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The article argues that the current legal framework for territories such as Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands is outdated and perpetuates inequality. The author proposes a new framework that recognizes the diversity of territories and offers practical solutions to improve the lives of those living in them. It mentions the Supreme Court decision in United States v. Vaello Madero case including, proposed framework which aims to move beyond the traditional State and Territory model.

The author replies to historian Paul Kramer's criticism of his argument that historians should consider all land under U.S. jurisdiction as part of the U.S. and therefore as part of its history. Topics discussed include Kramer's objection to the concept of the Greater U.S., the importance and centrality of territorial empire, and the desire to incorporate scholarship on overseas territory into mainstream U.S. history. Also mentioned are Kramer's book "The Blood of Government," the debates about African-American history, and the significance of scholarly work on the ways the U.S. has controlled land and people beyond its mainland.

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The association between and among climate change, preparation, and perceptions on islands is becoming more commonplace--but what about on extraterritorial land governed from thousands of miles away? This article consists of on-the-ground fieldwork and interviews speaking with decision-makers and leadership personnel in American Samoa, Guam, and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands on the following topics: how climate change is addressed, what the general attitude on-island is towards climate change, if islands' proximities to independent countries affect the territories' preparation, and if being a part of the United States is considered an asset in planning for climate change. The results from the study show that up until very recently, climate change was not readily discussed, and, when it had been, it was often only discussed with concern for ocean life. Additionally, respondents lamented that often their non-US neighbours were able to better prepare, but US territories were either outright excluded due to their tertiary sovereignties or due to lack of representation from the Federal Government at meetings. Research herein illustrates that being a territory of the United States was considered an asset in many respects due to the hypothetical protection and funding available in the event of major disaster. An emerging theme from the study is that the American territories in the Pacific sit within the margins and periphery of climate-change planning within the United States and are behind many of their neighbours in both their perceptions and preparation efforts of the effects of a changing climate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of Puerto Rican politics in association with international law and relations as of 2017, and it mentions the removal of Puerto Rico from the United Nations' (U.N.'s) list of Non-Self Governing Territories in 1953, American territories, and the claim that Puerto Rico does not meet the U.N. standards for self-governance. A commonwealth relationship between the United States and Puerto Rico is examined, along with self-determination.

The Arctic policies of the United States, Canada, and Russia have received considerable attention on the international stage in recent years, although engagement by these states with the region extends through many eras. Overlooked in analyses of Arctic policy and practice in the region are the messages communicated through postage stamps, noted in their importance as transmitters of government messages, as these states emphasize claims to sovereignty and the resources of the region. These Arctic states have issued a number of stamps depicting the Arctic throughout their engagement with the region, long before any formal policy documents were issued addressing contemporary geostrategic concerns. This article surveys all Arctic postage stamps issued by these three states and analyzes their messages for correlation with official Arctic policy in several periods, concluding that there is substantial relationship between the issued stamps and the practice and policy of these Arctic states as they demonstrate their effective occupation of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the U.S. justice system and administration for Pacific island territories including Guam and the Northern Marianas. Topics include the judicial and policy-making roles for the U.S.'s remote territories, establishment of the Pacific Islands Committee due to the work of the Ninth Circuit's Chief Judge Richard Chambers, and appellate jurisdiction. Other topics include the Federated States of Micronesia, American Samoa, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, and court structure.

The article explores the history of the incorporation of Puerto Rico which earned a place in the U.S. territory. It states that 400,000 Puerto Ricans have served in the U.S. military and have emerged to the highest levels of American society. It notes that the sacrifices made by Puerto Ricans in the past century had resulted into significant integration of the island into American society.

