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Purpose: This paper introduces the special issue on Race and Accounting and Accountability. In so doing, it explores racism in its historical and contemporary forms, the role of accounting and accountability in enabling racism and racial discrimination and also efforts of redress and resistance. Design/methodology/approach: We reflect on several critical themes to demonstrate the pervasive and insidious nature of racism and, review the literature on race and racism in accounting, focusing on studies that followed the seminal work by Annisette and Prasad (2017) who called for more research. We also review the six papers included in this special issue. Findings: While many overt systems of racial domination experienced throughout history have subsided, racism is engrained in our everyday lives and in broader societal structures in more covert and nuanced forms. Yet, in accounting, as Annisette and Prasad noted, the focus has continued to be on the former. This special issue shifts this imbalance – five of the six papers focus on contemporary racism. Moreover, it demonstrates that although accounting technologies can and do facilitate racism and racist practices, accountability and counter accounts offer avenues for calling out and disrupting the powers and privileges that underlie racial discrimination and, resistance by un-silencing minority groups subjected to discrimination and injustice. Originality/value: This introduction and the papers in the special issue offer rich empirical and theoretical contributions to accounting and accountability research on race and racial discrimination. We hope they inspire future race research to nurture progress towards a true post-racial society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars, policymakers, and advocates have long bemoaned the Supreme Court's colorblind Fourth Amendment jurisprudence. The Court has alternatively ignored or condoned racially discriminatory searches and seizures, allowing government agents to engage in widespread racial profiling. Proposed reforms have typically focused on doctrinal solutions that would limit police discretion or called for the reversal of Terry v. Ohio. This Article provides a comprehensive doctrinal, regulatory, and legislative solution to racial discrimination in police investigations. It proposes a novel solution: adopting recent jury selection reforms aimed at preventing racism in jury selection to combat racial profiling in searches and seizures. Several states, including most prominently Washington and California, have adopted new procedures to combat the analogous problem of racial discrimination in jury selection. These states mandate the rejection of a peremptory strike where a reasonable observer, guided by lists of presumptively invalid justifications, could find that the strike was motivated by racial bias. This Article proposes that criminal legal system actors, regulators, and legislators should incorporate these principles to combat racial discrimination in searches and seizures. Central to this Article is a doctrinal solution whereby trial courts, guided by lists of presumptively pretextual justifications, should suppress evidence if a reasonable observer could conclude that the search or seizure was the product of racial profiling. Although not a panacea, this proposal is a tangible, viable prophylactic to racism in stop and frisk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article takes a contrarian approach to the first Justice Harlan's famous phrase from his dissent in Plessy v. Ferguson, "[o]ur Constitution is color-blind," to argue not only that the Constitution has never been colorblind, but also that racial realism counsels against falling for the siren call of constitutional colorblindness. This Article provides a quick tour through America's racial history, from the colonial period through the first constitution, which then is remade following the Civil War. It sketches the operation of America's racial compact that subordinates people who are Black, Indigenous, Latinx, and Asian in a system that simultaneously subordinates White people who lack wealth and power. The Court's application of nominal or formal colorblindness has shielded those who have benefited and continue to benefit from racism such that colorblind constitutionalism, rather than addressing and redressing inequality, serves to enshrine and advance it. In this sense, our Constitution has never been colorblind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, anti-Asian racism re-emerged during the coronavirus pandemic in Germany and elsewhere, manifesting in media narratives, and evoking different forms of violence and exclusion, especially in public space. Racialisation as an everyday process creates "counter-frames" by racialised groups. They are constructed in relation to institutionalised interpellation as "the other." Building on Feagin's concept of "white framing" and "counter-framing" and Löw's concept of space, this paper discusses the effects of racialisation, coping and anti-racist resistance strategies as developed by the Asian diaspora. Social change regarding racism will be analysed through Foroutan's concept of "postmigrant society." We based this study on a convenience sample of people with Asian heritage which we conducted in 2020 