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Civil-military cooperation (CIMIC) has officially emerged as a coordinated strategy between the United Nations peacekeeping missions and humanitarian nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to enable access to people in need of assistance in complex emergencies. However, this integrated approach raises serious concerns regarding the respect of traditional principles of humanitarian action: humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence. While some humanitarian NGOs are opposed to any form of collaboration with the military, others believe this cooperation is very important to enable access and provide aid to civilians in needs. Using the case study of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), this article analyses the impact of the CIMIC integrated approach between the United Nations Peacekeeping and Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) and humanitarian NGOs on the afore-mentioned principles of humanitarian action. It argues that most humanitarian NGOs that are operating in the Eastern DRC are opposed to the CIMIC’s integrated approach as it pushes them to violate the principles of neutrality, independence, and impartiality. Second, CIMIC increases the danger of humanitarian workers to be targeted by illegal armed groups. Third, despite their integrated approach, both MONUSCO and humanitarian actors have not been able to pacify the Eastern DRC, end the humanitarian needs of the population, or improve their effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. Unlike traumatic rupture of the spleen, which is the most common consequence of blunt abdominal trauma and is well documented in the literature, and unlike the atraumatic rupture of the spleen, which is less common but also well described, spontaneous rupture of the spleen in a patient with malaria is a rare complication, with a potentially fatal outcome. Case report. A soldier aged 46 years, was hospitalized, with the clinical picture of abdominal colic and diarrhea, previously treated for a primary attack of acute malaria. During hospitalization, deterioration of health condition occurred, with the development of a clinical picture of an acute abdomen due to spontaneous rupture of the spleen which was successfully resolved by splenectomy. Conclusion. Splenectomy is the method of choice for patients with unstable clinical presentation due to atraumatic rupture of the spleen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores Japan's quasi-alliance strategy, which falls between alliance and neutrality in its national security strategy. Japan has formed quasi-alliances with countries like India, Australia, major European powers, and ASEAN countries, focusing on security cooperation while respecting sovereignty. Japan has pursued value-based diplomacy to establish shared identities and top-level designs for its quasi-alliances. The strategy is motivated by adjustments in the US alliance system, changes in Japan's alliance management, and the desire to counterbalance China. While the strategy has expanded Japan's security influence and deepened its alliance with the US, it has also intensified bloc-based confrontation and faces constraints such as strategic differences among quasi-allies and budget limitations. [Extracted from the article]

The paper examines China’s increasing security interests in Africa. It seeks to understand the nature and scope of Chinese engagement in peace and security issues on the continent based on its engagement in international and domestic (African) politics. Through literature analysis and logical reasoning, the author intends to define the implications of China’s new role as a security provider. The paper is based on desk research using primary and secondary data and statistical and comparative analysis of official documents, academic research, and media sources. The methods include literature analysis, logical reasoning, statistical research, comparative analysis, and the inductive method to build general theorems. The paper analyses aspects of China’s security engagement on the African continent: its participation in the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations, small arms exports, and Beijing’s sharing of technology with African partners. China’s engagement in Africa’s security helps to advance its vital economic and political interests, with limited impact on African security. Key lessons for African partners are offered. The last decades have seen an extraordinary increase in China’s economic and political ties with Africa. Security cooperation followed massive Chinese investments and thousands of Chinese nationals working on the continent. China’s security engagement in Africa protects Beijing’s interests regarding access to resources, markets, political influence, and social credibility. It has little to do with a benevolent will to help Africa deal with instability or economic underdevelopment. African partners must make necessary efforts to avoid further dependence on China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collective instruments, such as UN peacekeeping or mediation, are a lens through which we can examine broader normative fault lines in the international order. They hold both practical and symbolic value. In the post-Cold War moment, these instruments started reflecting liberal values. They became concerned with balancing the rights of individuals and state sovereignty. These advances around "human protection" are now in question, with contestation perceived as emerging from non-Western powers. I contribute to the debates on the "pragmatic turn" within collective responses but contend that while the focus in current debates about the normative shift has become global fragmentation, the momentum for the de-prioritization of human protection within collective instruments comes from within the liberal order itself. Human protection is now a broadly shared and firmly entrenched norm, but to shield the norm from abuse, the collective international community progressively restricted any use of force to advance the norm within the instrument of UN peacekeeping. The co-optation of UN peacekeeping into counter-terrorism efforts and the introduction of stabilization mandates undermined the principled nature and moral authority of the instrument of peacekeeping itself. This, in turn, compromised the implementation of human protection. This development is now accelerated and exposed