From the images of allegories and unknown geographies, the representation of the American territory is made in an overlapped form with the body in a particular type of erotic-politics. The case of the representation of the Villa Imperial de Potosí is paradigmatic in this subject as it generated an iconography that passed from the representation of its hill like generator of structures class/ race to its union with the virgin. Here two works of the city built in the first half of the 18th century are studied -after the decay of the economy of one of the greatest cities of the world at that time - that in addition are found in Spanish public collections, to try at the time how this dimension of unit between body and territory articulates within them. To finish, some expositive contexts are shown in which the same ones have been presented and possible alternatives to think the curatorial activation and criticism of these images. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the political debate over the secession of southern U.S. states, slave laws and the extension of slavery to U.S. territories in pre-Civil War Indiana. Particular focus is given to "radical Republican" Congressmen and lawyer Charles Case and his efforts to prevent the extension of slavery to U.S. western territories, his defense of U.S. President Abraham Lincoln and his exposing of U.S. President James Buchanan's corruption. The political debate between Indiana Democrats and Republicans over the Kansas-Nebraska Act is also presented.

The article presents a perspective on the Mexican Revolution of 1910-1920 in relation to the border policy of the U.S. According to the author, the revolution ended the status quo that described the diplomatic relations of Mexico with the U.S. during the reign of Porfirio Díaz. In 1911, U.S. President William H. Taft implemented policies on the border region that aimed to prevent subversive actions from starting in U.S. territory. The second phase of the revolution broke out after the murder of Mexican President Francisco I. Madero. Based on Mexicanist historiography, the refugees and exiles of the Maderist era camped on the U.S. border like what the revolutionaries did.

This article shows that the ambiguity of the relationship of Guántanamo, Cuba to the United States is the legacy of the Insular Cases, wherein the Supreme Court ruled in several cases beginning in 1901 that the U.S. could rule over distant territories and peoples with impunity and without constitutional restraint. Gives the many debates about the balance between national security and civil liberties, the rights of the prisoners, the extent of U.S. legal jurisdiction and the question of national sovereignty and some of the history of the United States' claim about Guánamo.

This article shows how American imperialism has consisted efforts to impose limits upon territorial expansion and what the association of imperialism with the expansion of territory is and the projection of power and the imposition of sovereignty. Use of the history of the American Guano Islands shows the wide range of legal practices of boundary management that attended territorial expansion.

Examines the use of a World Court Chamber to resolve a boundary conflict between the United States (U.S.) and Canada in the Gulf of Maine. Background on the natural resource conflict; Strategy enacted by the U.S. for adapting to legal and political audiences; Argument related to socio-economics raised by Canada.

The article offers news briefs on current events in several U.S. territories. An increase in Alaskan export to the U.S. has been recorded in the 1909 fiscal year. Agricultural and mining products increased in Arizona following the increase in the population of the territory. The population of Hawaii is estimated at 175,000 which is composed of Japanese, Chinese and Koreans.

The article outlines the Mayflower Compact, the first governing document of Plymouth Colony and a social contract in which the settlers agreed to abide by the rules of the government for the sake of their own survival.

The article discusses the importance of Porto Rico to U.S. capital, enterprise and education. The U.S. territory is also considered of great value as a base of U.S. supplies and a strategical point in relation to the proposed isthmian canal through which an estimated half of international commerce will pass. Figures are presented that reflect the performance of the various departments of the island government.

The article reports on the bulletin issued by the Bureau of Census that lists the interdecennial census and estimated population of the U.S. states and its territories in 1905 and its increases since 1900. The New York state has the highest population with 8,067,308 people and has the highest increase since 1900. Nebraska has the lowest increase with just 1,820 people added to its population since 1900. The bulletin also shows the estimates for the 1906 and 1910 total population.

The article presents a letter from school superintendent Charles R. Skinner of New York which was sent to general John Eaton about the educational condition of the Island Possessions of the U.S. Skinner cites the need of providing the children in the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico with the benefits of free public schools including the teaching of the English language. It cites the conditions and requirements for the men and women of the islands who are willing to attend the state normal schools in New York.

The article presents various global news items for the week of November 10, 1898. It includes the demand expressed by American commissioners for whole possession of the Philippine islands during negotiations in Paris, France, the Spanish government's response of rejection to this proposition, and the introduction of distinguished personages to the French ministry, who are perceived to be of anti-Dreyfus bias.