in Germany. In addition, we included a diary study for which a subset has been sampled. We argue that the pandemic influenced the formation of counter-frames against anti-Asian racism in the specific context of Berlin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this rejoinder we argue, based on the papers of this commentary series, that 'race' is such a tricky notion because it can be used in (at least) two very different and contradictory ways—as a concept to disentangle racism and racialisation (what M'charek calls the 'work race actually does') and as a way of categorization and social classification, in which case it might create the very essentialised hierarchies 'race' as a critical concept tries to disentangle. We wonder if it is indeed possible to use 'race' as a concept without evoking 'race' as a social classification. At first, we give a short summary of the four discussion papers and then delve into two aspects the papers share, namely the need for spatial and temporal contextualization and comparison, as well as their choice not to take up our invitation to compare race as a category with gender. In a second step we will discuss two points arising from the papers, (1) 'race' as category, not as lens, often resulting in essentialism and (2) 'race' as potentially obscuring racism and racialisation. We conclude by proposing to give more space to complexity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay addresses how law professors can engage critical and decolonial theories to teach students how to deconstruct the marginalizing narratives required in asylum advocacy. These theories provide the theoretical and praxisoriented frameworks for professors seeking to liberate their pedagogy. The goal is for law students to begin their legal work knowledgeable of the law and skilled at advocacy, while also cognizant of how the law reifies existing hierarchies. To achieve this goal, professors must begin to ask different questions in partnership with their clients and students that are historically informed and aimed at dismantling structures and systems that maintain hierarchies. To this end, this essay proceeds in three parts. The first part discusses how In re Kasinga--a seminal gender-based asylum case--helps law students engage with critical, intersectional, and decolonial theories. While Kassindja's case resulted in thousands of women and girls being granted asylum, it enshrined a baseline of objectivity that centers on the intersection of Westernized gender norms and racialized narratives that center whiteness. This section focuses on how decolonial theory highlights the invisible norms that have led to the disproportionate denial of asylum for Black and brown asylum seekers. The second part highlights how teaching the colonial history of the Refugee Convention permits students to understand the historical roots of the gender and racialized norms that pervade how we determine who qualifies as a refugee. The third part discusses how Kassindja's case can be instructive for highlighting the tensions that arise in attempting to conform the client's story to norms that often reinforce stereotypes. In conclusion, the essay starts to engage with pedagogical strategies for teaching clinic students to move from theory to praxis to generate alternative strategies for engaging in critical lawyering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

White liberals like to claim that they live in a post-racial society. Furthermore, they believe that most people do not sympathize with the far-right. However, it is not racism fueling right-wing extremism in North America and Western Europe but the dominant ideology, liberalism. Consequently, Slavoj Žižek argues that racism is a problem concerning "objective violence," which he further breaks down into "symbolic violence" and "systemic violence." These primarily target minority groups. Thus, "objective violence" best explains the West's problematic views of Muslims and Islam since it supports what Edward Said refers to as "Orientalism" and reproduces racist depictions of racialized communities. These are incredibly harmful since the West still perceives the Orient and its residents as violent, strange, and backward. These Orientalist attitudes ultimately lead to discrimination against Muslims and Arabs. Furthermore, this ideology naturalizes and legitimizes capitalist social relations while concealing racialization processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are facing two converging waves of racial retrenchment. The first, which arose following the Civil Rights Movement, is nearing a legal milestone. This term, the Supreme Court is poised to prohibit affirmative action in higher education. When it does, the Court will cement decades of conservative jurisprudence that has systematically eroded the right to remedy racial inequality. The second wave is more recent but no less significant. Following 2020's global uprising for racial justice, right-wing forces launched a coordinated assault on antiracism. This campaign has enjoyed early success. As one measure, Republican Party ("GOP") officials have passed, proposed, or prefiled hundreds of bills designed to stymie antiracist discourse, activism, and organizing. To process this moment, scholars have highlighted patterns of racial retrenchment past and present. This