used to assess ethical computer based civil disobedience. Method: The paper draws on empirical findings of actual DeCSS posting to consider the limitations of current frameworks. Findings were generated from content analysis of Web sites that post DeCSS using search engine sampling with file name, language, and server location delimiters. Content analysis examined the number of Websites hosting DeCSS, the presence or absence of speech related to DeCSS and Free/Open Source software, and the arguments explaining DeCSS posting. Analysis: Drawing on theorizing from political philosophy and the existing frameworks, the paper compares characteristics of actual DeCSS posting to the existing frameworks. Results: The paper points out six areas that require further attention in ethical frameworks--determining motivation for posting, deciding whether some groups have more moral standing to post, assessing knowledge of the laws related to circumvention and posting, determining if protesters have taken related political actions, the legality of various formats of circumvention devices, and the physical geography of the participants.

This study describes the concepts, historical precedents, language and fundamental experiences of artivism. It shows the research activities from two main universities (Complutense de Madrid in Spain and Nottingham Trent in UK) as well as other cultural institutions (Élan Interculturel from France and Artemiszio from Hungary), which have explored the educational potential of artivism as a new way of achieving social engagement using innovation and artistic creation. The paper defines precisely artivism as a new language which appears outside the museums and art academies, moving towards urban and social spaces. Artivism is a hybrid form of art and activism which has a semantic mechanism to use art as a means towards change and social transformation. The analysis collects some central experiences of the artivist phenomenon and applies semantic analysis, archiving artivist experiences, and using urban walks and situational research, analyses the educational and formative potential of artivists and their ability to break the classroom walls, and to remove the traditional roles of creator and receptor, student and professor, through workshop experiences. Finally, it reflects upon the usefulness of artivism as a new social language and an educational tool that breaks the traditional roles of social communication.

The paper intends to conduct a spatial reading of civil resistance movements taking Jawaharlal Nehru University’s (JNU) #FeeMustFall in India as the case study. Amidst the penetration of neoliberal politics in public goods like health and education, the pay-per-user principle is not limited to the argument of efficiency of allocation of resources. It can be comprehended as the larger strategy of the ruling dispensation to deplatform dissent and homogenise state space on an ideological singularity catering to majoritarian and hegemonic nationalism. The paper shall focus on the spatial reading of civil resistance movements using Lefebvre’s characterisation of state space and Gramsci’s understanding of hegemony and nationalism in the context of JNU’s #FeeMustFall movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines whether Hong Kong teachers and students perceived Liberal Studies and its ongoing curriculum review as politically driven during and after the Umbrella Movement, a large-scale civil disobedience campaign that took place in September 2014. The findings presented herein show that both groups disagreed with the claim that Liberal Studies was used as a political instrument to instigate students' participation in the protest movement. Moreover, they also reveal that teachers have maintained their neutrality towards controversial issues related to politics during Liberal Studies lessons. Whilst the participating teachers and students considered the government's proposed reform of Liberal Studies to be politically motivated, they held differing attitudes towards the addition of more China-related elements to the subject. On the basis of these results, this paper analyses the potential role of Liberal Studies in the democratisation of local society. It also provides an indication of the curriculum's dynamic nature, explanation of students' resistance to the review policy and suggestions for the subject's future development.

Contemporary critical scholarship on the university firmly places new discursive and curricular formations within a global context of neoliberal, neoimperial, and neocolonial processes. Recently, some focus has been given to last century's institutionalization of the interdisciplines (e.g. Ethnic Studies, Cultural Studies, Women's Studies) and how the invitation to become a part of the university has mapped onto repressive liberal fantasies of tolerance and inclusion. With this history in mind, this paper begins with the current wave of student protests and how the institutionalization of difference has structured university responses to new formations of critique. We argue that, though de-escalating the politics of knowledge production and legitimation, a new moral economy has emerged in which universities trade on 'good' students who adhere to prescribed performances of critique and villainize the student-activists who threaten the status quo as a means to manage current crises while retaining social legitimacy.

