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The article discusses the Ottoman Grand Vizier Talaat Pasha's 1918 declaration on Great Britain's 1917 Balfour Declaration, in which the British pledged to assist in the development of a Jewish state in Palestine. An overview of the impact of the Ottoman's Germans allies on the Ottoman Empire's policies towards Zionism, including in regard to German ambassador Johann-Heinrich von Bernstorff's impact on Ottoman policies, is provided.

The article discusses what the author conceives of as the Turks and Arabs' acceptance of Great Britain's 1917 Balfour Declaration, in which the British pledged to help establish a Jewish state in Palestine, with the context of the Balfour centennial. The Hashemite emir Faisal I's relations with the Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann, including the former's perspective on Jewish-Arab relations, are discussed.

This article looks at Grace Aguilar (1816-1847), a well-known Anglo-Jewish author, as a religious Zionist, and it analyzes Aguilar's work in order to challenge three scholarly assumptions about the history of Zionism. First, that British Jews have never genuinely supported Zionism; second, that Zionism did not exist before Theodor Herzl, the founder of political Zionism; and third, that Jewish women rarely voiced Zionist ideas before the establishment of the State of Israel. Aguilar, an Anglo-Jewish woman writer, published during the mid-Victorian period, when she espoused orthodox views about the Jews' restoration to Palestine. Aguilar's belief in the biblical precept of Jewish nationhood was a precursor to the thought of later Zionists such as Herzl, as well as the convictions of religious Zionists such as Rav Kook. Her religious nationalism provides an important counterpoint to scholarly claims that Victorian Jews identified only as British, as no different than their Christian neighbors. Instead, Aguilar characterizes the Jews as a nation apart, a people bound together by an ancient religion with roots (and a future) in Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the boycott of tourism in Mexico as a result of the country's vote in favor of Resolution 3379 of the United Nations of 1975, which defined Zionism as a form of racism. The author comments on the reaction of Jewish people living in the United States, who called for a boycott of tourism in Mexico.

The article discusses the impact of World War I on the Jewish immigrant community in Albany, New York, how they responded to the plight of their fellow Jews in Europe and Palestine, and the Zionist movement.

The article focuses on the views of Orthodox Christian poet, editor, essayist, teacher and educator Khalil al-Sakakini on Zionism and his relations with both Zionists and Jews prior to World War II. Several personal accounts from his diary are mentioned including his membership in the Committee for Union and Progress (CUP), his interest in the Orthodox Renaissance movement, and the teaching method he used at the school al-Madrasa al-Dusturiyya. A personal background on al-Sakakini is offered.

In 1975, Brazil voted in favor of the United Nations General Assembly resolution 3379 (XXX), equating Zionism with a form of racism. Focusing on the decision-making process of president Ernesto Geisel's (1974-1979) foreign policy, "responsible pragmatism", this article discusses how the ultimate decision to vote in favor of resolution was taken taking into account mainly US-Brazil relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo discurre sobre el concepto del sionismo, la idea de la creación de un estado judío, realizado por Theodor Herzl a fines del siglo 19. El autor comenta sobre la historia del sionismo y sus aspectos políticos. También se considera la persecución de las poblaciones judías, particularmente en Europa, durante este periodo y en la primera mitad del siglo 20.

An essay is presented in which the author discusses the influence of Hebrew author Shmuel Yosef Agnon on author Aharon Appelfeld, and mentions Appelfeld's depiction of pious Jews, Sabra authors, and mainstream Israeli literature. Appelfeld's self-awareness, Zionism in the 1940s, and the psychological aspects of post-Holocaust fiction after World War II are also discussed.

Rose Jacobs and the organization among whose leaders she numbered-- Hadassah, the American Women's Zionist organization--made, during the 1930s and 1940s, important and unprecedented inroads into the Zionist establishment. Jacobs and other Hadassah women used their organization's size and financial power to claim a voice in the making of Zionist policy both in the United States and in the Jewish community in Palestine. The political, international, and economic crises of these two decades enabled Hadassah to expand out of the traditionally female areas to which it had originally been restricted--health and education--and make its voice heard on other issues, among them Jewish-Arab relations. This culminated in Jacobs' election to the Jewish Agency Executive in 1938. Hadassah broke the limitations under which Jewish women's organizations had theretofore operated and used its newfound influence to offer alternatives to the male Zionist leadership's cultural, social, and political doctrines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relationship between Zionism and Palestinian Nationalism. Particular focus is given to the role of Zionism in Israeli recognition of Palestinian Arabs' viewpoints and claims regarding the Arab-Israeli conflict and in possibilities for reconciliation. It is suggested that Zionism has always been interpreted in different ways depending on circumstantial needs and interests and is therefore neither a significant aid nor a significant impediment to an Arab-Israeli peace process. Details on the history of Zionism are presented.

