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Autor u radu obrađuje ulogu apostolskog delegata Pierrea Bastiena oko uvođenja, odnosno neuvođenja kongrue za katolički kler u Bosni i Hercegovini. Congrua (prikladno uzdržavanje svećenika) bio je jedan od »kamena spoticanja« u odnosima između nadbiskupa Stadlera i dijecezanskog klera s jedne strane i franjevaca i biskupa iz njihova reda s druge strane. Kako se pitanje nije moglo riješiti međusobnim dogovorom, Sveta Stolica je rješenje tog pitanja pridržala sebi. Ulogu istražitelja povjerila je apostolskom delegatu Pierreu Bastienu, koji se pitanjem kongrue bavio od 1911. do 1914. godine. U radu su obrađena Bastienova izvješća i prijedlozi, prijedlog austrougarskih vlasti i Bastienove objekcije, odluka Svete Stolice o tom pitanju i reakcije klera na tu odluku., The author investigates the role of apostolic delegate Pierre Bastien in introducing or not introducing congruent for the Catholic clergy in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Congruity (orderly maintenance of priests) was one of the “stumbling blocks” in the relations between Archbishop Stadler and the diocesan clergy, but at the same time this issue also provoked conflicts between the Franciscans and the bishops of their order. Since this matter could not be resolved amicably, the Holy See reserved the resolution to this issue for itself. Thus, Pope entrusted the role of investigator in this matter to the apostolic delegate Pierre Bastien, who dealt with the issue of congruence in the period from 1911 to 1914. The article deals not only with Bastien’s reports and his proposals / solutions, but also discusses the proposal of the Austro-Hungarian authorities and Bastien’s objections to this matter, and finally the decision of the Holy See on this issue, as well ass the reactions of the clergy to the decision of the Holy See.

Autor se u radu bavi integralnom biografijom Mirka Danijela Bogdanića (Virovitica, 1760. – Budim, 1802.), jednoga od najznamenitijih hrvatskih prirodoslovnih znanstvenika tijekom druge polovice XVIII. stoljeća u Habsburškoj Monarhiji. Donosi se sažeti pregled dosadašnjih istraživanja o Bogdaniću te povijesni kontekst u razdoblju tijekom kojega je živio i radio. Posebno se analizira njegovo obiteljsko porijeklo po očevoj strani važno za njegov napredak kao i važnost rodnoga grada Virovitice osobito sredinom XVIII. stoljeća. U životopisu se interpretira i raščlanjuje Bogdanićeva mladost, obrazovanje, stručna i profesorska karijera, inicijativa za pokretanje prvih pretpreporodnih novina na hrvatskomu jeziku, astronomsko-kartografske ekspedicije, socijalno-psihološki profil te smrt. U drugom se poglavlju interpretiranju i analiziraju Bogdanićeva objavljena i neobjavljena djela s najvećim naglaskom na latinskoj matematičkoj raspravi i sintezi svjetske povijesti staroga Istoka na hrvatskomu jeziku. Naposljetku je poglavlje o recepciji na Bogdanića poslije njegove smrti do današnjega doba. O njemu je do danas pisano u nizu inozemnih periodičkih publikacija te inozemnih i hrvatskih enciklopedija. Bogdanićev primjer potvrđuje da je i u okviru biografike bio slabo zastupljen u hrvatskoj historiografiji. U ovomu se radu Bogdanićev život i rad proučavaju u kontekstu razvoja povijesti znanosti u Hrvata u širem okviru Habsburške Monarhije tijekom XVIII. stoljeća. Temeljem dosadašnjih znanja i novostečenih spoznaja dokazuje se i objašnjava da je Mirko Danijel Bogdanić jedan od najznačajnijih hrvatskih prirodoslovnih znanstvenika XVIII. stoljeća nesvećeničkoga i neplemićkoga porijekla.

Nakon višestoljetne otomanske okupacije Bosna i Hercegovina su u vremenu biskupske službe Josipa Jurja Strossmayera doživjele u kratkom vremenu znatne promjene na socijalnom, političkom i crkvenom području. Ove su zemlje dugo vremena ostale zapadnim granicama, a uskoro i svojevrstan izolirani poluotok nekad moćnog imperija koji više nije mogao pratiti modernizacijske procese suvremenih europskih društava. Stoga je ovaj prostor predan na upravu Austro-Ugarskoj Monarhiji, mada je ostao pod formalnim suverenitetom Porte. U takvim su se uvjetima aktualizirala brojna pitanja na koja u prethodnim razdobljima nije bilo moguće adekvatno odgovoriti, posebice u odnosu na položaj Katoličke crkve. Između ostaloga je izobrazba franjevačkih bogoslova zahtijevala sustavna rješenja prilagođena situaciji u ostatku katoličanstva i napretku obrazovanja. Dolazak pod upravu katoličkih vladara otvorio je mogućnost odustajanja od arhaičnog oblika eklezijalnosti i uvođenje redovite crkvene vlasti. Upitnim je postao i položaj dotada privilegiranog muslimanskog i socijalna afirmacija obespravljenog kršćanskog stanovništva, a propituje se i uloga islama kao religije. Također su stvoreni uvjeti za osnutak i djelovanje raznih kulturnih ustanova te za njih vezane nacionalne emancipacije. U ovom se radu prati odnos biskupa Strossmayera prema spomenutim procesima te donosi zaokružena slika njegova viđenja Bosne i Hercegovine., After several centuries-long Ottoman occupation, Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period of the episcopacy of Bishop Josip Juraj Strossmayer experienced in the short interval great changes on social, political and ecclesiastical plane. These countries remained for a long period Western borderlands, and soon afterwards even an isolated peninsula of formerly powerful empire, which at that time became incapable of following modernisation processes of contemporary European societies. Because of that, this area was surrendered for administration to Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, even though it remained under the formal sovereignty of the Sublime Porte. In such circumstances, numerous questions on which was impossible to answer in previous periods were actualised, particularly those related to the position of Catholic church. Among other things, the education of Franciscan students in theology required systematic solutions adapted to the situation in the rest of Catholic Christendom and the progress of education in general. Coming of Bosnia and Herzegovina under the administration of Catholic rulers opened possibilities for giving up archaic form of ecclesiality and introduction of regular ecclesiastical authorities. Questionable became also the position of hitherto privileged Moslem population and social affirmation of hitherto disenfranchised Christian population, as well as the role of Islam as religion. Preconditions for foundation and activity of different cultural institutions and to them connected national emancipations have been also created. The article follows the attitude of Bishop Strossmayer towards the processes mentioned above and presents a rounded picture of his views on Bosnia and Herzegovina.