Heggert and Flowers (2019) offer important insights into how social media provides students with important opportunities to engage in meaningful civic engagement and political activism. They argue that students are more politically active than some recent studies would have us believe because they are utilizing social media platforms, methods not accounted for by traditional measures. They further argue that if students are to alter the foundational causes of injustice, educators should adopt a critical pedagogical framework in teaching students to use social media as a means of becoming activists. I agree with the authors' main arguments but take issue with their suggestion that activism should be separated from notions of disobedience. On the contrary, I argue that activism that has as its fundamental goal to get at the roots of injustice must include civil disobedience. Educating for social justice, then, ought to include teaching students the history, theory, and techniques of civil disobedience. [This article is in response to "Justice Citizens, Active Citizenship, and Critical Pedagogy: Reinvigorating Citizenship Education" (EJ1216619).]

In recent decades many people came to know Howard Zinn for his outspoken advocacy on a wide range of progressive causes, including civil rights, free speech, workers' rights, education reform, and opposition to U.S. imperialism. The author's own first encounter with Howard Zinn's special combination of scholarship and activism occurred several decades earlier, while he attended graduate school in the 1970s to study U.S. history. The first time the author read Zinn was in a short essay, entitled "Abolitionists, Freedom Riders and the Tactics of Agitation," in Martin Duberman's "The Antislavery Vanguard: New Essays on the Abolitionists" (1965). This essay guided the author to Zinn's "SNCC: The New Abolitionists" (Zinn 1964), one of his first monographs. In his essay Zinn attempted to stress the parallels between the early nineteenth century reformers who challenged not just slavery but the pervasive racial prejudice of their society and the recruits to the post World War II civil rights movement. In this article, the author talks about Howard Zinn and the socially conscious academic. He discusses how Zinn set an example to progressive academics not to retreat into their scholarship.

Few scholars have achieved the level of recognition and respect among the wider public as Howard Zinn. This should not come as a surprise, given the "unconventional" ways that Zinn embodied and enacted his scholarship. He often took his teaching and writing into those seemingly restricted spaces of popular protest, converting words into protagonist deeds. The title of this essay is a modification of one of Zinn's own, "Historian as Citizen," which was published in the Sunday book review section of the "New York Times," September 25, 1966. In it, Zinn reflected on his two lives, "as historian, as activist," that began when he assumed a professorship in 1956 at Spelman, the historically Black women's college located in the South. While there are many lessons to be had from Zinn's work and legacy, it was his focus on making history transformative that should inspire educators and cultural workers. In this article, the author talks about Howard Zinn's legacy as citizen and/or activist.

