Search

Work teams are becoming increasingly heterogeneous with respect to their team members’ ethnic backgrounds. Two lines of research examine ethnic diversity in work teams: The compositional approach views team-level ethnic heterogeneity as a team characteristic, and relational demography views individual-level ethnic dissimilarity as an individual member’s relation to their team. This study compares and contrasts team-level ethnic heterogeneity and individual-level ethnic dissimilarity regarding their effects on impaired well-being (i.e., emotional strain) via team- and individual-level emotional conflict. Fifty teams of retail chain salespeople (n = 602) participated in our survey at two points of measurement. Based on the ethnic background of team members, we calculated team-level ethnic heterogeneity that applied to all members, and individual-level ethnic dissimilarity within the team that varied according to each member’s ethnic background. Multilevel path modeling showed that high levels of team-level ethnic heterogeneity were related to high levels of emotional strain via team-level emotional conflict. However, the opposite was found for individual-level ethnic dissimilarity. We discussed this difference by contextualizing individual-level ethnic dissimilarity in the team-level heterogeneity and social status of ethnic groups in society at large. Our findings suggest that the social status of the ethnic group to which team members belong may impact how ethnic diversity relates to team processes and well-being.

International trade is an exchange that involves goods and services between countries or international territories, and it signifies a significant share of gross domestic product. Global trading provides opportunities for the country to show its products and services through imports and exports. While this international event gives rise to a world economy, global connectivity and ethnic heterogeneity play a significant role. This paper aims to determine whether the ruggedness of a country supports international trade and global connectivity and whether the ruggedness of ethnic heterogeneity supports global trading. This paper uses the non-experimental quantitative inferential design utilizing Fractal Analysis to determine the self-similarity of countries engaging in international trade in terms of their global connectivity index and ethnic fractionalization. The International Trade data provided by the World Integrated Trade Solutions and the Global Connectivity Index (GCI) data through Huawei Technologies are plotted in a histogram through Minitab Software to determine the fractality and further apply exponential logarithm. Study shows that global connectivity and ethnic fractionalization induce the fractal characteristics of the countries’ international trade ruggedness. Specific to the behavior is that countries with very high international trade also behave similarly with high global connectivity and very low ethnicity fractionalization. As countries sustain a progressive economic stance, their societies maintain very few ethnic groups to promote social cohesion, much less conflict created by many ethnic groups that vary in their concerns. This paper further explains that only countries with digital economic competitiveness and cultural homogeneity survive robust international trade.

Contains fulltext : 168707.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Open Access) The constrict claim that ethnic heterogeneity drives down social trust has been empirically tested across the globe. Meta-analyses suggest that neighbourhood ethnic heterogeneity generally undermines ties within the neighbourhood (such as trust in neighbours), but concurrently has an inconsistent or even positive effect on interethnic ties (such as outgroup trust). While the composition of the living environment thus often seems to matter, when and where remain unclear. We contribute to the literature by: (1) scrutinizing the extent to which ethnic heterogeneity drives down trust in coethnic neighbours, non-coethnic neighbours, unknown neighbours and unknown non-neighbours similarly; (2) comparing effects of heterogeneity aggregated to geographical areas that vary in scale and type of boundary; and (3) assessing whether the impact of heterogeneity of the local area depends on the wider geographic context. We test our hypotheses on the Religion in Dutch Society 2011–2012 dataset, supplemented with uniquely detailed GIS-data of Statistics Netherlands. Our dependent variables are four different so-called wallet-items, which we model through spatial and multilevel regression techniques. We demonstrate that both trust in non-coethnic and coethnic neighbours are lower in heterogeneous environments. Trust in people outside the neighbourhood is not affected by local heterogeneity. Measures of heterogeneity aggregated to relatively large scales, such as, administrative municipalities and egohoods with a 4000 m radius, demonstrate the strongest negative relationships with our trust indicators. 28 p.