U radu se obrađuje nastojanje vrhbosanskoga nadbiskupa Josipa Stadlera oko uvođenja i uređenja kongrue (prikladnog uzdržavanja svećenika) u Vrhbosanskoj nadbiskupiji, odnosno Bosni i Hercegovini u vremenu od 1882. do 1910. po uzoru na ostale zemlje Monarhije, tj. uz dogovor s državnim vlastima. U prvom poglavlju obrađeni su Stadlerovi pokušaji oko uvođenja kongrue od 1882. do 1901. U drugom poglavlju obrađeni su pokušaji rješenja ovoga pitanja u sklopu rješavanja tzv. "katoličke autonomije". U trećem poglavlju opisan je pokušaj rješenja u dogovoru sa Zemaljskom vladom te u četvrtom pokušaj rješenja preko Svete Stolice. Usprkos svim Stadlerovim pokušajima, koji su trajali gotovo neprestano, u različitom intenzitetu, kongrua na kraju nije uvedena zbog protivljenja franjevaca koji su procijenili da bi njezinim uvođenjem više izgubili nego dobili., The paper deals with Archbishop Stadler's efforts regarding the introduction and regulation of congrua (adequate support for priests), first in the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Vrhbosna (and Banja Luka till 1884) and later in the entire Ecclesiastical Province of Vrhbosna in the period from 1882 to 1910 following the example of other Monarchy countries, i.e. in the agreement with the state authorities. The first chapter deals with Stadler's attempts to introduce congrua from 1882 to 1901. Throughout this period, he tried to solve the problem in agreement with the Bosnian Franciscans, who almost exclusively, especially at the beginning, comprised the pastoral clergy of the mentioned Dioceses, as well as with the suffragan bishops. He had acceptable support from the bishop, but the problem was not solved because Bosnian Franciscans were not interested for its solving. The second chapter deals with the attempts to solve this issue in the framework of addressing the so called "Catholic autonomy". They lasted from 1905 to 1909. Joint minister of finances, I. Burián was at his disposal then, as well as the agreement of the suffragan bishops, but he did not have the consent of the Franciscan Province of Bosnia administration that requested "parity" in relation to bishops regarding making decisions for introduction and distribution of congrua. As that was contrary to canon law for Stadler, it was unacceptable for Bishop Marković. Stadler then suggested to the government a draft of the congrua arrangement that was very close to the Franciscan attitude, but since the government did not accept the entire autonomy project, they also did not accept the proposal of the congrua arrangement. In June 1909 Stadler had a new proposal for the government regarding the congrua arrangement. He had a consent of Bishop Marković, but not of Bishop Buconjić and Bosnian Franciscans. At that moment it was clear why Franciscans were rejecting congrua. They thought that their incomes would be decreased with the introduction of congrua, which could endanger the existence of their monasteries and educational institutes. The third chapter deals with Stadler's attempt to make the agreement with the Land Government regarding the congrua introduction. When it was seen that the congrua could not be introduced for all the clergy due to oppositions of the Franciscans and Bishop Buconjić, the Government, who thought this issue should be solved, suggested Stadler to limit introduction of congrua only on secular clergy. Although Stadler made some steps in that sense (sent to the government reports of diocesan parishes as the confirmation that the faithful wanted congrua instead of parish-priest fees) conditions set by the government or ministries from Vienna were not eventually acceptable for Stadler. Namely, the minister required that the lay faithful, who should be taxed, have a decisive role in the congrua arrangement, as it was the case with the Serbian Orthodox and Muslims. According to Stadler that was against canonical norms. The fourth and the last chapter deals with Stadler's efforts to make pressures on Franciscans through the Holy See and that they ask for the introduction of congrua. The Holy See estimated that this issue caused division among the clergy in Bosnia and Herzegovina and decided to examine it before making final decision. He entrusted the issue to Apostolic Delegate P. Bastien, whom he sent to Sarajevo at the end of 1910.

Bježeći pred turskim napadima franjevci Provincije Bosne Srebrene napuštaju otok Visovac i na savjet općeg providura Leonarda Foscola dolaze u Šibenik 1648. godine. Njihova prvotna ideja je bila da se nastane na otoku Žirju ili u Skradinu, no zbog pošasti kuge koja je u to vrijeme vladala gradom odlučili su ostati i pomagati stanovništvu. Samostansku crkvu svetog Lovre grade 1655. godine, a radi se o jednostavnoj jednobrodnoj građevini propovjedničkog tipa sa zvonikom na kojoj vidimo poznatu franjevačku težnju za strogošću i čistoćom umjetničkih oblika te uporabu skromne dekoracije i nerazmetljivih formi. Što se tiče njene unutrašnjosti ona je svoj današnji izgled polako počela dobivati 70-ih godina XVIII. stoljeća kada su franjevci odlučili sagraditi nove oltare, a tijekom svoje povijesti sakupili su i veliki broj umjetničkih djela. Rad donosi povijest Provincije Presvetog Otkupitelja, okolnosti dolaska franjevaca u Šibenik i njihovu ulogu Kandijskom ratu te povijest gradnje crkve i njeno sadašnje stanje, dok je najveći fokus stavljen na katalog u kojem su obrađena umjetnička djela koje se danas nalaze u crkvi kao i ona za koje se sa sigurnošću zna da su izvorno stajala u crkvi. Fleeing the Turkish attacks, the Franciscans of the Province of Bosna Srebrena left the island of Visovac and came to Šibenik in 1648 on the advice of the general providor Leonard Foscolo. Their original idea was to settle in Skradin or on the island of Žirje, but due to the plague that ruled the city at the time, they decided to stay and help the population. The monastery church of St. Lawrence was built in 1655, and it is a simple single-nave building of the preaching type with a bell tower where we see the famous Franciscan aspiration for rigor and purity of art forms and the use of modest decoration and unobtrusive forms. As for its interior, it slowly began to take on its present appearance in the 70s years of 18 century when the Franciscans decided to build new altars, and during their history they collected a large number of works of art. The thesis brings the history of the Province of the Most Holy Redeemer, the circumstances of the arrival of the Franciscans in Šibenik, their role in the War of Candia, the history of church building and its current state, while the greatest focus is placed on the catalog which deals with works of art that are in the church today as well as those that are known for sure to have originally stood in the church.

U radu su prikazani hodočasnici iz Španjolske, odnosno njezinih nekadašnjih kraljevstava Kastilje, Aragonije, Navare, te Portugala koji su prošli hrvatskim krajevima i gradovima na Jadranu tijekom plovidbe u Svetu zemlju. Kratko su prikazana politička i vjerska zbivanja na tom prostoru te stavljena u korelaciju s istovjetnim fenomenom u ostatku Europe. Opisani su njihovi motivi za odlazak, staleška pripadnost te doživljaji tijekom putovanja. Osim geografskih i političkih specifičnosti, koje su najviše utjecale na njihovu brojnost, primjetna je niska zastupljenost građanstva. Relativno dobru zastupljenost pisanih svjedočanstava ne prati razmjeran broj kontakata s osobama iz hrvatskih krajeva, a od toga odstupaju pripadnici franjevačkoga reda glede pojedinih zaslužnih članova zajednice u Jeruzalemu. Ukupan dojam govori da su španjolski i portugalski hodočasnički zapisi u usporedbi s djelima drugih hodočasnika kasnoga srednjeg vijeka i ranoga novog doba najviše usmjereni na Jeruzalem i ostala sveta mjesta, pa su tranzitni krajevi ostali zakinuti u tekstovima., Pilgrims from the Iberian Peninsula, from the kingdoms of Castile, Aragon, Navarre, and Portugal, were an indispensable part of European pilgrimages from Venice to Palestine from the very beginning of travels to the Holy Land (a total of 85 persons have been recorded from the lands of the Spanish Crown and 68 of those have been identified; 60 of them came from Portugal, 32 of them known by name). This is evidenced by Venetian state and chronicler records, but above all by the relatively numerous travelogues (6 Spanish and 3 Portuguese authors have been analyzed). Motivated by deep and sincere religious feelings, of which one finds confirmation in their writings as well as in general biographies, they set out from all parts of their countries on this expensive, tiresome, and too often perilous sea voyage. Very similar to the German or French pilgrims, they came from all walks of life, but persons from ecclesiastical circles prevailed from the mid-16th century. Somewhat surprising is the large number of women, which generally differs from the situation in other ethnic groups. Due to their choice of Venice as the port of departure, they had to sail along the Croatian Adriatic coast. Some, however, used new geographical discoveries and came to Jerusalem from the east, visiting the Adriatic cities only on their return. Depending on the type of vessel (galley or one of the proper sailing ships – koka, nava, or galijun) and the official or business tasks of the ship owner, they docked in various ports from Poreč to Dubrovnik. And while members of the nobility recorded secular curiosities, with a noticeable liking for “miracles”, the clergy placed considerable emphasis on the religious situation. In this respect, what united them was their surprise at the encounter with Glagolitic liturgy (the question is what impressed them more – the Mass in Zadar or the singing in Jerusalem). St Jerome was recognized as a strong link between his native Dalmatia and the distant Iberian lands. The political reality was quite astutely perceived and the pilgrims knew about all various changes – the attitude of Dubrovnik towards the Holy Roman Empire, the Venetian territories from Istria to Boka, and the intolerance between Venice and the Dubrovnik Republic – but the political Croatia escaped their observations. The rise of the Ottoman Empire as a deadly threat to the Christian world, which they were also aware of in their own homeland, became evident to them in the Adriatic. There are two realistic accounts, albeit contradictory, of Dubrovnik’s military prowess and its reliance on the power of Spain. As for the other cities, Pula seems to have been especially interesting to them due to its monumental ancient monuments (the amphitheatre and the theatre), where the pilgrims recalled various characters from stories and books whose themes were pan-European and present also with the Germans, the French, and others. But they also experienced the dark images of decay in the city. Contacts with the Croatian folk and individuals were not numerous, but the travellers remained impressed by the exceptional hospitality of the poor inhabitants of Ilovik, as well as the knowledge and skills of Croatian sailors, among whom Petar Fazanić from Hvar excelled. One should also mention an impressive account of the activities of Fr Boniface of Lopud, a multiple custodian of Jerusalem, for which his Franciscan brethren were credited, an opinion that our pilgrims shared with those from other countries. As is only to be expected, Spanish and Portuguese travelogue writers also left numerous notes on the weather conditions in the Adriatic. This paper ends with the outbreak of the Candian War (1645), which roughly coincides with the end of the Thirty Years’ War (1648). These two armed conflicts marked the final demise of the Venetian Republic and pushed Spain and Portugal in the background, while at the same time pilgrimages became more of a private matter and travelling to the Levant (and incidentally to Palestine) was completely secularized, acquiring adventurous or scientific features.