This paper deploys the containment principle by Della Croce and Nicole-Berva (2021) to adjudicate COVID-19 non-conformity in India. The paper argues that the containment principle offers a guide to evaluating pandemic legislation and outlines the duties of the state. It then evaluates the Indian Pandemic response and legislation against the containment principles and finds it arbitrary, arguing that the discretionary power vested in the state enables it to treat two instances of COVID-19 non-conformities, the Tablighi Jamaat and the Kumbh, differently. The non-conformity of the devotees and the deviance of the state can be read within a framework of exceptionalism, collective irrationality, and conspiracy theories that firstly enables the devotees to maintain a sense of invulnerability, and secondly, allows the state to blame the minority community for threatening its exceptional status. These acts of non-conformities constitute disobedience against containment principles that are unjustifiable and demonstrate a moral failure to not harm others and a failure of the state to equally distribute benefits and burdens of pandemic policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Media reporting and academic research into young climate civil society organisations (CSOs) often focus on organisations using direct, confrontational and often controversial actions, but to what extent is this a true picture of young climate organisations? This paper examines the differences between young and old climate and environmental CSOs in the Netherlands. Drawing on niche theory, it uses set-theoretic typology building to examine the ways in which 39 young and old Dutch CSOs construct configurational organisational niches by narrowing down their membership and issue, using innovative strategies and developing stable financing sources. It finds that although there are significant differences between young and old CSOs in how they narrow down their membership and issues, their strategies are not significantly different: in other words, a focus on civil disobedience alone does not paint the whole picture of young climate groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A legitimate expectation in a liberal democracy is that public officials enforce the law regardless of its content; when they don't do so, their actions tend to be publicly condemned. This expectation puts street-level bureaucrats in a moral dilemma when they consider that a certain law is unjust: either they don't enforce the law and violate their duties to the citizenry, or they enforce it and become complicit in injustices. This paper argues for the legal permission of public officials to disregard legal mandates for moral reasons. Call it official disobedience. Contrary to common intuitions, I show that official disobedience would foster the principles of and improve governance in liberal democracies: it accommodates public officials' personal autonomy and yields three main democratic benefits. First, information about the outcomes of the law would become available for lawmakers; second, in the aggregate, it would protect citizens from injustices; third, it would improve the moral character of bureaucrats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Thinking Against Empire: Anticolonial Thought as Social Theory, Julian Go continues his vital work on rethinking and redirecting the discipline of sociology. Go's piece relates to his wider oeuvre of postcolonial sociology – found in works such as his Postcolonial Thought and Social Theory (2016) as well as multiple journal articles on epistemic exclusion (Go 2020), Southern theory (Go 2016), metrocentrism (Go 2014), and the history of sociology (Go 2009). In this response article, my aim is to think alongside some of the central themes outlined in Go's paper rather than offering a rebuttal of any sorts. In particular, I want to think through how the recent work on 'decoloniality' may play more of a central role in Go's vision of sociology and social theory than he acknowledges. In doing so, I hope to engage in Go's prodigious scholarship through centering discussions of the geopolitics of knowledge, double translation, and border thinking. Before proceeding to this discussion, I will offer a brief review of my reading of Go's paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Syrian Druze in the Golan Heights have been resisting Israeli occupation for more than five decades. Their efforts in preserving their Arab-Syrian nationality and heritage against the “Israelization” of the Golan Heights have been widely undertheorized. The aim of this article is to study the types and methods of resistance that the Syrian Druze community in the Golan Heights have utilized in rejecting Israeli occupation. Apart from a brief incidence of military resistance by the Syrian Druze in the Golan Heights, which was quickly suppressed by Israel, the essence of the community’s antiIsraeli activities has been within the framework of civil resistance. This paper analyzes three types of civil resistance in the Golan Heights: political and identity-based, socioeconomic, and environmental resistance. The paper links these types of civil resistance to Gene Sharp’s pragmatic approach to civil resistance and disobedience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how tenants' organizations approach the state for "post-neoliberal housing policy" that challenges decades of neoliberal housing governance. It introduces the concept of "counter-hegemonic legislative strategies" to illustrate how tenants' movements in Spain have achieved this policy shift by influencing legislative changes. In contrast to traditional lobbying or representation-focused movements, unions aim to organize tenants offensively against the commodification of housing and capitalist relations, positioning themselves as counter-hegemonic forces. The paper outlines three mechanisms used to achieve this: turning tenant evictions and landlord threats into acts of civil disobedience; using the media strategically to shape narratives; and exploiting institutional windows of opportunity through alliances and political crises. While the legislative victories gained by these unions may fall short of their full demands, the paper emphasizes that their impact goes beyond political outcomes. Their activities contribute to contesting neoliberal housing trajectories, disrupting hegemonic governance, and reshaping the political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper considers the legacy of Václav Havel in regard to civil disobedience and dissident action. The paper frames its analysis on the long-standing debate Havel undertook with the Czech author Milan Kundera. Ultimately the paper argues that the nuance to Havel's optimism, as it emerges against Kundera's more pessimistic position, regarding dissident action is a timely and important response with great value for contemporary global challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participation in political activities is a critical aspect of social development because it leads to highly sensitive decisions and choices that provide direction for society. The paper examines the factors associated with participation in unconventional political activities (UPAs) in Nigeria. The social contagion theory was adopted to guide the study. Data for the study were generated using a web-based survey of 888 respondents from Lagos and Cross River States. The test of the association between the dependent and independent variables was done using the chi-square test. The results indicate that age, gender, education level, and religious affiliation were statistically significant for unconventional political activities. The findings presented in the paper provide evidence of the individuals who are more likely to participate in unconventional political activities in Nigeria. Authorities in Nigeria should dissuade the suppression of unconventional political activities through the use of extrajudicial molestation and witch hunts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper builds upon and extends Christian and legal scholarship on the civil rights movement by illuminating a climate of religious freedom that served as a catalyst for and was integral to the success of the spirited activism of the civil rights movement. To date, scholars have not extensively considered how the expansion of religious freedom in church and state jurisprudence both directly and indirectly created a climate that contributed to the success of the CRM, and how advancements in civil rights impacted the broader revolution occurring in constitutional rights. The climate of religious freedom included court support for evangelizing in residentially exclusive areas, exemptions for conscientious opposers from participating in oath swearing and other ceremonies, and exemptions from other general laws that unduly inhibited the free exercise of religious rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An email calling for support against racism during the late 2005 Cronulla riots left some wondering about the incapacity of critical intellectuals to consider the riots and revenge attacks which followed them in the same light--as an instance of inter-communal strife. The author of this article argues that the call for support against racism was about racism of a particular community that did not represent Australians as a whole. The key problem with this way of "doing" multiculturalism is that it provides no vantage-point from which disputes between members of "peripheral" groups and members of the core can be understood, except through the prism of cultural domination. (Contains 3 endnotes.)