includes decades of right-wing efforts to deny the relevance of race and racism in America following the fall of Jim Crow. These accounts are not wrong, but they obscure a key variable that has enabled racial backlash: the Left. Specifically, privileged voices on the Left continue to rehearse colorblind conceptions of race and racism--even while defending race-conscious reform. I term this phenomenon colorblind capture. To illustrate its ubiquity and impact, I explore decades of affirmative action litigation. This analysis reveals an underappreciated trend. Even as the Left champions affirmative action, the Right sets the terms of debate. This includes the Left's pervasive reflex to defend affirmative action as a "racial preference." This framing is neither inevitable nor strategic. The Left could, for example, defend race-consciousness as essential antidiscrimination--that is, a modest tool to mitigate existing racial (dis)advantage and, thereby, yield a more individualized, objective, and race-neutral process. But as the cases before for the Supreme Court reveal, Harvard and the University of North Carolina ("UNC") continue to rehearse right-wing talking points--even as they defend their own admissions policies. Colorblindness, albeit a creature of the Right, has captured the Left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rodney Jermaine Andrews, a respected author, scholar, and economist, passed away at the age of 47. He made significant contributions to the field of economic science, particularly in labor economics and the economics of education. His research focused on increasing access and inclusion in higher education for students from disadvantaged backgrounds. Dr. Andrews was also a passionate advocate for diversity in academia and mentored many scholars from marginalized backgrounds. His legacy will continue to have a lasting impact on the field of economics and the diversity of economists. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the political work of forgiveness in a secular liberal West by examining the aftermath of two white supremacist violent events: the Charleston church attack in 2015 and the Christchurch mosque attacks in 2019. The article examines how the exaltation of forgiveness over anger after such events is symptomatic of what David Theo Goldberg (2015) calls the "postracial" turn which denies the structural harm of racism and privileges social unity at a time when racism bears its most violent face. What can be ascertained in centring forgiveness, and therefore the unifying figure of the victim of white supremacist violence, is how the postracial conceals the persistence of race as the secular investment and regulation in the articulation of religion in public life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The urge to diversify workplaces has spread nationwide. Although many institutions feel that formal statements and pledges are enough to satisfy the public outcry, actions such as setting up a direct plan to address the rejection of neutrality, to expand the access of materials, and actively hiring and promoting a racially diverse staff are less often seen. In America's libraries in particular, good-natured sentiments about how a modern, socially diverse library should look are met with half-hearted efforts. While some libraries, such as the Oregon Library Association, are making significant strides towards their intended directions, others, such as the Rural Branch Library in Mississippi, continue to wallow behind by clinging onto a collection of books which promote racist ideologies. The collection at the Rural Branch Library is the result of many contributing factors, however the lack of acknowledgment of the harm these materials bring is the result of maintaining a neutral stance on race relations issues. Another example of this is the lack of high-quality resources available in other languages that can serve the portions of communities who are not native English speakers. This can be remedied with the growing number of digital resources that are available in multiple languages for patrons who speak languages other than English and be beneficial to all users by exposing them to contemporary and diverse literature. Lastly, for libraries to show they are truly committed to the cause of creating an inclusive environment, they must actively participate in recruiting and employing people of color. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School has largely ignored to address European colonialism, and so far it has also been hesitant to take an interest in its legacy. The present article assumes that this lack of interest is detrimental to a critical analysis of society. It shows in which directions a Critical Theory could be developed in order to take our post-colonial constellation seriously. The coloniality of power (Aníbal Quijano), connections between modernity, racism and democracy (Achille Mbembe), the implications of imperialism for the modern state system (James Tully) and connections between postcolonialism and gender (Gayatri Spivak) are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sets out a few key questions, themes, and problems animating an Azanian social and political philosophy, with specific reference to the radical promise of undoing South African disciplinary knowledges. The article is made up of two