Povijest Našica može se pratiti od 13. stoljeća, odnosno od prvog spomena grada, a do dolaska obitelji Pejačević u 18. stoljeću ključnu ulogu u razvoju grada imali su franjevci koji su u središtu mjesta podigli crkvu sa samostanom oko koje je započelo formiranje trga ljevkastog oblika na kojemu je započela izgradnja najprije trošnih kuća od slabih materijala, a kasnije i onih od čvršćih materijala. Uz franjevce, veliki značaj imala je i obitelj Aba koja je poticala naseljavanje ljudi iz raznih krajeva koji su potom kroz razvoj trgovine i obrta pridonosili i razvoju samoga grada. Za prodora Turaka, pod čijom su vlašću Našice bile 155 godina, bio je prekinut daljnji gospodarski razvoj grada. Nedugo nakon uspostavljanja habsburške vlasti, našički posjed dolazi u vlasništvo obitelj Pejačević i tada započinje novo razdoblje koje je obilježeno intenzivnom izgradnjom u 19. stoljeću koja se kasnije nastavila još intenzivnije i kroz cijelo 20. stoljeće. U 19. stoljeću započinje razvoj Našica kao trgovišta kroz doseljavanje brojnih trgovaca i obrtnika među kojima su se posebno isticali Židovi koji su uz gradnju stambenih i stambeno-poslovnih objekata dali podići i jednu od najljepših sinagoga u Hrvatskoj. Na potezu od novoizgrađenog dvorca obitelji Pejačević do franjevačke crkve i samostana grade se prizemnice i jednokatnice javne i stambeno-poslovne namjene u historicističkom stilu. Osim u užem centru grada, cijeli niz historicističkih objekata izgrađen je u tada najstarijim ulicama koje danas nose naziv Ulica J. J. Strossmayera, Ulica kralja Tomislava te Ulica braće Radića. U 20. stoljeću dolazi do najvećih promjena u Našicama, i u urbanom razvitku i u arhitekturi. Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata izgrađen je velik broj javnih i stambenih objekata u samom centru grada, ali i šire. Vinogradi i hrastove šume ustupaju mjesto novim ulicama, dok se najstarije ulice dalje proširuju. Glavni našički trg polako dobiva svoje današnje lice izgradnjom zgrade Gradske uprave i Policijske postaje, Kreditne banke, robne kuće te novog hotela „Park“. Od ostalih javnih građevina svakako valja spomenuti i novu osnovnu i srednju školu u Ulici Augusta Cesarca, novi dječji vrtić, dom zdravlja, bolnicu, poštu, šumariju, veterinarsku stanicu te novu zgradu željezničkog kolodvora. Uz snažnu stambenu izgradnju u periodu nakon Drugog svjetskog rata grad Našice preoblikovan je u potpuno funkcionalan grad intenzivnog razvoja koji se nastavlja sve do danas. The history of Našice dates back to the 13th century – that is, to the town’s first mention. Up until the arrival of the Pejačević family in the 18th century, the Franciscans played a key role in the town’s development – they built a church with a monastery in the town center around which a funnel-shaped square started developing. The first houses erected around the square were dilapidated, built with weak and inferior materials, with the solid material houses appearing later on. Besides the Franciscans, the Aba family was of great importance to the town – they encouraged the immigration of people from all over the region, which in turn prompted the development of trade and crafts, that way contributing to the general development of the town. During the Ottoman invasion (Našice had been under their authority for 155 years) further economic development of the town was interrupted. Not long after the establishment of Habsburg rule Našice became a property of the Pejačević family. It was a period characterized by intensive construction development in the 19th century, and an even more intensive one in the 20th century. In the 19th century, Našice began developing as a market town, assisted by the immigration of primarily Jewish merchants and craftsmen which, in addition to building many residential and commercial establishments, erected one of the most lavish synagogues in Croatia. During that time, many single-story public, residential and commercial Historicist houses were constructed in the area stretching from the newly-built Pejačević castle to the Franciscan church and monastery. A series of Historicist buildings was erected not only in the very center of the town, but on its oldest streets as well – today they are called the Josip Juraj Strossmayer Street, King Tomislav Street and Radić Brothers Street. The 20th century brings about the biggest changes in Našice, both in urban development as well as architecture. After World War II, a large number of public and residential buildings was erected in the town center as well the surrounding areas. Vineyards and oak forests gave way to new streets while the older ones were expanded. With the construction of the town hall, the police station, the bank, the department store and the new hotel “Park”, the main square of Našice slowly assumed its current look. Among other things, it is worth mentioning the construction of a new elementary and high school in August Cesarec Street, a new kindergarten, a community health center, a hospital, a post office, a forestry, a veterinary clinic and a new train station building. Thanks to intensive residential construction after World War II, the town of Našice has been reshaped into an entirely functional town with its development continuing to this day.

Hrvatski astronom, matematičar, geodet, povjesničar i preporoditelj Mirko Danijel Bogdanić (Virovitica, 5. studenoga 1760. – Budim, 31. siječnja 1802.) ostavio je veliki trag u hrvatskoj ranomodernoj povijesti i povijesti egzaktnih znanosti u Hrvata. Jedan je od najpoznatijih prirodoslovnih matematičara Habsburške Monarhije, kojega je znameniti Ivan Paskvić proglasio prvim matematičarem Monarhije. Iako je ostao upamćen kao voditelj astronomsko-kartografske ekspedicije za izradu geografske karte Ugarske i susjednih zemalja Jánosa Lipszkog te pokretač prvih pretpreporodnih novina na hrvatskome jeziku, o Bogdaniću u hrvatskoj historiografiji do danas ne postoje integralna i interdisciplinarna znanstvena istraživanja. U ovom će se izlaganju temeljem raščlambe Bogdanićeva karijernog životopisa istražiti njegov odgojno-obrazovni razvoj od pučkoškolca i učenika zagrebačkoga kolegija do jednoga od najpoznatijih profesora Peštanskoga sveučilišta krajem XVIII. stoljeća. Posebna pažnja u izlaganju pridat će se interpretaciji i raščlambi razvoja pučkoga školstva u ranomodernomu dobu u hrvatskim zemljama u okrilju franjevačkoga i isusovačkoga kulturnog kruga te kruga znamenitih hrvatskih učenjaka na peštanskome sveučilištu u drugoj polovici XVIII. stoljeća. Time će se na jedinstvenom slučaju prikazati intelektualnoga ishodišta jednoga kontinentalnoga hrvatskoga učenjaka u kontekstu političke, društvene, kulturne i intelektualne povijesti hrvatskih zemalja u Stoljeću razuma.

U radu se analizira djelo Grgura Peštalića koji se za vrijeme kuge koja je zahvatila Srijem 1795. godine nalazio u Vukovaru kao franjevački gvardijan. Čovjek različitih znanstvenih interesa piše o kugi kao edukator, tj. posrednik između lokalnog stanovništva i države koja u suradnji s crkvom pokušava obuzdati epidemiju. Njegovo djelo relativno je nepoznat izvor, osobito u kontekstu promatranja historijske epidemiologije, a ovaj rad pokušat će ukazati na njegovu vrijednost i u tom aspektu. Osim društveno-političke kontekstualizacije, uspoređuje se Peštalićevo tumačenje kuge i predložene protuepidemijske mjere s onim državnima., The poetic work of Grgur Peštalić, the Franciscan friar who witnessed the plague epidemic in Syrmia in 1795, is a valuable source in historiography for various reasons. The main aspect and perspective he offered by exploring a specific case of the plague in this work is dominantly historical-imagological. Particularly discussed in this work are the similarities and dissimilarities of the anti-epidemic measures Peštalić put forward in his work and those suggested by the state. In terms of similarities and dissimilarities it has been assessed whether there was a cooperation between church and state for anti-epidemic purposes; in addition to this, the work is a source that testifies to everyday life during the plague and to the social-political context. Precisely this context and the specificity of the area where the epidemic broke out have been an important factor in the research into the topic of this work. The role of Peštalić as a Franciscan has been examined as well as his activities as a member of the clergy and as a mediator between the local community and the government that was distant from the peripheral area affected by the plague.