The article examines the genesis, in the late 1910s and early 1920s, of the current Zionist periodization, which separated the early decades of Zionist history into distinct immigration waves [Aliyot], and numbered them from the first to the fifth. The anticipated mass immigration to Palestine right after the Balfour Declaration was numbered the "Third Aliya", following the two biblical immigrations from Babylonia. Later, the linguistic convention of the "Third Aliya" was changed from a long-range perception of history to a short-range one, and two preceding immigration waves were retrospectively pinpointed in the late Ottoman era. The new periodization was disseminated in the Yishuv during the 1920s, when the sequence of immigration waves was extended with the beginning of the Fourth Aliya in 1924. The new Zionist periodization established the concept of Aliya as the measure for assessing Zionist history, employing a judgmental distinction between the oleh driven by nationalist motives, contrasted with the Mehager whose concerns were personal or limited to family well-being. It thereby explains the magnitude of the pioneer ethos in the middle class Yishuv society, and demonstrates the political, cultural, and social implications of linguistic processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with two different approaches to the Zionist enterprise that clearly dominated nearly all of the stages of its development: viewing any envisioned return of the Jews to the Land of Israel through a traditional redemptionist prism and a novel perception seeking refuge for a persecuted people. Though the historical schism and the ideological gap between both perceptions are obvious, I try to demonstrate that in terms of real-life ideologies they at times worked hand in hand. The refuge position was neither the exclusive domain of secular Zionists, nor was its redemptionist counterpart limited to the proponents of religious Zionism. Sometimes both positions are echoed by one and the same person. Furthermore, an intermediate position is presented and the reasons for its meager success are scrutinized. The main protagonists here are Herzl, Rabbi Kook, Rabbi Reines, and Ahad Ha'am. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, based mostly on unpublished material, deals with the life of Andrée Salomon (1908-1985), an Alsatian Zionist militant who became a legendary figure of the French Jewish Resistance. In 1938, she organized the reception of the German children in Alsace. As chief of the social service of the Œuvre de secours aux enfants (OSE) in the non-occupied zone, she directed the rescue of the children from the Vichy camps of Gurs, Rivesaltes and Les Milles to OSE homes. She was responsible for a secret network that hid children in non-Jewish institutions and saved more than 1,500 children and adults. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to a frequently repeated story, during the early years of the Zionist movement a number of European Jews were sent to Palestine to investigate its suitability as a location for a Jewish state. They reported back, the story concludes, that "the bride is beautiful, but she is married to another man"--Palestine is an excellent land, but it belongs to others. While its details vary with the telling, the story's central point is often the same: already in the early years of the Zionist movement, Jews recognized that it would be unjust and immoral for them to try to claim Palestine; despite this awareness, the Zionists proceeded with their plans for Jewish statehood there; from the outset, therefore, the establishment of the state of Israel was an act of severe and willful injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a lengthy reply to a criticism raised by the nonprofit group Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America (CAMERA) concerning a quotation from a 1937 letter by Zionist leader David Ben-Gurion that was cited in an article in the Autumn 2006 issue of the publication, "The 1948 Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine," by Ilan Pappé. The article acknowledges that the citation given in the 2006 article for the quote was incorrect, but says that the larger point of the quote was fully justified by the evidence. It presents most of the Ben-Gurion letter, translated into English, which the author says vindicates Pappé's discussion of the views of Zionist leaders on the possible transfer of Palestinian residents out of a future Jewish state.

The article looks at the history of the Israeli-Arab conflict through the lens of the strategic thinking of Zionist leaders, particularly Ze'ev (Vladimir) Jabotinsky, in the early 1900s. It outlines Jabotinsky's view that Israel would have to have an unbeatable military before it could negotiate with the neighboring Arabs. The author traces this idea, referred to as the "iron wall," through both the left-leaning and right-leaning pre-1948 Zionist factions and then through each Israeli government since independence in 1948. He says most Israeli governments have not seriously undertaken the negotiations Jabotinsky referred to, however.