parts: The first part discusses the epistemic and political forces arrayed against black radical thought in South Africa and beyond. A few current trends of anti-black thinking – liberal racism, Left Eurocentrism, and postcolonial post-racialism – which pose challenges for the legibility of Azanian critique are outlined. Part two constructs an exposition and synthesis of key tenets of Azanian thinking elaborated upon under three signs: 'South Africa', 'race and racism', and 'Africa'. The aim of the discussion is to illustrate the critical, emancipatory potential of Azanian thought and its radical incommensurability with dominant strands of scholarship in the human and social sciences today. The article ultimately defends the reassertion of black radical thought in the South African academy today and underscores in particular the abolitionist drive of Azanian political thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study the effect of Airbnb's smart-pricing algorithm on the racial disparity in the daily revenue earned by Airbnb hosts. Our empirical strategy exploits Airbnb's introduction of the algorithm and its voluntary adoption by hosts as a quasinatural experiment. Among those who adopted the algorithm, the average nightly rate decreased by 5.7%, but average daily revenue increased by 8.6%. Before Airbnb introduced the algorithm, White hosts earned $12.16 more in daily revenue than Black hosts, controlling for observed characteristics of the hosts, properties, and locations. Conditional on its adoption, the revenue gap between White and Black hosts decreased by 71.3%. However, Black hosts were significantly less likely than White hosts to adopt the algorithm, so at the population level, the revenue gap increased after the introduction of the algorithm. We show that the algorithm's price recommendations are not affected by the host's race—but we argue that the algorithm's race blindness may lead to pricing that is suboptimal and more so for Black hosts than for White hosts. We also show that the algorithm's effectiveness at mitigating the Airbnb revenue gap is limited by the low rate of algorithm adoption among Black hosts. We offer recommendations with which policy makers and Airbnb may advance smart-pricing algorithms in mitigating racial economic disparities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A critical issue in any racial vote-dilution case is the proportionality (or lack thereof) of a minority group's representation: how well (or poorly) minority voters are represented relative to their share of the population. In an important recent opinion, Judge Easterbrook proposed replacing this proportionality benchmark with what we call the "race-blind baseline." Under this approach, minority voters' representation would be compared not to their population share but rather to the fraction of seats they would control if districts were drawn randomly and without the use of racial data. Long critical of the proportionality benchmark, conservative advocates have been quick to embrace Judge Easterbrook's idea. The current Supreme Court, which has already dismantled part of the Voting Rights Act, may also be interested in adopting the race-blind baseline. Yet until now, no one has explored this benchmark's implications: how it would affect minority representation as well as the partisan balance of power. In this Article, we tackle these questions for the first time. We do so using a technique--the random generation of district maps by a computer algorithm--that has become the gold standard in partisan-gerrymandering cases, but that has not yet been systematically deployed in the context of race and redistricting. We find, first, that in most states, a nonracial redistricting process would yield substantially fewer districts where minority voters are able to elect their preferred candidates. Judge Easterbrook's proposal would thus cause a considerable drop in minority representation. Second, we show that the minority opportunity districts that arise when lines are drawn randomly are quite different from the ones that now exist. They are less likely to pack minority voters and more apt to represent them through coalitions with white voters. And third, contradicting the conventional wisdom about the link between minority and partisan representation, we demonstrate that Democrats would not benefit from the elimination of opportunity districts under the race-blind baseline. Rather, in the southern states where the benchmark would have the biggest impact, it is Republicans who would gain a partisan edge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article presents thefindings of an interdisciplinary search for an alternative to race-neutral pedagogy. Ultimately, 'Motivated Awareness and "Inclusive Integrity" can build capacity for advancements in human understanding of the social sciences and inspire reconsideration of race-neutral standards which impede meaningful judicial review. Using Washington v. Davis as a timestamp, this Article outlines the pervasive nature of sanctioned systemic racism at the hands of the discriminatory intent doctrine and articulates a tangible strategy for examining an interdisciplinary system of equity through" Motivated Awareness and "Inclusive Integrity". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including uncivility, racism, and populism.