Ovaj je članak nastao povodom 85. rođendana dr. sc. Stanka Škunce (rođen 1937.) i donosi osnovne informacije glede njegova životnog i profesionalnog puta. Škuncina aktivnost u dosadašnjem radu bila je usmjerena, osim u redovničko-pastoralnoj dimenziji kao člana Reda male braće sv. Franje, ujedno na autorskom polju kao klasičnog filologa, povjesničara i publicista. Sastavni dio članka je kratak osvrt na Škuncine monografske publikacije, a potom se donosi popis njegovih izabranih objavljenih radova u razdoblju od 1971. do 2021. godine., The article was written on the occasion of the 85th anniversary of the birth of Dr. sc. Stanko Škunca (*1937), and provides general information about his life and professional career. As a member of the Order of Friars Minor of St. Francis, Škunca’s activities were mainly directed towards the monastic and pastoral dimension. However, as an author, Škunca also worked as a classical philologist, historian and publicist. Part of the article is devoted to the evaluation of Škunca’s monographic editions, and at the end the reader can find a selected bibliography of Škunca’s published works in the period from 1971 to 2021.

U prilogu je riječ o životnom putu i djelovanju najvažnijega povjesničara franjevačke provincije Bosne Srebrene fra Julijana Jelenića, autora, između ostaloga, velikih povijesnih sinteza "Kultura i bosanski franjevci" te "Povijest Hristove crkve".

Na temelju dostupne arhivske građe i dodatnih izvora iz literature, u radu se sa sociolingvističkog aspekta u kontekstu imenovanja jezika i jezičkog identiteta pristupa analizi udžbenika bosanskih franjevaca Ambrože Matića i Augustina Miletića, kao primjercima iz korpusa naše početne udžbeničke literature, one koja se odnosi na rani period ili na sami početak bosanskohercegovačkog školstva savremenog (modernijeg) tipa, s ciljem sagledavanja identitarnih jezičkih pitanja koja su u uskoj vezi i s pitanjem narodnog identiteta. Polazna osnova je program državne (franjevačke) osnovne škole u Tolisi (Orašje), još od 1823. godine, na osnovu čega se može govoriti o značajnom jubileju kojim se danas mogu obilježiti dva stoljeća jedne naročito važne tradicije: zvanični bosanski jezik u počecima (u ranom periodu) modernog bh. školstva. Ovdje ćemo analizirati udžbenike s početka XIX stoljeća, u vrijeme kada još nisu zaživjeli procesi nacionalizacije i značajnijeg međusobnog identitarnog udaljavanja domaćeg stanovništva., Based on the available archival material and additional literature, this paper approaches the analysis of the textbooks of the Bosnian Franciscans Ambroža Matić and Augustin Miletić from the sociolinguistic aspect in the context of language naming and linguistic identity. The textbooks serve as examples from the corpus of our initial textbook literature referring to the early period or the very beginning of the contemporary (more modern) type of public schooling in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with the aim of looking at identitarian language issues closely related to the issue of national identity. The starting point is the curriculum of the state (Franciscan) primary school in Tolisa (Orašje) from 1823, on the basis of which we can speak of a significant jubilee that today marks two centuries of a particularly important tradition: the official Bosnian language at the beginning (in the early period) of modern public schooling in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Furthermore, the paper shall analyze textbooks from the beginning of the 19th century, at a time when the processes of nationalization and significant mutual identitarian alienation of the local population had not yet taken root.

Tiskarstvo u Osijeku zaživjelo je dolaskom franjevaca i osnutkom prve tiskare na tom području 1735. godine. Franjevcima je bilo dopušteno u samostanu otvoriti malu tiskaru za potrebe provincije. Pojava prve tiskare u Osijeku povezana je umnogome s društvenim i političkim prilikama ondašnjega grada, koji se nakon odlaska Turaka polako pretvarao u urbano središte Slavonije. Otvaranje škola i visokoga učilišta ostavilo je traga i u prvim naslovima tiskovina osječkih profesora, ali i studenata. Franjevci su iznimno cijenili knjigu te su franjevačke knjižnice i prve organizirane knjižne zbirke u nas. Najstarija izdanja osječkih franjevaca čuvaju se u Zavičajnoj zbirci Essekiana Muzeja Slavonije, ali i u franjevačkim knjižnicama Hrvatske franjevačke provincije sv. Ćirila i Metoda. Prepoznavanje i vrjednovanje franjevačkih knjižnih zbirki preduvjet je za proučavanje kulturne povijesti Osijeka i Slavonije., Printing in Osijek began with the arrival of the Franciscans and the establishment of the first printing house in the area in 1735. The Franciscans were allowed to open a small printing house in the monastery for the needs of the province. The emergence of the first printing house in Osijek is largely linked to the social and political circumstances in the city at the time, which after the departure of the Turks was slowly transforming into the urban center of Slavonia. The opening of schools and higher education institutions left a mark on the first titles of printed works by Osijek professors, but also students. The Franciscans had great appreciation for the book, and the Franciscan libraries were the first organized book collections in our country. The oldest editions of the Osijek Franciscans are kept in the Museum of Slavonia’s Native Collection Essekiana, as well as in the Franciscan libraries of the Croatian Franciscan Province of St. Cyril and Methodius. Recognizing and evaluating Franciscan book collections is essential for studying the cultural history of Osijek and Slavonia.

Članak pod naslovom Ekumenska bibliografija u časopisu Nova revija (1922. – 1941.) uz uvod i zaključak, podijeljen je na tri dijela. U uvodu autor ukratko piše o nastanku časopisa Nova revija. Prvo poglavlje posvećeno je detaljnoj ekumenskoj bibliografiji časopisa i to od 1922. do 1941. godine, dakle od početka pa do prestanka izlaženja. U ostalim poglavljima autor donosi grupiranje ekumenske bibliografije po pojedinim teološkim i ekumenskim temama te ih autor nakon toga predstavlja i analizira. Obrađene su tri teme: Prva svjetska konferencija praktičnog kršćanstva u Švedskoj, Euharistija i Pitanje papinstva. Autorov je zaključak da su svi tekstovi u skladu s ondašnjim stavom Katoličke Crkve, teološkim postavkama i promišljanjima onoga vremena te da svi skupa promiču ekumenizam povratka, a što je i bila tendencija u pred-saborskoj katoličkoj ekumenskoj teologiji.

Bosna i Hercegovina je već stoljećima dodirna točka katoličanstva, pravoslavlja i islama. Nakon okupacije Austro-Ugarske Monarhije 1878. godine, Katolička crkva nastoji uspostaviti redovnu crkvenu hijerarhiju, a provođenje tog plana prepušta dr. Josipu Stadleru, profesoru i novoimenovanom nadbiskupu. Josip Stadler po dolasku u Bosnu i Hercegovinu uočava mnoge nedostatke i nepravilnosti u dotadašnjoj crkvenoj organizaciji te nastoji napraviti sveobuhvatnu reformu. U svojoj djelatnosti nailazi na nerazumijevanje i otpor franjevačkog reda, zatvorenost i napade pravoslavnog stanovništva te ravnodušnost muslimanskog naroda., Bosnia and Herzegovina has been a contact point between Catholicism, Orthodoxy and Islam for centuries. After the occupation of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1878, the Catholic Church sought to establish a regular church hierarchy, leaving the implementation of this plan to Dr. Josip Stadler, a professor and new archbishop. Upon his arrival in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Josip Stadler noticed many shortcomings and irregularities in the previous church organization and tried to make a comprehensive reform. In his activity he encounters misunderstanding and resistance of the Franciscan order, closedness and attacks of the Orthodox population and indifference of the Muslim people.