Les plus récentes études ont mis en doute l’idée reçue selon laquelle les systèmes de représentation proportionnelle augmentent systématiquement la participation électorale (Cancela et Geys 2016). Cette relation semble en fait se concrétiser seulement dans les pays d’Europe (Blais 2006), mais aucune étude n’avait jusqu'à maintenant pu expliquer pourquoi l’impact des systèmes électoraux sur le vote diffère selon les régions du monde. Notre analyse empirique, portant sur 572 élections législatives tenues dans 87 pays entre 1970 et 2013, révèle que les systèmes de représentation proportionnelle stimulent effectivement le taux de participation dans les pays ethniquement homogènes comme c’est le cas de la plupart des pays d’Europe, mais qu’ils n’ont cependant aucun effet lorsque les populations sont hétérogènes. Cela est attribuable au fait que la réduction des distorsions électorales engendrée par la représentation proportionnelle n’accroît pas la propension à voter dans les populations ethniquement divisées, possiblement parce que les minorités ethniques peuvent parfois tirer profit de distorsions électorales élevées pour remporter davantage de sièges que sous un système qui en produit peu (Norris 2002). De plus, nos résultats montrent que les systèmes proportionnels favorisent une hausse du nombre de partis indépendamment de l’hétérogénéité ethnique des populations et que cette fragmentation partisane amoindrit la propension à voter dans les populations ethniquement homogènes, mais n’a aucun impact lorsque les sociétés sont hétérogènes., Recent studies have challenged the conventional wisdom that proportional representation systematically increases voter turnout (Cancela and Geys 2016). In fact, this relation doesn’t seem to hold outside of Europe (Blais 2006), although no study has yet been able to explain why the impact of electoral systems differs from one region to another. Using a dataset of 572 legislative elections that took place in 87 countries between 1970 and 2013, our analysis reveals that while proportional representation heightens turnout in ethnically homogeneous countries like most of those in Europe, it doesn’t have an impact when populations are heterogeneous. Furthermore, we find that this is caused by the fact that lower electoral distortions entailed by proportional representation don’t generate better propensity to vote in ethnically divided societies, probably because ethnic minorities can sometimes benefit from disproportional systems to secure more legislative seats than they could otherwise win in fully proportional systems (Norris 2002). Finally, we show that proportional representation increases the number of parties independently of population heterogeneity and while this political fragmentation has a reductive effect on turnout in ethnically homogeneous countries, it has no impact when populations are heterogeneous.

We analyse the interaction between legal origins and ethnic heterogeneity and their combined impact on national efficiency. We hypothesise that in the presence of high ethnic heterogeneity common-law system performs worse than civil-law one in terms of economic efficiency. Our empirical tests on the sample of African countries support our hypothesis.

We exploit a unique dataset merging data on individual socio-economic characteristics and political participation in an Italian municipality to investigate the relationship between ethnic diversity in residential neighborhoods and individuals' propensity to vote. We document a sizable negative impact of diversity on overall electoral turnout which reflects differential effects at the individual level, depending on household equivalent income. Specifically, we show that ethnic heterogeneity in the neighborhood reduces the political participation of the poor, while it fosters that of the more affluent. These results highlight a potential democratic deficit stemming from reduced and unequal electoral turnout in increasingly ethnically heterogeneous neighborhoods.

BackgroundPrevious studies from the US and UK suggest that neighbourhood ethnic composition is associated with health, positive or negative, depending on the health outcome and ethnic group. We examined the association between neighbourhood ethnic composition and self-reported health in these groups in Amsterdam, and we aimed to explore whether there is spatial variation in this association.MethodsWe used micro-scale data to describe the ethnic composition in buffers around the home location of 2701 Turks and 2661 Moroccans. Multilevel regression analysis was used to assess the association between three measures of ethnic composition (% co-ethnics, % other ethnic group, Herfindahl index) and three measures of self-reported health: self-rated health, Physical and Mental Component Score (PCS, MCS). We adjusted for socioeconomic position at individual and area level. We used geographically weighted regression and spatially stratified regression analyses to explore whether associations differed within Amsterdam.ResultsEthnic heterogeneity and own ethnic density were not related to self-rated health for both ethnic groups. Higher density of Turks was associated with better self-rated health among Moroccans at all buffer sizes, with the most significant relations for small buffers. Higher heterogeneity was associated with lower scores on PCS and MCS among Turks (suggesting worse health). We found spatial variation in the association of the density of the other ethnic group with self-rated health of Moroccans and Turks. We found a positive association for both groups, spatially concentrated in the sub-district Geuzenveld.ConclusionsOur study showed that the association of ethnic composition with self-reported health among Turks and Moroccans in Amsterdam differed between the groups and reveals mainly at small spatial scales. Among both groups, an association of higher density of the other group with better self-rated health was found in a particular part of Amsterdam, which might be explained by the presence of a relatively strong sense of community between the two groups in that area. The study suggests that it is important to pay attention to other-group density, to use area measurements at small spatial scales and to examine the spatial variation in these associations. This may help to identify neighbourhood characteristics contributing to these type of area effects on urban minority health.