due to global fragmentation, influencing not just peacekeeping but also other adjacent activities, such as mediation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the challenges and future of United Nations peacekeeping, with a focus on the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It acknowledges the successes of peacekeeping operations in countries like Sierra Leone and Côte d'Ivoire, as well as the protection of civilians in conflict zones. The article also discusses the division within the international community, the worsening security situation, and the changing nature of conflict. It emphasizes the need for unity, digital transformation, regional cooperation, and a responsible transition process. The author, Bintou Keita, a long-time member of the United Nations, reflects on her three decades of work and expresses her ongoing commitment to the organization's mission. Keita emphasizes that the work of the UN is not yet finished and highlights the collective responsibility to continue striving for progress. The article provides a personal perspective on the importance of the UN's work and serves as a reminder of the ongoing efforts needed to address global challenges. [Extracted from the article]

Kosovo has historically been the scene of ethnic-driven regional conflicts among the communities. After the disengagement of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) in 1992, the conflicts that had begun with the independence declarations of the Republics of SFRY eventually evolved into ethnic disputes between Serbs and Albanians. As the United Nations (UN) failed to resolve the conflict by diplomatic means, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) initiated an air campaign to stop armed attacks by Serbian Military Forces on the Albanian civil communities. The UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) was established in 1999 to restore peace and stability in Kosovo. One of the mandated tasks of the UNMIK was to establish the local police known as Kosovo Police Service (KPS) and to build its capacity. The objectives of this research are to determine whether the UNMIK was effective and successful in building the KPS's capacity. A set of new success criteria is developed and applied to evaluate the success of UNMIK in this mandated task. Data for this study were collected using official reports of the UN and the crime statistics of the KPS. As a result of the analysis, it was determined that UNMIK was successful in establishing a local police force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad is the property of Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Margot Tudor's book, "Blue Helmet Bureaucrats: United Nations Peacekeeping and the Reinvention of Colonialism, 1945–1971," explores the historical context of UN peacekeeping operations and their connection to European imperial rule. Tudor argues that peacekeeping cannot be understood without considering the unequal power dynamics and imperialist attitudes of the time. She examines specific peacekeeping missions in Egypt, Congo, West Papua, and Cyprus, highlighting the challenges faced by mid-level bureaucrats in maintaining the institution's independence and credibility. Tudor also explores the political motivations behind peacekeeping interventions during the Cold War, emphasizing the influence of anti-communism and racism. While the book offers a comprehensive analysis of UN peacekeeping, some readers may question the author's assumptions about national identities and self-determination. Overall, Tudor's work provides valuable insights into the complexities of peacekeeping practices and their historical implications. [Extracted from the article]

This study uses "middle power" and "status-based" approaches in the International Relations literature to explain Türkiye's motivation for participation in UN peacekeeping operations. Turkish peacekeeping activism is considered a recognitive practice based on status-seeking. It is claimed that especially since the 2000s Türkiye has participated in operations to gain a reputation and raise its international status before UN countries, to become visible by contributing to global peace and conflict management, and to influence member countries in its favour to win the elections for non-permanent membership in the UN Security Council. To determine the overall trend and motivation in participation, the international context, the domestic political environment, and the general foreign policy orientations of the governments are taken into account. Personnel contributions related to 28 peacekeeping missions between 1988 and 2022 are examined by reviewing UN Peacekeeping Data, the Grand National Assembly's decisions, and foreign policy officials' statements. Suggestions on the future of Turkish peacekeeping policy are also presented in the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How is multipolarity impacting on UN peacekeeping operations? This article sets out to answer this question by examining the ongoing decline in UN peacekeeping operations and the concurrent rise of regional and ad hoc coalitions in an era of increasing geopolitical competition. The article argues that coalitions have significantly less focus on human rights, international humanitarian law, and the protection of civilians. They thus represent a shift away from the liberal values that have marked UN peacekeeping operations, and are coherent with current geopolitical shifts where China is chipping away at human rights at the UN and African states are increasingly voicing a need for more robust operations. The article concludes that the likely outcome of these trends is a continued decline of UN multidimensional peacekeeping, but that coalitions may receive logistical and administrative support from the UN peace operations machinery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations is known to be the preeminent body to authorize and oversee international peacekeeping missions; however, new forms of African-led Peace Support Operations (PSO s) are increasingly common, innovative, and context-specific. This paper examines the evolution of African-led PSO s and argues that African-led PSO s are filling a vacuum and taking on responsibilities once assumed by the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO). The paper posits that the rise of African-led PSO s is due to the growing need for security and respond to the changing nature of conflict, the spread of insecurity and