It is the core and intended function of borders to discriminate. Descriptively, their purpose is to differentiate or distinguish among different categories of persons, sorting those who may enter and belong from those who may not. But it is also a core function of modern borders to discriminate in the normatively prejudicial sense—they allocate fundamental human rights differentially on the basis of race, gender, class, national origin, sexual orientation, and disability status, among others. In this essay, I briefly sketch what I have described elsewhere as the contemporary system of racial borders: border regimes that variously allocate and curtail mobility and migration on a racial basis, largely relying upon facially race neutral mechanisms. Second, I reflect on the increasing prevalence of digital technologies in border regimes and their enforcement, with an emphasis on their racial implications, drawing from my recent report to the UN General Assembly on racial discrimination in digital border enforcement. The contribution of this essay is thus to reflect on the co-constituting and mutually reinforcing effects of racial borders and digital borders, which require specific attention together as digital racial borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What principle underlies the Supreme Court's "colorblind" or "anticlassification" approach to race and equal protection? According to the Court and many commentators, the answer lies in a kind of individualism--a conviction that people should be treated as individuals, not as instances of racial types. Yet the Court has said almost nothing about what it means to treat someone "as an individual." By excavating the philosophical foundations of that idea, this Article offers a framework for understanding, and then evaluating, the claim that the government fails to treat people as individuals when it classifies them by race. Rightly understood, the Article argues, treating people as individuals means showing respect for their individuality, a central facet of their moral standing as persons. To evaluate the claimed link between individualism and colorblindness, then, one first has to consider what respect for a person's individuality involves. Drawing on the philosophical literatures on respect and autonomy, the Article offers an answer to that question: treating someone as an individual requires taking due account of the information conveyed by her self-defining choices. But that answer entails that respect for a person's individuality does not inherently require, or even favor, disregard of information carried by her race. The Article thus offers an internal critique of the Supreme Court's avowedly "individualistic" approach to race and equal protection; it shows that the central moral argument for colorblindness rests on too shallow an account of what individualism itself demands. Building on that conclusion, the Article then turns to suggestions that racial distinctions-- whatever their intrinsic moral status--are nonetheless stamped with social meanings that render them disrespectful of a person's individuality. Even if such meanings might justify limiting integrative race-based state action, the Article contends, the recognition that no more basic moral wrong is at work should transform the colorblindness project. It should prompt the Court to enforce colorblindness, if it does, with regret rather than indignation. And it should lead the Court to decide cases, and write opinions, in ways that avoid further entrenching social meanings that stand in the way of racial repair. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focussing on the postracial drive to undermine racism through its purported universalization, the paper is aimed at analyzing, from a critical race studies perspective, how the ‘racial eliminativist’ demands, that underlie postracialist projects, paradoxically, crystallize into new forms of racial deniability, which I study through the contemporary expressions of ‘not racism’. Thus the argument is not about the existence of race as a factor determining social and political relations, hence ‘anti-racialism’, but rather about the establishment of definitions of racism that either sideline or deny race both as an historical phenomenon and as experienced by racialised people, on the one hand ; push for a dominant interpretation of racism as a moral one which sutures it to assessments of individual character, on the other hand. Three key facets of this ‘not racism’ will be put under scrutiny : the tendency to oppose race and class ; the alleged ‘unhelpfulness’ of racism; and the so called ‘elitism’ of antiracism.