We look at how ethnic diversity influences economic productivity and consider the possibility of serious social conflict. The article consistently proves the assumption that, while there is a link between ethnic diversity and the risk of violent conflict, this link is not rigid. Societies that suffer from the highest risk of conflict generally occupy the middle position on the ethnic diversity scale. Ethnic diversity is fraught with a number of possible macroeconomic risks, which often leads to cutting down on the government’s involvement in the economy and promoting protectionism practices. The level of trust among the people decreases as well. We have uncovered a number of salient sustainable mechanisms that have been highly likely to make the economy of ethnically divided societies perform worse than that of more homogenous societies. Furthermore, ethic diversity may decrease the per capita income due to the rise of distrust and, consequently, higher charges for certain transaction. On the other hand, political institutions have more power in societies that are more subject to potential ethnic diversity risks than in homogeneous societies. Democracy has the potential to almost fully compensate for the economic losses that may result from the high level of ethnic diversity. We have determined that more diverse societies are much safer than more homogeneous societies. While the correlation between diversity and conflict is non-linear, the importance of political institutions for peace and economic growth is stable. Democracy offers an efficient way of negating the potentially harmful impact that ethnic diversity may have on economic growth, and a higher level of diversity even makes society safer than its homogenous counterparts. Supporting or creating extreme ethnic diversity may well be our best hope for peace. In societies that are going through civil wars, becoming a very ethnically diverse federation may have more effect than economic development, provided that the resulting society is a democracy.

Some politicians argue for the splitting and combining of states to increase government productivity, but there is a dearth of empirical evidence on the optimal size of a state. Using data from Indian states, I test a model of the optimal size of the state. I find that size and preference heterogeneity do not significantly affect the productivity of a state government. However, when states are split up, the productivity of the root state's government is negatively affected. This suggests that there may be a readjustment phase after state reorganisation that brings about this negative effect. It is important to consider this effect when redrawing state borders.

This paper investigates the relationship between neighbourhood ethnic and linguistic heterogeneity and the formation of an individual's local and general trust. A wide literature across economics and sociology has recognised the importance of trust in facilitating economic growth and development and it is therefore important to investigate elements of social organisation that encourage or inhibit the development of trust. We use fixed effects and instrumental variable regression and control for a wide set of individual and local area characteristics to identify the effect of heterogeneity on trust formation. Our results show that increasing neighbourhood ethnic and linguistic fractionalisation is associated with a decrease in local trust of about 12% of a standard deviation in the model with fixed effects, while we do not find any significant relationship between neighbourhood heterogeneity and general trust.

The incentives of politicians to provide broad public goods and reduce poverty vary across countries. Even in democracies, politicians often have incentives to divert resources to political rents and private transfers that benefit a few citizens at the expense of many. These distortions can be traced to imperfections in political markets that are greater in some countries than in others. This article reviews the theory and evidence on the impact on political incentives of incomplete information for voters, the lack of credibility of political promises, and social polarization. The analysis has implications for policy and for reforms to improve public goods provision and reduce poverty.