Most studies dealing with Kohn (1891-1971), a central Zionist figure in Prague, emphasize his resistance to the idea of a Jewish nation-state in Palestine and his consequent binationalism as indications of an exceptional position with respect to the contemporary Zionist mainstream. This representation is embedded in one of the fundamental conventions of Zionist historiography that the movement was intended exclusively to create a Jewish nation-state in Palestine. This convention, however, is the outcome of the misleading, teleological tendency to observe pre-1948 Zionist history through the retrospective lens of the establishment of the State of Israel. In fact, pre-state sources show that Kohn's binationalism was not exceptional. Kohn, the radical members of 'Brith Shalom,' and even the Zionist mainstream shared a basic outlook regarding Palestine's future political complexion, which I call autonomist Zionism and which rested on an autonomist interpretation of national self-determination. Statehood in Palestine was envisaged within a confederational political framework embracing both a Jewish and an Arab autonomous entity. A common governing body would deal with civil and territorial matters, but would refrain from intervening in purely national-cultural matters that would be the exclusive perview of the respective autonomous authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study on the 6,000 books left behind by the Palestinian educated class as they were pushed out by Zionist militias labeled as "abandoned property." It states that the books were discussed in relation in Zionist political contexts and other cases of looted cultural property during times of war and occupation. It adds that it examines the books in Israel's National library and identifies ways that may link the books to their original Palestinian owners.

Against the background of the currently contentious issue of attitudes towards Israel and Zionism in the international media, this article sheds light on the Jewish Agency's press and propaganda work in Palestine and abroad during two crucial years leading up to the establishment of the state of Israel. Previously unexplored, the Agency's media activity, mainly directed towards the Anglo-American press and run by a group of exceptionally talented individuals, was eventually regarded as a most effective propaganda tool in Palestine and abroad during the Zionist political and insurgent conflict with the British Government and mandatory authorities. External circumstances and appropriate Jewish Agency policies overall, also contributed significantly to the success of the press work in gaining international legitimacy and media support during that period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the pageant "The Romance of a People" as part of "Jewish Day" at the 1933 World's Fair in Chicago, Illinois, with particular focus given to its promotion of Zionism and the concept of Jewishness as a national identity. The performance is described, and its goal of replacing negative American stereotypes about Jews with positive ones is explored.

El artículo discute las relaciones entre el moderno Estado de Israel y los grupos judíos que viven en otras partes del mundo, conocidos como la diáspora. Los temas discutidos incluyen un resumen histórico de la relación entre sionismo y antisemitismo, redefiniciones de las relaciones entre Israel, Estados Unidos y los judíos estadounidenses y la creciente influencia del judaísmo ortodoxo en la política de Israel en el siglo XXI.

Using recently uncovered writings by Leon Pinske, the proto-Zionist thinker, the current article challenges the generally accepted understanding of Pinsker's intellectual development as moving "from assimilation to nationalism."In particular, the article reevaluates the idea that in his pamphlet "Autoemancipation!" Pinsker proposed territorial nationalism as an ideological substitute for Jewish citric emancipation in the Diaspora, particularly in the Russian empire. Rather, Pinsker held that the establishment of a national Jewish territory would, by its very existence, pave the way for the enhanced emancipation of those Jews who continued to live outside the territorial homeland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on territorialism from its beginnings in the 1880s, through its conversion into an organized political power in the early twentieth century, and up to its decline in the 1950s. Because territorialist ideology is multilayered, this article focuses on two central pairs of issues that stand at the heart of territorialism and Jewish discourse in the first half of the twentieth century. The first is the idea of the negation of exile and the catastrophic worldview that characterized territorialist thinking. The second is the position of the territorialists toward the Land of Israel and the native Arab population already residing there. In exploring these two issues, we examine the sources of the territorialist idea and argue that they constitute a mirror image of the Zionist movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the popularity of Zionist sports clubs and the incorporation of athletic activity as an essential component within the Zionist ethos, Jewish sports in pre-1948 Palestine have been allotted a relatively minor place in Zionist historiography. One reason for this marginalization is the convoluted institutionalization of Zionist sports and the tensions it embedded between various perceptions of identity (national, transnational, regional, and political). Such tensions exerted a crucial influence on the ways Zionism was experienced and interpreted by the numerous people who practiced, taught, trained, and watched sports before and after their immigration to Palestine. This article underscores the roles of sports in the Central European Zionist activism and imagination in order to present a twofold argument. First, sports provided a distinctive realm that enabled Jewish immigrants from Central Europe to assimilate into the Zionist national culture in Palestine and to influence significantly the shape of this culture. Second, for many of the German-speaking newcomers to Palestine in the 1930s, sports also provided a unique discursive sphere in which several perceptions of identity could coexist under the umbrella of Jewish nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a historical examination into the 1917 Balfour Declaration, where Great Britain officially endorsed the reformation of a Jewish state in Palestine. The author addresses the ideological contradictions and unusual features of the Declaration, pointing out how it ran contrary to trends in British international policy of its time. Focus is also given describing the Declaration as an accomplishment of select British politicians such as Lloyd George and a contingency plan regarding the aftermath of World War I.