This paper considers the ways in which changes and experimentations in the realm of aesthetics,as well as in the new forms of political participation and representation in an era of global revolt, have resulted in a deep connection between the aesthetics and politics of civil disobedience, political activism and artistic representation. Specifically, the discussion is based on a comparative analysis of the urban activism of the Carnival Against Capital protests in London and Seattle, the Occupy Movement in New York, and the Gezi Park Movement in Turkey where the aesthetics of active participation represents a new kind of politicization--collective memory and language, sensual festivity and the forming of communitas--that goes beyond the conventional understanding of the convergence of politics and art. The author focuses on the notable carnivalesque character in those protests--the costumes, the masks, the performances, the interventional tactics and the aesthetics of community building. Based on the theories of aesthetics and rebellion the paper proposes the concept of carnival aesthetics as the study of the sensuous and subversive experience of the multitude when marching, throwing slogans, battling with police forces behind the barricades, performing and dancing together on the streets. Here carnivalesque aesthetics are employed as a means to create diversity, creativity, decentralization, horizontality, egalitarianism and direct action--the political principles that are at the heart of the recent protests. The discussion demonstrates that while thriving authoritarianism depends on disciplined individuals and the crisis in democracy, carnival aesthetics during protests present radicalized social relations that are increasingly becoming the core of the current social, cultural and environmental struggles around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The resistance to save Sindh from division had begun in 1947, when the newly founded federal government of Pakistan had declared to include Karachi, the mega city of the province into federal territory. It was also announced that Karachi would be given the status of capital of the country. Moreover, the capital of Sindh province would be shifted to Hyderabad, the second largest city of the province. On this decision, the people of Sindh outraged and considered it injustice and reacted non-violently against the decision. Gandhi called this public reaction on perceived un-justice as principled non-violence (Satyagraha). In this research paper, it is to see how principled non-violence influenced the movement leaders. Apart from this, the people of the province stood against the division of Sindh. They also declared to launch a peaceful resistance for the annulment of the government’s decision which was perceived as a Sindhi ethnic struggle in Pakistan. There is dearth of academic research on this subject as no scholar has connected theory and practice of non-violence with peaceful resistance to save the status of Karachi. This paper attempts to analyze Karachi Movement as non-violent action in the light of principled non-violence. The paper contributes a different approach to the knowledge regarding association of Satyagraha and Karachi Movement. As, the peace and non-violence theories are gaining much attention in the world. Thus, it is significant to investigate the first non-violent struggle of Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate movements have gained momentum in recent years, aiming to create public awareness of the consequences of climate change through salient climate protests. This paper investigates whether concerns about climate change increase following demonstrative protests and confrontational acts of civil disobedience. Leveraging individual-level survey panel data from Germany, we exploit exogenous variations in the timing of climate protests relative to survey interview dates to compare climate change concerns in the days before and after a protest (N = 24,535). Following climate protests, we find increases in concerns about climate change by, on average, 1.2 percentage points. Further, we find no statistically significant evidence that concerns of any subpopulation decreased after climate protests. Lastly, the increase in concerns following protests is highest when concern levels before the protests are low. Climate movements aim to raise public awareness of climate change through protests, but their efficacy is debated. Here, the authors show that concerns about climate change increased in Germany after climate strikes and non-violent acts of civil disobedience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I take issue with Arthur Isak Applbaum's power-liability view of political legitimacy. In contrast to the traditional view that legitimate rule entails a moral duty to obey, here called the right-duty view, Applbaum argues that political legitimacy is a moral power that entails moral liability for the subjects of political rule. According to Applbaum, the power-liability view helps us explain how responsible citizens in some cases can act contrary