There has been great interest in the relationship between immigration and the welfare state in recent years, and particularly since Alesina and Glaeser’s (2004) influential work. Following literatures on solidarity and fractionalization, race in the U.S. welfare state, and anti-immigrant sentiments, many contend that immigration undermines public support for social policy. This study analyzes three measures of immigration and six welfare attitudes using 1996 and 2006 International Social Survey Program (ISSP) data for 17 affluent democracies. Based on multi-level and two-way fixed-effects models, our results mostly fail to support the generic hypothesis that immigration undermines public support for social policy. The percent foreign born, net migration, and the 10-year change in the percent foreign born all fail to have robust significant negative effects on welfare attitudes. There is evidence that the percent foreign born significantly undermines the welfare attitude that government “should provide a job for everyone who wants one.” However, there is more robust evidence that net migration and change in percent foreign born have positive effects on welfare attitudes. We conclude that the compensation and chauvinism hypotheses provide greater potential for future research, and we critically consider other ways immigration could undermine the welfare state. Ultimately, this study demonstrates that factors other than immigration are far more important for public support of social policy. Dieser Beitrag ist mit Zustimmung des Rechteinhabers aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich / This publication is with permission of the rights owner freely accessible due to an Alliance licence and a national licence (funded by the DFG, German Research Foundation). En los últimos años ha surgido un gran interés en la relación entre la inmigración y el estado de bienestar, especialmente a partir del influyente trabajo de Alesina y Glaeser (2004). Con base en la literatura sobre solidaridad y fraccionalización, raza en el estado de bienestar estadounidense y sentimientos en contra de los inmigrantes, muchos sostienen que la inmigración debilita el apoyo público a las políticas sociales. En este estudio se analizan tres medidas sobre inmigración y seis actitudes relativas al bienestar. Para ello utilizamos datos de 17 democracias prósperas del Programa Internacional de Encuestas Sociales (ISSP, según sus siglas en inglés) de 1996 y 2006. Sobre la base de modelos multinivel y de efectos fijos de doble vía, en su mayoría nuestros resultados no logran dar sustento a la hipótesis genérica que sostiene que la inmigración debilita el apoyo público a las políticas sociales. Ni el porcentaje de nacidos en el extranjero, ni la migración neta ni el cambio en diez años del porcentaje de nacidos en el extranjero demostraron tener efectos negativos significativos en las actitudes relativas al bienestar. Existe evidencia de que el porcentaje de nacidos en el extranjero debilita significativamente la actitud relativa al bienestar que indica que el gobierno "debería proporcionar un empleo a todo aquel que lo desee". Sin embargo, existe evidencia más robusta que sugiere que la migración neta y el cambio en el porcentaje de nacidos en el extranjero tienen efectos positivos en las actitudes relativas al bienestar. Concluimos que las hipótesis de la compensación y del chauvinismo proporcionan un potencial mayor para futuras investigaciones y discutimos críticamente otros modos en que la inmigración puede debilitar el estado de bienestar. Por último, en este estudio se demuestra que otros factores distintos de la inmigración son mucho más importantes para el apoyo público a las políticas sociales.

In a comment to Dahlberg, Edmark and Lundqvist (2012), Nekby and Pettersson-Lidbom (2012) argue (i) that the refugee placement program should be measured with contracted rather than actually placed refugees, and claim that the correlation between the two measures is insignifficant and close to zero; (ii) that instead of using the rotating individual panel, we should have used the full cross-sections in combination with municipality fixed effects; and (iii) that immigrants should be defined based on country of birth rather than citizenship. In this response, we discuss why we (i) do not agree that contracted refugees is the preferred measure, and we show that the correlation be- tween the two measures is highly significant and large; (ii) do not agree that the full cross-sections can be used; and (iii) do agree that defining immigrants according to country of birth is preferred. In a re-analysis, the conclusion from Dahlberg, Edmark and Lundqvist (2012) that ethnic diversity has a statistically and economically significant negative effect on preferences for redistribution is only marginally affected.

Abstract This paper employs the random-effects negative binomial regression model (RENBM) to test the relationship between macroeconomic factors and the birth of new firms. The test is across countries and uses count data. We consider a sample of 135 panel-data observations, taken from 27 countries in the European Union (EU) during the period 2004 to 2008. We found that the birth of new firms is positively related to the growth of gross domestic product (GDP), inflation and openness, and is negatively related to unemployment. This result is in accordance with macroeconomic theory. The results also show that expenditure on research and development (R&D) has a significant positive effect on the number of new firms. This result further supports the hypothesis of new economic growth theory. Moreover, the empirical evidence shows a positive correlation between the number of new businesses and ethnic heterogeneity.