terrorism, and cross-border violence. Finally, the paper explores the implications of these operations for future missions in Africa, arguing that the future of African-led PSO s may be the preferred choice, with Regional Economic Communities and Ad-hoc Security Initiatives leading the way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Looking back over the past seventy-five years of UN peacekeeping, the most enduring question has been: Is peacekeeping effective? Historically, most peacekeeping operations have been. However, peacekeeping is currently suffering from a significant trust deficit. One important factor that differentiates contemporary peacekeeping operations with a stabilization mandate from the historic record is the absence of a viable political or peace process. When security is not directed to serve a peace process, it produces a stabilization dilemma: the more effectively a peace operation protects and achieves stability, the less incentive there is for ruling political elites to find long-term political solutions. This dilemma generates several perverse effects, including prolonging the conflict, trapping operations in place with no exit options, increasing the resilience of armed groups, and embedding peacekeeping in the local political economy. The article identifies five factors that help prevent the stabilization dilemma and influence the effectiveness of peace operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As this suggests, claims regarding the effectiveness of peacekeeping are often relative and some scholars contend that "the United Nations could have done better."[13] For them, "better" would mean tripling the UN peacekeeping budget ($ 6.58 billion in 2020-2021) to around $ 17 billion a year (to provide some perspective, the 2023 US defense budget was close to $ 840 billion). "Peacekeeping Works: An Assessment of the Effectiveness of UN Peacekeeping Operations." In the shadow of two world wars, the architects of the UN boldly set out in its Charter "to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war." The contributions here confirm that, to adapt a phrase from Charles Tilly, peacekeeping made the UN as the UN made peacekeeping. [Extracted from the article]

Despite decades of success, abuse has pervaded UN peacekeeping. This article argues that there has been a combination of incremental, conditional, and tenuous accountability for UN peacekeeping personnel accused of perpetrating sexual exploitation and abuse against civilians. This article argues that the relationship with accountability has been shaped by the reliance on troop-contributing countries to supply peacekeepers. This has limited the ability and desire of the UN to institute full accountability for peacekeeper actions. Looking at examples and trends of abuse and punishment, the article demonstrates that there has been a push-pull relationship of accountability between the media and nongovernmental organization reporting on one side and UN reliance on troop-contributing countries and institutional reluctance on the other side. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although UN peace operations began with unarmed observer missions in 1948–1949, the first armed force—the UN Emergency Force (UNEF)—was deployed in 1956 due to the Suez crisis. Scholars and practitioners have since interpreted the UN Secretariat's 1958 study of that experience, called the Summary Study , as a foundational text in the history of UN peacekeeping because it supposedly codified the key principles of impartiality, nonuse of force, and consent. But much of the Summary Study 's origin story is inaccurate or unknown. By explaining Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld's intentions for the study, as well as how those intentions changed, this article argues that far from "codifying" foundational principles, the Summary Study did the opposite: it ensured that future peacekeeping operations would continue on an ad hoc, flexible basis that permitted the Secretary-General and Member States to exercise a wide range of discretion in determining how to conduct future operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1990s, conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) started to transform into a matter of international security. Today, this is reflected in the Women, Peace and Security framework, which has left an impression also on UN peacekeeping mandates and operations, as well as on global protection imperatives. Simultaneously, academic attention to CRSV has skyrocketed in the past two decades. This article reviews what this growing body of research tells us about how peacekeeping authorities handle CRSV. In brief, scholars have identified encouraging trends in peacekeeping responsiveness to this violence, and prior research on its effectiveness in protecting civilians also gives cause for cautious optimism. Nonetheless, notable gaps in our knowledge remain, in particular when it comes to more local, fine-grained data and analysis. By way of conclusion, the article therefore outlines where the authors see the most promising avenues for future research on CRSV and peacekeeping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article makes three important arguments. The first is that one of the most crucial factors in explaining the various outcomes of UN peacekeeping cases over the past seventy-five years can be found in the role of contingencies: the idiosyncratic circumstances that have combined to enable success or failure. The second is that these peacekeeping missions critically demonstrate the importance of focusing attention on the significant role of key domestic, regional, and external actors. The third is that contingencies at these three important levels, rather than any established security patterns or theories, are often the most critical factors in explaining the outcomes of UN peacekeeping missions over the past seven and a half decades. The choices of national and regional actors as well as external great powers often shape how these missions start, develop, and end. Examining interests and motivations in detail thus helps explain how and why UN peacekeeping missions have succeeded or failed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most empirical studies on states' personnel contributions to UN peacekeeping operations (PKOs) use a state's annual contributions as the unit of analysis. A critical problem of the state-level analysis is that it ignores the fact that states