The increase in international adoptions of minors (quiet migration) all over Spain has coincided in time with the rise of immigration. The links between these two phenomena give rise to a hybrid line of research focused on the racial experiences shared by both the adopted population and the immigrant population. A comparative analysis of data coming from three public opinion research sources reveals: (a) the presence of "racism without race" within Spanish society, even though phenotypic differences play a determining role in the social construction of race; and (b) a low "racial awareness" amongst interracial adoptive parents, which leads them to reproduce the ideology of "color-blind racism.". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The violent, racially motivated events of the Charlottesville rally unleashed demons that many Americans believed were long buried. Old Jim Crow-inspired racism came straight through the front door. Yet critics of colorblind policies were not surprised. For them, such an eruption of racial hatred manifested what they had repeatedly argued: colorblind policies neither alter racial predispositions nor affect the unequal treatment of minorities in the United States. In fact, colorblindness has given rise to a modern, latent type of racism. This Article empirically investigates this claim in an unexplored context--the media's colorblind, crime-related coverage policies. Utilizing a novel dataset spanning ten years of crime coverage under the media's colorblind policy contrasted with national and state-level crime statistics, this longitudinal study complicates the controversy around colorblindness. First, while explicit racial references in crime reports declined, they were replaced by implicit racial cues, primarily by the use of visuals. Second, racial schemas in the criminal context prevailed with unbalanced representations of black and white perpetrators compared to real crime statistics, both at the local and national level. Through these findings, this Article adds a new dimension to the scholarship on the indivisibility between race and crime in an era of colorblindness. It offers the incognizant liberal trap as a conceptual framework to engage with these findings, and an explanation for the failure of liberal news outlets to combat racially distorted narratives. This Article calls for an "affirmative action" in crime coverage to combat institutional inertia and to allow counter-stereotypical racial schemas to take hold. More broadly, this Article sheds light on the potential links between crime reports and persistent inequalities in the criminal justice system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Race consciousness serves as the foundation for Critical Race Theory (CRT) methodology. Colorblindness minimizes racism as a determinant of outcomes. To achieve the emancipatory intent of CRT and to reduce health care disparities, we must understand: 1) how colorblindness "shows up" when health care professionals aim to promote equity; 2) how their colorblindness informs (and is informed by) clinical practice; and 3) ways to overcome colorblindness through strategies grounded in CRT.Design/setting/participants: We conducted 21 semi-structured interviews with key informants and seven focus groups with personnel employed by a large Minnesota health care system. We coded transcripts inductively and deductively for themes using the constant comparative method. We used a race-conscious approach to examine how respondents' accounts align or diverge from colorblindness.Results: Evading race, respondents considered socioeconomic status, cultural differences, and patients' choices to be the main contributors to health disparities. Few criticized the behavior of coworkers or that of the organization or acknowledged structural racism. Respondents strongly believed that all patients were treated equally by providers and staff, in part due to race-neutral care processes and guidelines. Respondents also used several semantic moves common to colorblindness to refute suggestions of racial inequality.Conclusions: Colorblindness upholds the racial status quo and inhibits efforts to promote health equity. Drawing on CRT to guide them, health care leaders will need to develop strategies to counter personnel's tendency to focus on axes of inequality other than race, to decontextualize patients' health behaviors and choices, and to depend heavily on race-neutral care processes to produce equitable outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scandal follows the fast-paced fictional world of Olivia Pope, an attorney, crisis management expert, and former White House communications director who owns and manages her own public relations agency. As the first U.S. network television drama with an African American woman in the lead role since 1965, Scandal represents a step forward for televisual portrayals of African-American women. Nevertheless, this program recirculates common constructions of race and gender. I use a cultural studies framework to interrogate representations in the post-racial world Olivia Pope navigates, through the lens of intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1989). Findings reveal that the representational reality of Scandal is decidedly different from the lived reality of public relations professionals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past several years, law schools have experienced many challenges stemming from declines in student enrollment due to a shrinking applicant pool. The declining number of applicants is particularly problematic for law schools seeking to educate students in racially diverse learning environments. In light of recent challenges to the constitutionality of race-conscious affirmative action and the likelihood that President Donald Trump will make several appointments to the Supreme Court--thereby shifting its balance toward the ideology of colorblindness--it is imperative to engage in a project that examines the relationship between racial categories and race-neutral identity factors in law-school admissions. Understanding the relationship between racial groups and certain race-neutral identity factors will help law schools comply with Fisher I's