International audience; Using data from rural communities in which ethnic heterogeneity was induced within through involuntary resettlements policies in the 1960s, we estimate the exogenous effect of ethnic heterogeneity on individual participation in local organizations and households’ social network capital. The effect on participation depends on organizations’ political nature and the public nature of managed goods. We find no direct impact on social network capital but an indirect effect through interactions with identity and participation. Results do not confirm theoretical predictions of a negative relationship but show that ethnic heterogeneity canencourage bridging connections, and, as such, fosters innovation and economic development.

Nach dem Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion stellte der Aufbau eines unabhängigen Staates und einer unabhängigen Nation eine große Herausforderung für die Regierenden der fünfzehn ehemaligen Sowjetrepubliken dar Zwanzig Jahre später, pendelt der Typus, der aus jenen Prozessen hervorgegangenen politischen Regime, zwischen Demokratie und Autokratie. Diese Dissertation konzentriert sich auf die Grauzone zwischen diesen beiden Idealtypen, d.h. auf ‚hybride Regime‘, verstanden als Staaten, die nachweislich freie und faire Wahlen einerseits mit einem autokratischen Regierungsstil andererseits kombinieren. Unter den ehemaligen Sowjetrepubliken sind dies Georgien, Moldawien und die Ukraine. Die zentrale Frage der Arbeit lautet, welche Faktoren die Funktionstüchtigkeit dieser Regime gewährleistet. Es zeigt sich, dass die drei genannten Länder ethnisch stark heterogen sind relative arme Volkswirtschaften mit sehr schwachem Wachstum sind. Es wird argumentiert, dass es diese beiden Strukturmerkmale sind, die das Handeln der heimischen Eliten wesentlich determinieren und die, zusammen mit den durch internationale Geldgeber gesetzten Anreizen, die Dauerhaftigkeit dieser hybriden Regime bedingen. Dagegen steht die politische Polarisierung im Kern des Erklärungsmodells dieser Dissertation. Im Detail sieht das Erklärungsmodell vor, dass sie diesen Einfluss vermittelt durch das Moment der politischen Polarisierung ausüben. Ethnische Spaltungen spiegeln sich in polarisierten politischen Gruppierungen wieder und sind dadurch für einen hochgradig kompetitiven Charakter von Wahlen verantwortlich. Die heimischen Eliten betonen ethnische Antagonismen in ihren Wahlkämpfen und auch die internationalen Geldgeber schüren eine bereits latent konfliktreiche Atmosphäre. Dieses Verhaltensschema sichert den Fortbestand der hybriden Regime in Moldawien und der Ukraine. Die Abwesenheit von Polarisierung, die auf einer leicht entflammbaren Fragen basiert, resultiert in einem Mangel an Kompetitivität. In the aftermath of the breakdown of the Soviet Union, the leadership in the fifteen former republics found themselves challenged by complex processes of independent state- and nation-building. Twenty years later, the political regimes that emerged vary from democracies to autocracies. This dissertation focuses on the grey zone in between the pure types. Conceptualizing hybrid regimes as the ones that combine holding of free and fair, recognized elections, and autocratic governance, it asks the question of what keeps the former viable. This research singles out Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine as the countries with hybrid regimes. It shows that the three are highly ethnically heterogeneous and have relatively poor, very low-growing economies. This dissertation argues that these structural conditions are responsible for the actions of the domestic elites, which together with the incentives that the international donors provide the domestic elites with make hybrid regimes permanent. The political polarization is at the core of the explanatory account this dissertation presents. Ethnic divisions, reflected in political polarization are responsible for emergence of regimes with competitive elections. The elites emphasize the divisive issues in their campaigning, while the donors support the already thriving competitive environment. This keeps competitive hybrid regimes in Moldova and Ukraine viable. Absence of polarization based on easily inflammable issues results in the lack of competitiveness. However, an absence of divisiveness produces orientation on one vector of donors (the West). The stimulation of reform and praise for achievement in governance that the donors provide keep the non-competitive hybrid regime in Georgia afloat.