The article discusses Jewish American comedian Eddie Cantor and his anti-Nazi activism before U.S. involvement in World War II. It comments on his role in supporting charities that aided emigration from Germany such as Youth Aliyah program of Hadassah, The Women's Zionist Organization of America, which helped European teenagers immigrate to Palestine. The author explores topics including Cantor's public image, his weekly radio program, and his relationship with U.S. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Antisemitism in Germany and the U.S. is also considered.

In this article the author examines an aspect of the British Mandate of Palestine which ran form the 1920s to the 1940s. Under consideration are the sociopolitical factors that influenced the Jewish political elite in the region during the mandate including age and the degree to which they engaged in foreign travel. A number of topics are addressed including the identification of the political elite, the members of the Jewish Agency Executive and their political affiliations, and the role played by the World Zionist Organization.

This article analyzes the specific version of Zionism developed in Central Europe by examining the life and work of Robert Weltsch. Born in Prague in 1891, Weltsch was the editor of the official journal of the German Zionist federation, the Jüdische Rundschau, from 1919 until 1938. I trace the impact of German nationalist ideology and politics on Weltsch's thinking, arguing that he developed an ambivalent concept of Jewish nationalism that cannot be identified as either ethnic or civic. Weltsch criticized liberal ideology and affirmed völkisch ideas of national community while rejecting national chauvinism and embracing universal humanity. Weltsch's Zionism was an attempt to fulfill the cultural aspirations of völkisch nationalism and yet to avoid its political consequences. His ideas remained an unsolved contradiction and, though supported by many German Zionists, were thus not able to shape the politics of the Zionist movement and the political reality in Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1937, the Zionist movement was equally divided over the British proposal to partition Mandatory Palestine as enunciated in the Peel Commission report. By 1945, the enormity of the ravages of the Shoah produced a new realism. Thus, the urgency of the survivors in post-war Europe induced a change of mind. Figures such as Golda Meir and Eleanor Roosevelt now supported partition. Majorities for partition emerged in Zionist parties such as Hapoel Hamizrahi, which had adamantly opposed it previously. The Soviet Union's backing for a Jewish state, following Gromyko's UN speech, brought the Palestine Communist Party into line and persuaded Hashomer Hatzair to abandon its embrace of a bi-national state. By the UN vote on 29 November 1947, only the Revisionists, the Irgun and Lehi, still adhered to their former positions and opposed partition. Amongst the Zionist leadership, the schism was more a tactical division than an ideological one. Nahum Goldmann's speech in July 1946 in which he proclaimed that the three choices—trusteeship, bi-nationalism, and partition—had now been reduced to one, brought these differences to the surface. He argued that there were now simply not enough European Jews to creat a Jewish majority in a non-partitioned state. Abba Hillel Silver opposed this approach, claiming that a maximalist pitch was necessary since the British would whittle down even minimalist borders. By the summer of 1947 with the UNSCOP recommendations, even Silver had accepted the inevitability of partition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses proto-Zionist-Arab relationships that developed in Palestine at the end of the 19th century. The author focuses on Judean colonies. Topics of discussion include the sociological and regional dimensions of the encounters between the Zionists and the Arabs, close-knit social networks comprised of mutual exchanges that became a "bloc," and the distinct sociocultural identity that had developed by the early 20th century in the colonies that then took on a nationalist coloration.

Women have a hard time of it going down in history independently of men. Myriam Schach's career is a striking case in point. Her singular career in the Jewish nationalist movement notwithstanding, she has been deemed worthy of no more than a few passing remarks in works on Zionism. She is likewise all but absent from gender history, despite her lifelong commitment to gaining proper recognition for women's role in society. The reason is that Schach did not conform to any of the stereotypes of her day, even if she is a figure who sheds light on the career of many other Jewish women who were her contemporaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a discussion on Jewish public health nurses in Mandate Palestine and their role in shaping Zionist society. Zionist Orientalism united Jewish communities from several countries which led to the creation of the category of Oriental Jews, a community in eastern Europe who were viewed as in need of modernization. The article describes the efforts to westernize Jews in Palestine through the cultural mediation of nurses and health care.