have to decide how to distribute these peacekeepers among more than a dozen peacekeeping missions. Ignoring the mission-level decision misses a significant part of states' UN PKO contributions and could bias our empirical analysis. We propose a two-level model that sees a state's UN PKO contributions as the interactions between the state-level and mission-level factors. This model is employed to revisit the heatedly debated "reimbursement hypothesis". Our analysis of the empirical data between 1990 and 2018 shows a mixed relationship between states' economic development and their UN PKO contributions. We also find that middle-income rather than low-income countries are the most critical providers of UN PKOs since the end of the cold war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to analyze how norms and procedures created in International Organizations spread to member states. More specifically, the analysis focuses on how changes in the training architecture for UN peace operations, driven by the Brahimi report, caused institutional and procedural changes on the administrative, political and military spheres in Brazil. Combining official documents and analytical literature, through process tracing, we find that the main causal mechanism observed was emulation, given Brazil’s desire to adapt to use the capacity building as a tool for international action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The African Union's (AU's) doctrine underlying Peace Support Operations (PSOs) highlights the fact that the AU should take the lead in providing political direction for all AU PSOs. This includes mainstreaming the standards and operating procedures applicable to the Protection of Civilians (PoC). The PoC guidelines mandate the AU to support and complement the efforts of the host state by enhancing its capacity to secure civilians and prevent abuse against them. The guidelines have allowed the AU to develop and grow its institutional capacity and emerge as the continent's leading institution. It provides fragile member states with technical support through African-led and AU-mandated missions (crafting the concept of operations, training and implementation and procedures for peace operations). However, little is known about how the AU transfers its PoC policy to member states during peacekeeping missions. This paper assesses the institutional capacity of the AU and its ability to influence specific national PoC policies and approaches through AU PSO and United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UN PKOs). The paper highlights that although the AU has made progress in PoC policy, it has not been implemented effectively and practically in South Sudan and Somalia, despite being a significant priority for the organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UN peacekeepers face new conditions of conflict today, which call for expanded peacekeeping strategies. Among these new conditions is the increasing localization of violent conflict, especially among extra-state forces that are mobilized by ideological and religious passions. Responding to such challenges, the UN and its multinational partners attend increasingly to regional and local settings of intergroup tension and conflict. Among the consequences are greater emphasis on relations between UN peacekeeping and local police forces and on community policing. In this essay, we argue that these new peacekeeping directions are promising but lack one key dimension: attention to unique behavioral features of local, religion-on-religion conflict. Because such conflict plays an increasing role in location-specific tension and violence, it is increasingly important for peacekeepers to learn how to identify and analyze these unique features in real time and then reshape peacekeeping strategies accordingly. To illustrate how it is possible to do so, we introduce a detailed case study of successful community policing of religion-on-religion conflict: Muslim-Hindu intergroup conflict in Madhya Pradesh India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the decision-making processes of military observer trainee teams as they encounter a simulated, 'life-threatening' incident during a car-patrolling exercise. The study takes place in the context of a course which trains military officers to serve in UN peacekeeping operations as unarmed military observers. The data consist of audio-video recordings of eight trainee teams inside and around their patrol cars during a patrolling exercise, as well as of ethnographic field notes and observations. We use conversation analysis to examine what happens between the first noticing of the incident and the decision regarding the next action, and how the trainees work together to form a diagnosis of the situation and choose the appropriate action. The results show how the trainees make a first general interpretation on the situation immediately after its initial noticing and make visible their assessment of the incident site as either safe or unsafe to approach. These interpretations are crucial, as an incorrect interpretation often leads to action that puts the team in danger. The results also show how earlier shared events can affect the decision-making process, as they are indicated as points of comparison on which a team may base their interpretation of the current situation. • The study focuses on decision-making in sudden situations during car-patrolling. • The data are video recordings from a novel setting: UN military observer training. • Team decision-making processes consist of an initial noticing, sense-making, and agreed-upon action. • Previous shared experiences affect joint perception and decision-making. • Misaligned actions and orientations within a team can pose a risk to their safety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Credibility has been used to explain theories of deterrence and cooperation in international relations. In the peacekeeping environment, for what purposes should credibility be built and how can it be signaled? Despite being listed by the UN as a success factor in peace operations, our understanding of credibility in peacekeeping remains limited and focused on deterrence. This article argues that credibility in peace operations must be built for both deterrence and cooperation purposes. Drawing on the international relations, civil war, and peacekeeping literatures, it conceptualizes credibility in peacekeeping by identifying the purposes for which credibility