Imotska okolica je pod osmanskom vladavinom bila nešto više od dva stoljeća, a Osmanlije su ostavili traga na ovom prostoru u dokumentima koje je izrađivala osmanska uprava. Ti dokumenti su prije svega defteri u kojima su popisivana neka sela i nahije koji se nalaze na prostoru šire imotske okolice. Takvi dokumenti imaju financijski karakter i primarna svrha im je bila vođenje računa o osmanskom poreznom sustavu, pogotovo jer su različiti porezi bili glavni prihod osmanskoj blagajni. U radu su prikazani defteri iz različitih vremenskih razdoblja (1477., 1585. i 1701. godine), kao i usporedba nekih sela koja se ponavljaju u različitim defterima. Jedno od pitanja je i ubikacija sela navedenih u tim defterima, kao i prikaz suprotstavljenih mišljenja o ubikaciji sela. Osim samih deftera, u radu su prikazani i neki osmanski dokumenti u kojima se spominju franjevci iz Imotskog, odnosno iz samostana na Otoku. U tim je dokumentima prikazano kakav je bio odnos lokalnih vlasti prema franjevcima, ponekad lošiji odnosi franjevaca i muslimanskog stanovništva, kao i nešto o samom samostanu (npr. dozvole o popravcima). Međutim, franjevački bjegovi iz Imotskoga svjedoče o tome da je suživot franjevaca i osmanskih vlasti ponekada bio iznimno težak. Oslobađanjem Imotskoga 1717. godine iz imotske okolice odlazi i velik broj muslimana, a staro stanovništvo se, predvođeno franjevcima, ponovno vraća., Area of Imotski was under Ottoman rule for more than two centuries and in that time Ottomans left their mark through documents made by Ottoman administration. Those documents are mainly defterler which registered villages and nahiyas located on Imotski area. Those documents are of financial nature and their main role was to keep Ottoman tax system under control, especially because various taxes were main source of income to Ottoman treasury. This paper shows defterler from different time periods (1477., 1585. and 1701.) and comparisons between some of the villages which are registered in different defterler. One of the questions raised from Ottoman defterler is location of some of the villages and some authors have different answers on that question. Besides defterler, this paper shows some Ottoman documents directed towards Franciscians from Imotski who lived in the monastery „on the Island“. Those documents show how local authorities treated Franciscians, as well as sometimes bad relations between Franciscians and Muslim population. Besides that, these documents say something about monastery itself (various repairs on buildings, etc.). Franciscian flights from Imotski are proving that coexistence between Franciscians and Ottoman administration was very difficult at times. With the liberation of Imotski from Ottoman rule in 1717. majority of Muslims left this area, while local population led by Franciscians started coming back.

Autor raspravlja o arhitekturi izvornog oblika crkve i samostana Sv. Frane u Za- dru te njihovom preoblikovanju u vremenu gotike i renesanse. Analizom objavljenih povijesnih podataka i sačuvanih graditeljskih elemenata zaključuje da je do danas očuvana matrica kompleksa nastala u vremenu od sredine 13. do početka 14. stolje- ća kada su izgrađene crkva i sakristija te s njima samostanska krila i prvotni klaustar. Bitnu tipološku odliku crkve čini njezin troapsidalni začelni sklop koji autor dovo- di u vezu s gotičkom arhitekturom franjevaca i dominikanaca iz Umbrije i Veneta 13. stoljeća. Sakristija, u kojoj je 1358. godine potpisan Zadarski mir, bila je ujedno kapela Sv. Ludovika i kapitularna dvorana. Njeno znatno preuređenje te opremanje kora i svetišta crkve uslijedilo je potkraj 14. stoljeća kada je samostan odlukom ge- neralnog kapitula u Kölnu 1393. godine postao sjedište franjevačke Provincije sv. Je- ronima u Dalmaciji. Preuređenje kora okončano je sredinom 15. stoljeća izgradnjom Dalmatinčeva podiuma na mjestu pretpostavljene ranije pregrade., The author discusses the architecture of the church and the monastery of St Francis in Zadar in their original form, and their transformation during the Gothic and Renais- sance periods. Based on an analysis of published historical sources and the preserved architectural elements, it has been concluded that the extant structure of the complex emerged between the mid-13th and the early 14th century, when the church and the sacristy were built, as well as the monastery wings and the original cloister. An impor- tant typological feature of the church is its three-apse rear structure, which the author brings into connection with the Gothic architecture of Franciscans and Dominicans from Umbria and Veneto during the 13th century. The sacristy, in which the Peace of Zadar was signed in 1358, was also a chapel of St Louis and the chapter hall. Its sig- nificant rearrangement, with the furnishing of the choir and the sanctuary, took place at the end of the 14th century, when the General Chapter in Cologne proclaimed the monastery the seat of the Franciscan province of St Jerome for Dalmatia in 1393. The choir rebuilding was completed by the mid-15th century with the construction of Gior- gio da Sebenico’s podium on the site of the presumed earlier railing.

U emisiji se govori o povijesti Svetišta Gospe Sinjske (osobito dolazak franjevaca iz Rame 1687., Sinjskom ratu iz 1715., gradnji crkve i samostana) ; o tristotoj obljetnici slavne obrane Sinja (1715. – 2015.) i tristotoj obljetnici krunjenja Slike Čudotvorne Gospe Sinjske (1716. – 2016.) te o evangelizacijskom djelovanju franjevaca u Sinju i Cetinskoj krajini.

Članak prati epidemijski val kuge koji je krenuo 1679. iz austrijske prema slovenskoj Štajerskoj te preko Ptuja i Varaždina dalje pravcima prema Podravini i Hrvatskome zagorju stigao do Markuševca i drugih sela na zagrebačkome području. Opis bolesti i njeno razorno djelovanje u ptujskom kraju donosi se preko jedinstvenoga sačuvanog izvora, pjesme o kugi hajdinskog župnika Jurija Hauptmaniča. Fokusirajući se zatim na zagrebačku situaciju u ljeto i jesen 1682. te početak 1683, članak analizira isusovačke i franjevačke izvore, banska pisma, odluke gradečkog magistrata kao i gospodarske pokazatelje te zaključuje da je pravilnim kriznim upravljanjem izbjegnut prodor epidemije u grad. Članak pritom ispravlja neka dosadašnja mišljenja u historiografiji, prema kojima bi bolest bila prisutna i u Gradecu. Izvori, međutim, pokazuju da je ona ostala ograničena na franjevački samostan na Kaptolu te su jedine žrtve četvorica tamošnjih fratara u kolovozu i rujnu 1682. The paper follows the epidemic wave which spread in 1679 from Austrian towards Slovenian Styria, and then, continuing through Ptuj and Varaždin, moved in the directions of Podravina and Croatian Zagorje, reaching Markuševac and other villages in the Zagreb region. A description of the disease and its devastating impact on the Ptuj region is taken from a unique and preserved source, the Latin poem about the plague by the Hajdina parish pastor, Jurij Hauptmanič. The paper then focuses on the situation in Zagreb in the summer and autumn of 1682 and the beginning of 1683, analysing Jesuit and Franciscan sources, the Croatian Viceroy’s letters, decisions by the Gradec City Council, as well as economic indicators. The paper concludes that the epidemic’s penetration of the city was avoided by proper crisis management. In doing so, the paper rectifies certain hitherto expressed views in historiography, according to which the plague was also present in Gradec. Sources, however, show that it remained restricted to the Franciscan monastery at Kaptol, and that the only victims were four friars in that very monastery, in August and September 1682. They were Franciscan students, sent to Varaždin, where they were infected by the plague (or possibly during mendication in the villages), and they died shortly after returning to the monastery at Kaptol. Some of the Franciscans scattered whilst some stayed in the Kaptol monastery, but two escaped to the Poor Clares’ convent at Gradec. On 4 September 1682, the Croatian Viceroy ordered that both the Monastery and the Convent be placed under heavy guard. The doors of the Kaptol monastery were to be bricked up, and the Gradec convent was to be locked, while ensuring the delivery of food and water. The Gradec City Council implemented the Viceroy’s orders, but did not introduce additional measures apart from ordering citizens to keep guard at the city gates while they were open during the day, and that all vagrants and vagabonds be immediately put to employment in the city or banished. The Viceroy left open the city’s ports on the border river of Sava, with strict adherence to the precautionary measures. The measures taken were adequate, because, apart from the Franciscan victims, nobody got infected in either Gradec or Kaptol. The disease remained restricted to a few surrounding villages. At the behest of the Jesuits, the Viceroy ordered that schools could again be opened on 12 January 1683, which essentially announced the end of the epidemic in the Zagreb region.