to law while still recognizing the claims of law. Against Applbaum's attempt at establishing the power-liability view through conceptual analysis, I argue that we cannot specify the moral implications of de jure legitimacy without considering the moral argument that justifies the right to rule. I further argue that Applbaum's normative account of political legitimacy implies commitment to a normative idea that forms the basis of a strong case in favor of the right-duty view. Finally, I argue that the present defense of the right-duty view has resources to account for the moral phenomena that prompt Applbaum's advocacy of the power-liability view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this essay, I argue that we should radicalize managerial climate change education given that incremental and accommodative forms of responsible management learning and education (RMLE) are at odds with the urgency, nature, and magnitude of the climate crisis. I argue for three practices to radicalize RMLE, and illustrate them through examples from a degrowth context. First, management educators should engage in anti-paradigmatic performative politics to disrupt the reality-making of climate damaging theories, and "realize" better alternative theories. Second, as management educators, we should engage ourselves, our students, and wider stakeholders in anti-paradigmatic thought that transcends and challenges problematic mainstream management paradigms. Third, we should explore what and how we and our students can learn from radical climate movements' civil disobedience, in order to disrupt climate-damaging practices. In this paper, I aim to provoke and facilitate urgently needed discussions about the radicalization of RMLE for climate change education and beyond. Therefore, I close this essay with an invitation for rejoinders and suggest salient implications for educational practitioners and researchers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper discusses how different groups within Myanmar's population respond to multiple crises caused by the 2021 military coup, the economic and social consequences of multiple waves of Covid-19 and increasing global food and fuel prices. It is based on monthly observation reports (MOR) by local researchers to focus on the range of actions taken by Myanmar's silent accommodating majority. Contrary to conventional studies that treat "loyalty" and "passive resistance" as separate categories of individual or collective responses to government failures, this paper introduces "accommodation" as a strategy to reflect actions by those who have engaged in both compliance and passive resistance to deal with the military dictatorship in Myanmar. Those who practice accommodation strategies prioritize safety-first approaches that avoid open resistance to the military regime while simultaneously challenging its claim to legitimacy. Some of the strategies that undermine the military regime's claim to legitimacy, however, such as the civil disobedience movement in education and healthcare, further deprive the state of the resource to serve the needs of the general population and thus have detrimental and long-term impacts on individuals who use these. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Making use of the liberal concept of civil disobedience, this paper assesses, under which circumstances instances of illegal digital protest—called "hacktivism"—can be justified vis-à-vis the pro tanto political obligation to obey the law. For this, the paper draws on the three main criteria for liberal civil disobedience—publicity, nonviolence, and fidelity to law—and examines how these can be transferred to the realm of the digital. One of the main disanalogies between street and cyberspace protests is the tendency of hacktivists to remain anonymous, which in turn calls into question their fidelity to law (the third criterion). The paper argues that there are functionally equivalent alternatives to what can be called the "acceptance-of-legal-consequences-condition" (ALCC) associated with the fidelity to law. As a result, the ALCC is not a necessary condition for hacktivists to showcase their fidelity to law, thereby resolving the apparent disanalogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Muhammad Ali has been the subject of countless articles and books written by sports historians and journalists, rhetorical scholars have largely ignored him. This oversight is surprising given both the tradition of social movement scholarship within rhetorical studies and Ali's influential eloquence as a world renowned celebrity espousing nonviolence. Ali's rhetorical performances played a pivotal role in radicalizing the civil rights movement as it (d)evolved into twin forces: Black Power and anti-Vietnam war movements. Ali's rhetoric conjoins messages of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X, enabling critics to re-envision civil rights texts. Ali's enduring rhetoric provides a model for analyzing texts and social movements invoking the paradox of the violence in nonviolent civil disobedience. (Contains 111 notes.)