must be built and signaled: deterrence and cooperativeness. It contends that while a peace operation's ability to deter is limited, signaling cooperativeness - credibility in cooperation—enables a force to cultivate cooperation with national and subnational audiences. This helps to create a more predictable security environment by enabling the force to function on a daily basis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What explains the post–Cold War surge in peacekeeping contributions from the developing world? I argue that, amid a wave of democratization and expanded peacekeeping activity, such countries use peacekeeping deployments to reduce the threat of the military to nascent democratic institutions. Peacekeeping participation serves to placate the military in the short term with resources and continued activity, while socializing and professionalizing it to pro-democracy behaviors in the long term. Assessing troop contributions from 1990 to 2011, I find evidence that new democracies make larger contributions than other states, where the effect diminishes as democracy becomes consolidated. Moreover, the effect is amplified in countries with a greater military legacy. I supplement this with a study of Argentina to further support the proposed mechanism. These findings help explain the shift in state peacekeeping contributions in recent years, the role of democracy in peacekeeping efforts, and the impact of international actors in supporting democratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International organizations face a trade-off between the need to replace poorly performing leaders and the imperative of preserving the loyalty of influential or pivotal member states. This performance-politics dilemma is particularly acute in UN peacekeeping. Leaders of peacekeeping operations are responsible for ensuring that peacekeepers implement mandates, maintain discipline, and stay safe. Yet, if leaders fail to do so, is the UN Secretariat able and willing to replace them? We investigate newly collected data on the tenure of 238 civilian and military leaders in thirty-eight peacekeeping operations, 1978 to 2017. We find that the tenures of civilian leaders are insensitive to performance, but that military leaders in poorly performing missions are more likely to be replaced. We also find evidence that political considerations complicate the UN's efforts at accountability. Holding mission performance constant, military leaders from countries that are powerful or contribute large numbers of troops stay longer in post. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article informs about the 30th anniversary of the Paris Peace Agreement on Cambodia, closed during which the Khmer Rouge "Killing Fields" caused the deaths of up to two million persons and brought old civilization to the point of obliteration. Topics include improbable diplomatic success offers a chance to assess the effectiveness of American diplomacy in the 1990s; and how, despite one extremely unfortunate regression, Indochina and Southeast Asia were irrevocably changed by accord.

UN peacekeepers serve under harsh and dangerous conditions to help and support the most vulnerable people in conflict zones. The UN recognizes the importance of gender responses in peacekeeping engagements. It has expanded the role and contribution of women in peacekeeping and considers their role critical to enhancing overall peace and security. This paper, therefore, aims to study the cost-benefit analysis of the UN peacekeepers in terms of their services. The study is based on qualitative research using Pakistani female peacekeepers as a case study to draw analysis based on informal conversation/interviews with the former female peacekeepers, officers, and trainers. It also examines the current UN peacekeeping training module. This paper argues that the cost and benefits of the peacekeepers should be in line with the services required and concluded that focusing on peacekeeping operations is impractical without proper training and facilitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate the benefits of on‐site printing at remote geographic locations, where access to spare parts is intermittent and supplies are replenished at fixed intervals. Organizations typically have no solution to spare parts shortages other than expensive expediting orders, or waiting for a part to arrive with the next replenishment. We investigate whether on‐site three‐dimensional (3D) printing of spare parts can bring relief. Our work extends dual‐sourcing literature with fixed order cycles by considering two emergency supply options: expediting regular parts and 3D printing lower quality parts. We model the replenishment and emergency supply decisions as a Markov decision process and find that the optimal inventory control policy consists of two thresholds that control when to expedite, when to print and when to wait for regular parts via the next replenishment. We apply our model to a case study of the Royal Netherlands Army (RNLA) for her United Nations peacekeeping mission in Mali. Our results show that on‐site 3D printing, much more so than expediting, leads to large operational cost savings through on‐site inventory reductions and increased asset availability, thus increasing the ability of the RNLA to operate in remote locations. These results extend to many other organizations that operate in remote locations, for example, those in the mining and offshore industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a broad assessment of Chinese personnel deployments to peacekeeping operations (PKOs) for the past three decades (1990-2019). To this end, an original dataset was built with data collected from the UN Department of Peace Operations. The following four indicators were considered in the analysis: (i) total personnel contribution per year; (ii) personnel contribution per mission; (iii) personnel contribution in relation to the mission's total contingent; and (iv) personnel in a given mission in relation to the total personnel dispatched by China that year. Generally speaking, UN missions in Liberia (UNMIL) and South Sudan (UNMISS) have been the main destinations of Chinese peacekeepers in the 21st Century, while Cambodia (UNTAC) was by far the only place where China got deeply involved during the 1990s. In addition to displaying descriptive data, the paper also briefly analyses Chinese engagement in these operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]