mandate that universities consider race-neutral means for achieving diversity before using race as a factor in their admissions processes. Understanding this relationship will also be useful for higher-education institutions seeking to enroll racially diverse student bodies in jurisdictions that do not permit the consideration of race in admissions, and may become necessary for all institutions if the Court overrules the Fisher and Grutter decisions. Moreover, the data from this study illuminates persisting structural inequalities for certain racial minority groups and rebuts the assumption that those privileged enough to make it to law school are insulated from the structural inequalities that race-conscious affirmative action historically sought to address. This empirical study surveyed first-year law students at public American Bar Association approved law schools and asked them about race-neutral aspects of their identity, such as family background and educational-institution characteristics, to determine whether there is a relationship between their race and certain socioeconomic identity factors. The findings will enhance law schools' understanding of race-neutral admissions factors that may contribute to their abilities to assemble racially diverse student bodies, and will give them tools to experiment with trying to yield racially diverse classes without asking applicants about their race. Possessing such knowledge will greatly aid law schools as they develop and implement admissions policies in their efforts to provide greater access to students from backgrounds underrepresented in the legal profession while also fulfilling their commitment to educate all law students in a diverse learning environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, a growing social consensus has emerged around the aspiration of a "post-racial" America: one where race is no longer a fault line for social strife or, perhaps, a morally significant trait whatsoever. This ambition, however, lies in tension with the most basic constitutional principle governing our treatment of race in the public sphere: that of "strict scrutiny." Post-racialism seeks to diminish the salience of race to near negligibility. The strict scrutiny of racial classifications, by contrast, significantly enhances the salience of race by treating it differently from virtually every other personal attribute or characteristic--including hair or eye color--extant in our society. This Article examines both the emergence of post-racialism and the development of the strict scrutiny doctrine in an attempt to resolve the underlying conflict. Both the history of strict scrutiny and the conceptual underpinnings of post-racialism indicate that, under the right conditions, racial classifications should stop receiving this extraordinary standard of review. Yet advocates of post-racialism have not acknowledged that strict scrutiny should have an end date--much less articulated the conditions for what that end date might be. The use of strict scrutiny in perpetuity, mixed with its uneasy relationship to the post-racial ambition, creates a doctrine that is inherently self-defeating. A close look at what we mean by "post-racial," and how we have dealt with similar concerns in other sites of social conflict (for example, sex, religion, and indigenous status), can begin the necessary work of determining when and whether strict scrutiny should come to an end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Since the 1930s, federal housing policies and individual practices increased the spatial separation of whites and blacks. Practices such as redlining, restrictive covenants, and discrimination in the rental and sale of housing not only led to residential segregation by race but also continue to shape Whiteness and frame narratives about what constitutes Blackness. Despite the judicial and legislative victories of the civil rights movement, including the Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas decision, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Fair Housing Act of 1968, residential segregation persists and in many cases has grown. Claims of a postracial society notwithstanding, the continued segregation of Blacks and Whites exacerbates racial wealth inequality, racial achievement gaps, and racial profiling. Using White racial frame and critical race theory, we explain the persistence of residential segregation amid growing ethnic diversity in the United States. We also demonstrate why current efforts to narrow racial gaps in wealth, education, and the criminal justice system have failed. Finally, we discuss several important tenets that must guide efforts to curb the epidemic of death by residential segregation in America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the dismemberment and dispersal of Asian/American android-coolie parts in the sci-fi film Ex Machina (2015) in order to theorise an inorganic critique of the postracial-as-posthuman subject. By turning to Asian/American robot self-dismemberment and the dispersal of their fragments, I address this special issue's interest in human-robot relationships and social robotics not only by highlighting the historical techno-Orientalist configurations of the Asian labourer as machine, but by considering how the so-called inorganic nature of the robot characterises the circulations of racialised - particularly Asian/American - performance and spectral labour that disrupt white-as-postracial, posthuman futurity. This paper looks at two modes of Asian/American dismemberment in Ex Machina that cause "glitches" in the white social body's reproductive wholeness: the removable Asian/American face as counter-surveillance and the transferrable nature of Asianness as a proxy (a reiteration of the model minority) that threatens to breach white subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay ponders upon the constitutionality of equal protection doctrine in the U.S. which advocates the inclusion of historically marginalized racial groups through this facially race-neutral policy. It mentions that at many instances even courts were not able differentiate between policies that are designed to harm and those that aim to benefit people of color.