U 18. stoljeću nastupa zlatno dobra bosanskih franjevačkih kronika. Za potrebe ovog rada ograničili smo se na tri djela bosanskih franjevaca. To su Ljetopis Nikole Lašvanina, Ljetopis sutješkog samostana Bone Benića te Pregled starina Bosanske provincije Filipa Lastrića. Prikazani su njihovi životopisi te se analiziraju sadržaji njihovih djela. Nakon predstavljanja odabranih kronika, pristupilo se analizi sadržaja vezanog uz srednjovjekovno razdoblje. Primijećeno je kako su sve kronike posebne na svoj način te da svaka u nekoj mjeri sadrži podatke iz razdoblja srednjeg vijeka. Autore u najvećoj mjeri zanima povijest Crkve i povijest Bosne. 18th century is the golden age of the chonicles written by Bosnian Franciscans. In this paper we limited our research to three different works of Bosnian Franciscans. Those are Ljetopis by Nikola Lašvanin, Ljetopis sutješkog samostana by Bono Benić and Pregled starina Bosanske provincije by Filip Lastrić. This paper presents their biographies and examines contents of their works. After learning about these chronicles we are searching for contents connected to medieval period. These three chronicles are unique in their own ways but all of them contain informations about the Middle Ages. Authors show the most interest for ecclesiastical and Bosnian history.

Katoličku Crkvu u BiH potresali su brojni crkveni, politički i ljudski sukobi od 1908. do 1914. koji su se održavali u već kroničnu sukobu između nadbiskupa Stadlera i bosanskih franjevaca oko raspodjele i odstupanja župa, u osnivanju i podupiranju političkih društava: Hrvatske narodne zajednice (HNZ) te od 1910. i Hrvatske katoličke udruge (HKU). Kao dodatne i logične posljedice pojavit će se i sukobi franjevaca s dijecezanskim klerom i isusovcima. Hrvatska svjetovna inteligencija, koja se pojavljuje početkom 20. stoljeća u BiH i traži svoje prikladno mjesto u bh. društvu između dva već postojeća i suprotstavljena klerikalna pola i interesne sfere, nadbiskupa Stadlera i bh. franjevaca, odlučit će se većinom za franjevačku stranu. Cijeli sukob dobit će oblike kako unutarhrvatskoga tako i unutarkatoličkoga sukoba, koji će u studenom 1910. potaknuti Svetu Stolicu, nakon brojnih prispjelih pritužbi u Rim, na poduzimanje crkveno-pravnih mjera, blaže forme apostolske vizitacije, sa svrhom da utvrdi činjenično stanje, izmiri zavađene strane, zabrani međusobno napadanje i vrijeđanje preko javnoga tiska i anonimnih brošura te uspostavi nužno potrebnu ljudsku, vjersku i političku suradnju. Ovi vjerski, politički i svjetonazorski sukobi u BiH među katolicima Hrvatima, premda nose u sebi, bez sumnje, autohtone bh. obrise, nastale poslije uvođenjem redovite biskupske hijerarhije, istovremeno su manja ili veća varijanta brojnijih i dubljih rascjepa koji su bili prisutni u društvu i u Crkvi ostalih hrvatskih zemalja: Banske Hrvatske, Dalmacije i Istre te susjednih srednjoeuropskih zemalja. Na kraju prvoga dijela ovog opširnijeg istraživanja, autor prilaže 19 dokumenata na talijanskom, latinskom i njemačkom jeziku, koji su prethodili pohodu i koji rasvjetljuju još dublje uzroke, početak i značenje apostolskoga pohoda Katoličkoj Crkvi u BiH. Za vrijeme apostolskoga pohoda nastat će brojni i važni drugi dokumenti na hrvatskom, latinskom, talijanskom, njemačkom i francuskom jeziku, koji će biti uzeti u obzir i po mogućnosti biti objavljeni u drugom dijelu ovog istraživanja. Izvori koji osvjetljuju ovaj važan događaj u Katoličkoj Crkvi u BiH u razdoblju od 1908. do 1914. veoma su brojni i pohranjeni su u tri različita fonda Vatikanskog Apostolskog arhiva. Osim Vatikanskog arhiva važan arhivski materijal čuvaju arhivski fondovi Zajedničkoga ministarstva financija u Beču i Zemaljske vlade u Sarajevu, danas pohranjeni u Arhivu BiH u Sarajevu, fondovi Ministarstva vanjskih poslova u Političkom arhivu Dvorskog i Državnog arhiva u Beču. Arhivski fondovi vjerskih institucija: Vrhbosanske nadbiskupije, Banjolučke i Mostarske biskupije, Franjevačkih provincija u Sarajevu i Mostaru, Družbe Isusove i Družbe sestara Služavki maloga Isusa u Zagrebu, premda bogati po sadržaju nisu, na žalost, još dovoljno prilagođeni standardnim potrebama istraživača., The three-year confrontations, conflicts and struggles in the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) (1908-1910) bore ecclesiastical, moral, political and ethnic characteristics typical of the Catholic BiH environment. The main actors were the Bosnian Franciscans, Archbishop of Vrhbosna Stadler, a young Croatian lay intelligentsia, gathered in the political organization HNZ, hungry and thirsty for political and social success, and Stadler's organization HKU, also hungry and thirsty for political affirmation. For centuries, the main ecclesiastical, cultural and political factor among Catholics - with the exception of the Diocese of Trebinje - within the borders of today's BiH, which no one should have ignored, were the Franciscans. After the definitive removal of the Dominicans with the help of Pope John XXII of Avignon in 1330, the Franciscans took over de facto pastoral care for Catholics in the Banate of Bosnia, the Kingdom of Bosnia and later in the Bosnian Sandjak, Pashaluq and Vilayet. In 1878, the new occupying state of Austro-Hungary found them in such a role. Through their 600 years of spiritual service, but also spiritual rule, the Franciscans first founded the Bosnian Vicariate (Vicaria Bosnensis) round 1340 and the Bosnian Province (Provincia Bosna Argentina) 1517, which they will in their historical consciousness call in Croatian Redodržava Bosna Srebrena (Orderstate of Bosna Srebrena). They will call their provincial minister an Orderstatesman, following the example of some Orders of Knights in Europe or many other ecclesiastical orders or states with archbishops, bishops and abbots as secular and ecclesiastical princes. Thanks to the Ahd-name of Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror in 1463, which was unfortunately rarely respected by both local administrators and the central Ottoman authorities, the Franciscans gained the right to reside, a guarantee of pastoral service and absolute influence on the Catholic faithful in Bosnia. In almost 350 years, the Orderstate of Bosna Srebrena had no real spiritual or secular Catholic competitor, except themselves and their monastic districtisms, and politically conditioned regionalisms. From 1735 the Franciscans were not always happy about coexisting with the Apostolic Vicars. Diocesan priests, Glagolitic, who had had their roots in the mission of the holy brothers Cyril and Methodius, operated in Croatia and Bosnia for centuries before the arrival of the Turks and before the founding and arrival of the Dominicans and Franciscans. They were the first Catholic, Croatian and Bosnian, national and domestic priests, whom the Franciscans upon their arrival mostly ignored, marginalized and finally extinguished at the beginning of the second half of the 19th century. With the arrival of Austro-Hungary and the reorganization of political, administrative and ecclesiastical-religious life, the Franciscans still retained almost all parishes and absolute spiritual control over the Catholic population. In 1881, a regular hierarchy was established. In addition to the already existing Diocese of Trebinje, the dioceses of Mostar-Duvno and Banja Luka and the archdiocese with a metropolitan rank in Sarajevo were established. The Herzegovinian Franciscan Paškal Buconjić immediately took the Mostar episcopal see, and the Bosnian Franciscan Marijan Marković as administrator in Banja Luka, after a three-year temporary solution with Archbishop Stadler. However, the Franciscans did not manage to obtain the highest rank in ruling the Catholic Church in BiH: the metropolitan chair in Vrhbosna. It was occupied by Josip Stadler from Brod on Sava River (Slavonski Brod), whose family from father's side had distant Jewish roots. He was an ardent Croat, Austrophile and monarchist, Jesuit pupil and student, distinguished university professor in Zagreb, a prolific philosophical and theological writer, spiritual leader, charitable worker, great organizer, entrepreneur, builder, financial genius and homo politicus. When he arrived in Sarajevo in January 1882 and took over the Archdiocese, he moved as a tenant to a Muslim, and later to a Jewish house, where he would remain until 1895. In Stadler's time (1882-1918) "Catholic Sarajevo" flourished ecclesiastically, culturally and politically, which, in the history of the city no other religious denomination has experienced before. As great, successful, even unattainable as Stadler was in many fields, not only in Bosnia but throughout the Monarchy, he was at the same time in the eyes of his many opponents a proselyte, a symbol of intolerance, tactlessness, discord, a "suitcase porter" (immigrant), a financial genius (speculator), and a foreigner both in the archdiocese and in BiH society. For many, he was - partly due to jealousy, fear, hatred and ideology, partly due to objective or subjective assessment of his life and work - incompatible with the religious and political reality of BiH. Most Bosnian Franciscans saw and perceived Stadler as a constant challenge, danger and partial insult for the alleged permanent disparagement, attempts to secularize, take over or split their greatest material and spiritual wealth, parishes and believers. The Muslims of BiH, frightened by the constant Serbian propaganda about their impending baptism by Austria, perceived Stadler and the Jesuits ("jezuiti") with fear as representatives of that militant Catholic Austria and always, when there was a quiet conversion, there were strong Muslim reactions and protest. Orthodox Serbs regarded Stadler and his right-wing ideology as a representation of trialism and as a spread of Starčević's and Frank's "political program" of unifying BiH with Croatia. Consequently, Stadler posed a political threat to Greater Serbia's own propaganda and policy of joining BiH to Serbia. For the Provincial Government, Stadler was both an important ally and an uncontrolled opponent. In the last decade of Austro-Hungarian rule, the Provincial Government saw him as an opponent, a real "Störenfried" (troublemaker) of its "artificial", mostly supernational political goals, which were to strengthen civil, religious and national harmony in the spirit of the ruling dual Monarchy. Literally, in the eyes of the Government, Stadler, with his trialist political ideas and immoderate daily press, was a slanderer and opponent of Government policy, an ungrateful and multiple beneficiary of numerous privileges, services, facilities, financial support even in moments of his financial speculation, high annual appanage, which he enjoyed to death. Stadler gained serious opponents in the intellectual Croatian and Catholic ranks of BiH with the emergence of a thin layer of young Croatian intelligentsia, led by lawyer Nikola Mandić, brought up and educated mostly in progressive universities in Zagreb, Graz, Vienna, Prague and Paris, and imbued, no doubt, with the spirit of the then progressive, anti-church, anticlerical and South Slav ideology which circulated throughout the Monarchy, to a large extent in Ban's Croatia. He did not know or did not want to understand their political and national goals in time, he did not try to follow them benevolently and fatherly, occasionally moderate and win them over, because in his unilateral political vision he saw and perceived them as a religious danger and political competition. It is this young intelligentsia, which will find its main political and national stronghold in the Franciscans through the HNZ, that will become not only a statistical, but also a political and moral winner over Stadler and his political creation HKU. The conflict between Stadler and the Croatian intelligentsia was not tactical or opportunistic, as some thought, but political, ideological, cultural and partly ecclesiastical. The Croatian intelligentsia severely accused Stadler of allegedly equating Croats and Catholics, of alienating Croat Catholics in BiH from Muslims and Orthodox Serbs, of being the sole culprit in a long-term and devastating dispute with "beloved" BiH Franciscans, of uncanonical treatment of church property for destructive and anti-national writing of his press and the like. The accusations from the HNZ, thanks to the precision and knowledge of Stadler's former lawyer Mandić, will turn the scale of the Holy See for sending the Apostolic Visitor to the Catholic Church in BiH, in other words, for introducing church monitoring for the person and the "Josip Stadler system". The Apostolic Visitor arrived and investigated the situation in the Catholic Church in BiH, predominantly in the Archdiocese of Vrhbosna. This task required great patience on the Visitor's part, above-average diplomatic skills, and the talent to read between the lines; since each side of the conflicting parties served and defended only "its own truth" and none could boast of objective truthfulness, both morally and politically. The documents attached here were mostly available to the Apostolic Visitor in Italian, Latin or German at the beginning of the Apostolic Visit. During the visit, other important documents appeared in Croatian, Latin, Italian, German and French and today contain extensive original archival material which is stored in three different funds of the Vatican Apostolic Archives. An important archival source for the preparation, opening and course of the Apostolic Visit in the Church of BiH is contained in the archives of the Provincial Government in Sarajevo, the Joint Ministry of Finance in Vienna and Sarajevo, and the Joint Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Political Archives of Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv in Vienna, which are quoted several times in this text. The religious institutions of the Archdiocese of Vrhbosna, the Dioceses of Banja Luka and Mostar, the two Franciscan Provinces, the Jesuits, and the Congregation of sisters Servants of Infant Jesus have not yet made the materials in their archives sufficiently accessible.