Contemporary university administrators are usually wimps, and timidity in facing easily enraged campus radicals only invites outrageous demands which, in turn, subvert intellectual life. This must be changed. For much of human history leaders had to display physical valor and this trait should be restored to the college administrator job description. Future presidents and deans can be recruited from fields like the military where this is mandatory or tests can be devised to screen out cowards. Recruiting those unafraid to confront physical threats will restore intellectual life and help reassure anxious alumni that the university will, indeed, defend western civilization from today's Barbarian attacks.

Examining the nascent rhetoric of the Young Lords Organization's (YLO) 1969 "garbage offensive," this essay argues that the long-standing constraints on agency to which they were responding demanded an inventive rhetoric that was decolonizing both in its aim and in its form. Blending diverse forms of discourse produced an intersectional rhetoric that was qualitatively different from other movements at the time. As such, the YLO constructed a collective agency challenging the status quo and, in some ways, foreshadowed more contemporary movement discourses that similarly function intersectionally. Examining the YLO's garbage offensive, then, presents rhetorical scholars with an opportunity to revise our understanding of how marginalized groups craft power through rhetoric. (Contains 97 notes.)

The occupation of Crimea determined the Crimean Tatars to react with obvious and clear-cut response: condemning the Russian aggression against the Ukrainian territorial integrity. This paper aims to analyze the post-2014 Crimean hybrid conflict situation of the Crimean Tatars, by investigating how the Crimean Tatars conditions have evolved under the Russian invasion forces for the last five years. In order to understand the post-2014 situation, the paper also focuses and examines the forced deportation (Sürgün or the Soviet Genocide), as well as Turkey's foreign policy reactions toward this regional conflict. Civil disobedience and nonviolent strategy of the Crimean Tatars have been used to pressure the Russian public opinion and political elites regarding the unlawful and unfair act toward the Ukrainian and Crimean sovereignty. In addition, the Crimean Tatars have voiced their concerns and demands in the international political arenas. Overall, the paper focuses on the repercussions of the Crimean crisis from political, psycho-social and international perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International tax justice issues, such as corporate tax avoidance, have gained particular salience over the past decade in an environment of financial instability and government austerity. Civil society involvement has ranged from trade unions and NGOs calling for parliamentary inquiries to civil disobedience by less established actors. Since the international financial crisis, how have levels of contentious collective action around these issues waxed and waned? Is contentiousness associated most with domestic politics or global media events like the Panama Papers? This paper uses an original hand-coded dataset from five national newspapers in the United Kingdom and Australia between 2008 and 2016. Political claims analysis (PCA) was used to collect all instances of claims around international tax justice and compare the types of actions and the different frames used by civil society actors. In both countries, mobilising grievances are generated most strongly in the period after domestic austerity policies are introduced. The qualitative coding provides evidence of accompanying frame alignment in these periods, as international taxation is problematized in terms of national revenue, demonstrating scale shift from the global to the national political stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditional civil disobedience has usually combined deep spiritual beliefs with intense political ones. And while appreciating the differences in the two worlds--render unto Caesar what is Caesar's and to God what is God's--practitioners respected both. While sometimes willful and defiant and sometimes passive to the point of self-extinction, the heroes of civil disobedience believed in the need to obey a higher authority and to be cleansed of self-interestedness. Modern civil disobedience, however, often takes a more selfish and destructive bent, as the example of a recent environmental protest shows. The author attributes this change to the prevalence of "constructivism"--encouraging students to "construct...their own knowledge through their own discoveries"--in the modern classroom. When applied to instruction on civil disobedience, it can push students toward a naive belief in the primacy of conscience (which can easily become a synonym for self-centeredness). The forces that shape civics education--teachers, standards, methods, and materials--have important roles to play. But they must state clearly that civil disobedience differs from peaceful and legal protest; that civil disobedience involves violating a law that a rightly formed conscience determines to be in conflict with a fundamental principle of human dignity; and that civil disobedience is circumscribed by the practitioner's obligation to honor legitimate government by accepting punishment openly and respectfully. Without this tilt toward authority and away from anarchy, individual liberty will be endangered.

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This paper argues that in Kierkegaard's works, in his upbuilding discourses and late journal entries in particular, meekness or gentleness (Danish: Sagtmodighed) is presented as a distinctive moral and spiritual quality that exhibits a number of characteristics that are usually regarded as attributes of a virtue. Following a "grammatical approach" to what counts as a virtue, rather than a specifically Aristotelian-Thomistic interpretation, it is argued that Kierkegaard presents meekness as an encompassing attitude, a character trait, which can be acquired through imitation of exemplary persons, Christ, in particular, which aims for the good life, is conducive of the good, and is for the benefit of others and the self. It is demonstrated that according to Kierkegaard, meekness differs from other virtues such as courage and patience by its forgiving attitude towards the wrongdoer and nonviolent resistance to injustice and evil. As a virtue that disposes a person to nonviolent resistance, meekness has socio-political implications: injustice is uncovered and criticized for the benefit of "the poor". A meek person does not confirm the world in its evil, but criticizes it, albeit in a way that is appropriate to meekness, i.e., in a forgiving and nonviolent way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Claims that Vietnam War protestors were not instrumental in bringing it to an end. Contends that their rhetorical strategies may have actually harmed their cause, and that Middle Americans only became disenchanted when the oft-promised victory in Vietnam proved elusive and the casualties began to mount. (MS)