The article discusses the U.S. Constitution and colorblindness in relation to a question about whether an American state discriminates by race when it investigates a racial disparity, and it mentions an equal protection U.S. constitutional law doctrine. America's black infant mortality rate is addressed, along with issues involving sudden infant death syndrome and pregnancy complications. Socioeconomic factors impacting black Americans are assessed, along with a lack of access to prenatal care.

The author discusses the article "Legitimizing Racial Discrimination Through Antidiscrimination Law: A Critical Review of Supreme Court Doctrine" by Alan David Freeman which appears in a 1978 issue of the journal, and it mentions the history of postracialism and America's Supreme Court, as well as several developments involving race relations in U.S. history. Legal protections for people of color are examined, along with racial disparities, Critical Legal Studies, and Critical Race Theory.

This article explores strategies for promoting classroom discussions with preservice art teachers. Ranging from ways to build a classroom environment conducive to sharing ideas to some specific video resources, the author explains some techniques she has implemented. Though the results of these efforts are mixed, continuing to explore ways to address race and culture in our post-racial society is an important step towards building the cultural competency of pre-service teachers. Because of the far-reaching and insidious effects of institutionalized racism throughout society and education, it is especially important for teachers to see and understand the profound effects of racism to work toward a more just society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the fall of 2013, during her senior year at Gwendolyn Brooks College Preparatory Academy in South Side Chicago, Janaya Greene wrote the screenplay for the short film, Veracity, in her film study class. With the support of their teacher, Mr. Eugene Hazzard, Janaya and her classmates participated in Scenarios USA's curriculum and national writing competition (www.scenariosusa.org). Middle and high school students in Chicago, New York, and Cleveland wrote stories and screenplays in response to the question, What's the Real Deal About Power and Place? Along with winning submissions from New York and Cleveland, a national selection committee chose Veracity to be transformed into a short film. Veracity explores what it means to come out in high school from the point of view of two African American female characters. In this interview, screen writer Greene talks with art education professor Karyn Sandlos about how media stereotypes shaped her experiences growing up, and how a film about same sex desire and friendship between two young Black women is provoking critical conversations amongst audiences of middle and high school students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how Internet memes associated with racism can be analyzed and pedagogically utilized through the theoretical frame of Critical Race Theory. The assumption of the study is that Internet memes, as a site of ideological reproduction, can show one aspect of racial discourse. I consider Internet memes regarding race and racial issues as racial humor in this study. I gathered a total of 85 memes addressing or connected to racism primarily from the Memecenter website (www.memecenter.com). In this study, I analyzed their forms and content to consider how these memes deal with racism in different ways. Methodologically, this study implements critical discourse analysis in combination with multimodal discourse analysis. Through this study, I found that the majority of Internet memes about racism perpetuate colorblindness by mocking people of color and denying structural racism. I argue that challenging colorblindness through critical analysis of Internet memes and creating countermemes will enhance students' critical awareness of racial issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Many architects simply don't see the racist ideologies at play in the work we do. • Racist ideologies are masked by claims of "not seeing race". •Our renderings belie the colorblind racist framings of the spaces we design. • Renderings can serve as a proxy for anti-racism in architectural process work. • Confronting colorblind racism in architecture helps to analyze its overt, institutional, and hegemonic expressions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which discusses the historical aspects of race, color-blind dignity, and the legal right to marry in America in relation to U.S. Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy's issuance of the majority opinion in the 2015 same-sex marriage case Obergefell v. Hodges. Equal rights are examined in relation to African Americans, LGBT people, and other minority groups in the U.S. The Black Lives Matter social movement is assessed, along with various marriage law-related cases.