Hrvatski narodni preporod samo je jedan u nizu brojnih nacionalnih, političkih i kulturnih pokreta koji se javljaju kao posljedica Francuske revolucije te zahvaćaju veliki dio europskih država, a vode prema izgradnji moderne europske nacije. U slučaju današnje Hrvatske, preporodni se pokret ne javlja istovremeno u svim njezinim područjima. Dok se u Banskoj Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji kraj tridesetih i početak četrdesetih godina 19. stoljeća smatra vrhuncem preporoda, isti se u Dalmaciji osjetnije počinje osjećati tek šezdesetih godina istog stoljeća. Unatoč navedenoj vremenskoj razlici, cilj je preporoda bio isti. U načelu se zahtjevi hrvatskih preporoditelja svode na traženje ujedinjenja Dalmacije s ostatkom matične zemlje te uvođenje hrvatskog jezika kao službenog. Ti su zahtjevi oblikovali i politiku Dalmacije do kraja 19. stoljeća. Naime, gotovo cijela druga polovica stoljeća obilježena je borbom autonomaša i narodnjaka, protivnika i zagovaratelja ujedinjenja. Sukob suprotstavljenih političkih opcija nije mimoišao ni Sinj i Cetinsku krajinu, stoga je svrha ovog diplomskog rada prikaz tijeka borbe, njezinih rezultata i posljedica koje je za sobom ostavila. Početkom šezdesetih godina vlast u sinjskoj općini nalazila se čvrsto u rukama autonomaša, međutim već je krajem istog desetljeća oporba uspjela preuzeti vlast u svoje ruke. U borbi koja je trajala desetak godina u narodnjačkoj je opciji sudjelovalo nekoliko sinjskih varoških obitelji, no glavni teret podnijeli su sinjski franjevci na čelu s fra Antom Konstantinom Matasom. Nacionalno osviješteni, franjevci su se zdušno usprotivili povlaštenoj tradicionalnoj eliti te stali u obranu zapostavljenog naroda. Svojim su radom i trudom stali na kraj nepravdi koju je talijanizirana manjina nametnula hrvatskom narodu i jeziku., The Croatian National Revival is only one in a row of the numerous national, political and cultural movements emerging as the consequence of the French Revolution and enveloping the major number of the European states, while leading towards the creation of the modern European nation. In the case of today’s Croatia, the Revival movement does not occur simultaneously in all its areas. While in Banus’s Croatia and Slavonia the end of the 1830s and the beginning of the 1840s are considered to have been the Revival’s climax, the one in Dalmatia is more intensively felt only in 1860s. In spite of the mentioned time difference, the aim of the Revival was the same. In principle, the demands of the Croatian Revivalists come down to asking for reuniting Dalmatia with the rest of the motherland and introducing the Croatian language as an official one. Those demands also shaped the politics of Dalmatia until the end of the 19th century. Namely, almost the whole second half of the century is marked by the fight between autonomaši and narodnjaci, opponents and adherents of the reunion. The conflict between the opposite political parties did not evade either Sinj or Cetina Region, so the purpose of this diploma paper is the depiction of the course of the fight, its results, and consequences that it left behind. At the beginning of the 1860s, the power in Sinj’s municipality was firmly in the hands of autonomaši, however, already at the end of the decade, the Opposition managed to grasp the power. In the fight lasting for about ten years, the cause of narodnjaci was supported by a few families from Sinj’s varoš, but the burden of their cause was carried mainly by the Franciscans of Sinj led by fra Ante Konstantin Matas. Led by their strong national consciousness, the Franciscans ardently opposed the privileged traditional elite and leapt to the neglected people’s defense. With their hard work and all the efforts, they terminated the injustice forced upon the Croatian people and language by the Italianized minority.

Ovaj rad podijeljen je u tri poglavlja. Prvi dio donosi kratku povijest Posušja, te razdoblje dolaska franjevaca u Posušje i njihovu djelatnost u tom području. U drugom dijelu opisuje se život fra Petra Bakule i njegov vjerski i društveni doprinos posuškoj povijesti. Posljednje poglavlje govori o životu fra Grge Martića, drugog znamenitog franjevca koji je također dao svoj vjerski i društveni doprinos.