Deals with the study that explored various aspects of Israel's implicit linkage of the Jewish holocaust with its right to exist. Responses of the Palestinians and Arabs to the linkage; Impact of Zionism on the Jewish and Palestinian history; Palestinian leaders who were subjected to slander for Nazi-style crimes in Israel; Analysis of the political and religious aspects of the Jewish holocaust.

Presents a study which examined four misconceptions about Israeli attitudes toward Jerusalem and its status in Israeli law. Borders of Yerushalayim and al-Quds; Significance of unified Yerushalayim in the political history of Zionism; Legal and administrative position of Israel regarding the post-1967 status of the Expanded East Jerusalem.

In fin de sièecle Europe, political economy viewed science as an indispensable tool of state power. Accordingly, in the early 1900s exponents of Zionist political economy saw the World Zionist Organization (WZO) as a government with the responsibility to direct the nation-building enterprise in Palestine. The principle beneficiaries of assistance from the WZO, youthful pioneer laborers from eastern Europe, shared the WZO's reverence for technical knowledge, but distrusted technicians, whom they associated with authoritarianism. In the eyes of the pioneer laborers, a technican should not lead, but rather make vital resources available to the workers to use as they saw fit. Key figures in the WZO's settlement institutions accepted this subordinate status for the technician and employed technical experts to guide, rather than direct, the labor movement in the construction of publicly-funded, co-operative agricultural settlements. From its beginning, however, the Zionist movement featured an alternative conception of technical expertise, drawn more from business economics than political economy, and tending to favor as its model the corporation rather than the state. One characteristic of this approach was the conviction that apolitical experts should direct settlement activity. For a brief period during the 1920s, champions of this approach wielded influence over the WZO's settlement institutions. But as a result of the tumultuous events of the years 1929–1939, the Zionist settlement enterprise fused politics and economics tightly together. From the mid-1930s on to the founding of the state of Israel, technical expertise was mobilized to serve the political and military leadership of the Yishuv. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores the history of Mizrahi politics and the entry of the Mizrahim into Israeli electoral politics. Mizrahim's encounter with the European Zionist movement; Information on the Wadi Salib rebellion in 1959; Rise and fall of TAMI, Israel's first Mizrahi party; Emergence of New Mizrahim.

Discusses the role and influence of Elwood Mead among Zionist leaders in Israel in water resource development throughout the 1920s and 1930s. Personal and professional background of Mead; Relationship of Mead with Jews and Zionist leaders; Mead's suggestion on irrigation in Palestine; Impact of politics on Palestine's water resources.

Examines the Balfour Declaration and its maker Chaim Weizmann. He worked almost as an independent agent in his efforts to persuade England and his fellow Zionists that a British protectorate over Palestine was the best course of action for the empire as well as for the Jewish national cause. Weizmann's reorganization of the English Zionist Federation (EZF); The role of Weizmann's senior colleague, Nahum Sokolow; More.

Examines the significance of the British gentile proto-Zionist movement of the mid-nineteenth century in George Eliot's `Daniel Deronda'. Historical context of Eliot's `Deronda'; Race as symbol of disjunction in work; Juxtaposition of plots and gender characteristics in `Deronda'.

Focuses on discussions of the British Labour party's attitude to the Arab-Zionist conflict, which centre around the controversy surrounding the Palestine policies of two Labour governments. Efforts of the British government to restrict Jewish settlement in Palestine; What J. Gorny suggests in his study on the Labour party's attitude to Zionism.

Discusses the role which Zionist settlement policy accorded to the mountain region of Palestine during the years 1882-1948. Factors which prompted Zionist settlement policy to neglect the mountain region; Circumstances which induced penetration of mountain region; Measures used to overcome settlement difficulties posed by the mountain area.

The article is a historical study of Zionism in Israel. The authors have actually looked into the social, political, economic, cultural and national problems that have occurred in Israel since the beginning of the Zionist movement. The paper explains how people have participated in the movement and the authors claim that the method which is used here with regard to Israel can be applied to other societies as well. It also explains how the social and the political aspects are interrelated among the Jews in Israel and the extent to which this correlation helps in the political participation. The authors also discuss the issues of decentralization and voluntary participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the summary of a conference that focused on the career of German journalist Alex Springer. It was held March 27-28, 2011 in Frankfurt am Main, Germany. Topics under discussion at the conference included why he supported the State of Israel, how he encouraged the reconciliation between Jews and Germans after World War II, and why Great Britain did not support Springer's political activities in regard to Israel.

A letter to the editor and a reply are presented in response to the book review of "Zion before Zionism, 1838-1880," by Kenneth W. Stein, that was published in the April 1987 issue.