Crkva sv. Nikole u Čakovcu spada među raskošnije barokne crkve u Međimurju. Dolaskom braće franjevaca u Međimurje 1659. godine započinje i njezina gradnja. Nakon prvih izgradnji samo-stana i crkve, zbog brojnih požara i potresa koji su uništili prvotne građevine, franjevci su sa-kupljali donacije i početkom XVIII. stoljeća krenuli u izgradnju nove crkve i zidanog samostana koji stoje još dan danas i svojom pojavom uveličavaju gradski trg. Unutrašnjim uređenjem crkve započelo se u prvoj polovici XVIII. stoljeća, a dobar dio se obnavljao nakon požara 1741. godine. Za pomoć su franjevci tada zamolili vladajuću obitelj Althann i dobili su je. Ulaskom u crkvu pogled privlači veliki oltar u svetištu koji zauzima cijelu površinu zida. Skulpture crkvenih otaca na glavnom oltaru djelo su mariborskog kipara Josipa Strauba, a oltarna slika Sv. Nikole posebna je zbog toga što u podnožju slike nepoznatog slikara prikazan je Čakovec kakav je bio 1750. godine, a na njoj se može vidjeti čakovečka utvrda, crkva sv. Nikole i njezin samostan, župna crkva sv. Mihovila u Mihovljanu i dvorac u Pribislavcu. Manji oltari koji su raspoređeni u svet-ištu i kapelama crkve djela su majstora Josipa Weinachta, Pavla Rehlea i Ivana Adama Rosem-bergera. Osim oltara, posebnost crkvenoj opremi daje barokna propovjedaonica, moći sv. Vinka, čudesno Raspelo i crkveno posuđe iz XVII. i XVIII. stoljeća.

Članak pod naslovom Ekumenska bibliografija u časopisu Nova revija (1922. – 1941.) uz uvod i zaključak, podijeljen je na tri dijela. U uvodu autor ukratko piše o nastanku časopisa Nova revija. Prvo poglavlje posvećeno je detaljnoj ekumenskoj bibliografiji časopisa i to od 1922. do 1941. godine, dakle od početka pa do prestanka izlaženja. U ostalim poglavljima autor donosi grupiranje ekumenske bibliografije po pojedinim teološkim i ekumenskim temama te ih autor nakon toga predstavlja i analizira. Obrađene su tri teme: Prva svjetska konferencija praktičnog kršćanstva u Švedskoj, Euharistija i Pitanje papinstva. Autorov je zaključak da su svi tekstovi u skladu s ondašnjim stavom Katoličke Crkve, teološkim postavkama i promišljanjima onoga vremena te da svi skupa promiču ekumenizam povratka, a što je i bila tendencija u pred-saborskoj katoličkoj ekumenskoj teologiji., The article entitled Ecumenical Bibliography in the journal “Nova Revija” (1922-1941), with an introduction and conclusion, is divided into three parts. In the introduction, the author briefly writes about the emergence of the “Nova Revija”. The first chapter is dedicated to a detailed ecumenical bibliography of the journal from 1922 to 1941, from the beginning to the end of its publication. In other chapters, the author presents the grouping of ecumenical bibliography according to theological and ecumenical topics, and then he presents and analyzes them. Three topics are covered: the First World Conference of Practical Christianity in Sweden, the Eucharist and the issue of papacy. The author's conclusion is that all the texts are in accordance with that-time position of the Catholic Church, with the theological tenets and reflections of the time and that they all together promote the ecumenism of return, which was a tendency in pre-Council Catholic ecumenical theology.

Rad se bavi filozofskim radovima fra Krste Kržanića. U prvom poglavlju daje se kratak osvrt na njegov životu i djelovanje, u drugom poglavlju riječ je o njegovom filozofskom stvaralaštvu. Detaljnije predstavljamo njegova četiri značajnija filozofska rada, i to dva na talijanskom, La scuola francescana e l’averroismo (Franjevačka škola i averoizam), Grandi lottatori contro l’averroismo (Veliki borci protiv averoizma), te dva na hrvatskom jeziku, Glavne ideje Augustinove filozofije i knjiga iz 1934. godine pod naslovom Baruh Benedikt Spinoza: život i filozofija. U zaključku rada donosimo nekoliko ocjena Kržanićeva filozofskog rada, a na poseban način kratko vrednujemo njegov filozofski rad u kontekstu franjevaca Franjevačke provincije Presvetoga Otkupitelja u dvadesetom stoljeću koji su se bavili i filozofijom., In this paper we deal with the philosophical work of Fr. Krsto Kržanić. In the first chapter we give a brief account of his life and work in general, and in the second chapter we turn to his philosophical work. In this chapter we present in detail his four significant philosophical works, two in Italian: La scuola francescana e l’averroismo (Franciscan School and Averroism), Grandi lottatori contro l’averroismo (Great Fighters against Averroism) and two in Croatian: Glavne ideje Augustinove filozofije (The Main Ideas of Augustine’s Philosophy) and a book from 1934 entitled Baruh Benedikt Spinoza: život i filozofija (Baruch Benedict Spinoza: Life and Philosophy). Finally, in the concluding observations, we make several assessments of Kržanić’s philosophical writing, and in a special way we briefly evaluate his philosophical work in the context of the Franciscans of the Franciscan Province of the Most Holy Redeemer in the 20th century.

Autorica komparativno analizira pet samostana i samostanskih crkava podignutih u 17. i 18. stoljeću na području Zagreba i Remeta kako bi ih s obzirom na njihove različite arhitektonske karakteristike predstavila kao primjer pluralizma stilova u arhitekturi. Riječ je o samostanima franjevaca, kapucina, isusovaca, pavlina i klarisa, smještenih na Gornjem gradu, Kaptolu i u Remetama, koje u to doba nisu bile integralni dio grada. Pluralizam stilova u ovom slučaju označava prisutnost arhitektonskih oblika i elemenata koji su se tradicionalno pripisivali različitim stilovima, na više istovremenih novogradnji ili na pojedinačnoj građevini, kao rezultat taloženja povijesnih slojeva. S obzirom na dugu povijest intervencija na tim građevinama, fokus je na stanju kakvo je bilo u 17. i 18. stoljeću, koja su u povijesti umjetnosti uobičajeno obilježena kao barokna stoljeća. Prikazana je kratka povijest pojedinog samostana u relevantnom vremenskom okviru te su navedene osnovne prostorne i oblikovne karakteristike samostana i crkava. Usporedba je provedena s obzirom na urbanistički smještaj samostana, njihovu tlocrtno-prostornu dispoziciju te elevaciju i dekoraciju pojedinih dijelova kompleksa. U zaključku se nastoji obrazložiti vrsta i podrijetlo različitosti, a naglasak je stavljen na one primjere koji najbolje ilustriraju srodne ili kontrastne pojave. Rad nastoji ukazati na pluralizam stilova kao rezultat različitih okolnosti i svjesnih odabira naručitelja, odnosno navedenih crkvenih redova, čija je ingerencija nad pojedinim samostanom važan faktor koji se isprepleće s drugima i utječe na konačno arhitektonsko oblikovanje građevine., Summary The author comparatively analyses five monasteries and churches during the 17th and 18th centuries in Zagreb and Remete to present their different architectural features as an example of pluralism of styles in architecture. Those are the monasteries of the Franciscan, Capuchin, Jesuit, Pauline and Clarisse orders, located at Gornji grad, Kaptol and Remete - that were not an integral part of the city during those times. In this case, pluralism of styles implies the presence of architectural forms and elements that would traditionally be considered part of different architectural styles in a number of almost simultaneously erected buildings, or in one building at a time, accumulating results of transformations through history. Considering a long history of such interventions on Zagreb monasteries, the focus is on their 17th and 18th century phase, especially since those centuries are usually referred to as Baroque. In this time-frame, a short history of each monastery has been presented, and the main characteristics of space and architectural forms of the monasteries and churches mentioned. The comparison has been made considering aspects of urbanism, ground plan types and spatial relations, elevation and decoration of certain parts of each monastery complex. The conclusion aims to explain various sorts and origins of divergence, with special stress on those examples that illustrate very similar or quite opposing occurrences. The aim of the paper is to show that pluralism of styles can occur as a result of different circumstances and as conscious decisions of a commissioner. Among other factors, the authority of different church orders in this case may have played a significant role in making decisions that resulted as pluralism in monastery architectural features.