Abstract Research linking heterogeneity and democracy usually focuses on one single dimension of heterogeneity, such as the distribution of power resources, income inequality, gender inequality, or ethnic fractionalization. Empirical results have so far been inconsistent. This article attempts a sound conceptualization of the phenomenon of heterogeneity. In order to assess whether and how heterogeneity hampers democracy, we will first define what “heterogeneity” means and examine its various dimensions. Then we will discuss why and in which respect heterogeneity constitutes a challenge to democratic transition and consolidation and will review previous research. Our empirical analysis gauges the effect of various dimensions of heterogeneity on the political trajectory of states since the beginning of the third wave of democratization. We find that, while most facets of heterogeneity do not hinder democratic transition, most of them complicate democratic consolidation. Our final discussion offers some suggestions on how the obstacles that heterogeneity poses for democratic development could be overcome and which principles, procedures and institutions are most appropriate to deal with each of the different dimensions of heterogeneity.

This paper investigates the determinants of economic growth emphasizing the role of institutional quality, social fragmentation, and increasing global integration on recent growth experience. Our longitudinal data consists of 103 countries covering the period 1992-2005. We find that democracies have significantly outperformed autocracies over the sample period and the security of property rights has played a critical role in promoting economic growth. Ethnic heterogeneity has been a significant impediment to growth but religious and linguistic heterogeneity have not. Further, while economic globalization has had a general beneficial impact on economic growth, societies marked by greater ethnic heterogeneity have actually gained more from global integration. This suggests the importance of globalization in redressing the detrimental impact of ethnic cleavages in society (Hegre et al, 2003; Bhagwati, 2004; Mousseau and Mousseau, 2008; Dreher et al, 2008).

In recent decades, the immigration of workers and refugees to Europe has increased substantially, and the composition of the population in many countries has consequently become much more heterogeneous in terms of ethnic background. If people exhibit in-group bias in the sense of being more altruistic to one's own kind, such increased heterogeneity will lead to reduced support for redistribution among natives. This paper exploits a nationwide program placing refugees in municipalities throughout Sweden during the period 1985{94 to isolate exogenous variation in immigrant shares. We match data on refugee placement to panel survey data on inhabitants of the receiving municipalities to estimate the causal effects of increased immigrant shares on preferences for redistribution. The results show that a larger immigrant population leads to less support for redistribution in the form of preferred social benefit levels. This reduction in support is especially pronounced for respondents with high income and wealth. We also establish that OLS estimators that do not properly deal with endogeneity problems - as in earlier studies - are likely to yield positively biased (i.e., less negative) effects of ethnic heterogeneity on preferences for redistribution.

In recent decades, the immigration of workers and refugees to Europe has increased substantially, and the composition of the population in many countries has consequently become much more heterogeneous in terms of ethnic background. If people exhibit in-group bias in the sense of being more altruistic to one's own kind, such increased heterogeneity will lead to reduced support for redistribution among natives. This paper exploits a nationwide program placing refugees in municipalities throughout Sweden during the period 1985{94 to isolate exogenous variation in immigrant shares. We match data on refugee placement to panel survey data on inhabitants of the receiving municipalities to estimate the causal effects of increased immigrant shares on preferences for redistribution. The results show that a larger immigrant population leads to less support for redistribution in the form of preferred social benefit levels. This reduction in support is especially pronounced for respondents with high income and wealth. We also establish that OLS estimators that do not properly deal with endogeneity problems - as in earlier studies - are likely to yield positively biased (i.e., less negative) effects of ethnic heterogeneity on preferences for redistribution.

a b s t r a c t Does de facto school segregation have an impact on ethnic minority and majority pupils' chances of being victimized by their peers? Moreover, does the interethnic climate at school mediate the relationship between the ethnic school context and peer victimization? To answer these questions, this article examines the association between the ethnic compo- sition of a school—as measured by the ethnic school concentration and the school's ethnic heterogeneity or diversity—and self-reported peer victimization. Multilevel analyses on data based on a survey of 2845 pupils (aged 10-12) in 68 Flemish primary schools revealed differential effects for natives and non-natives. In line with the imbalance of power the- sis, and disconfirming the group threat theory, we find that non-native pupils report less peer victimization in schools with a higher minority concentration—that is, in schools with higher proportions of non-native pupils. Our findings indicate that this relationship is medi- ated by the interethnic school climate. In contrast, for native pupils, the concentration of ethnic minority students is not associated with peer victimization. We conclude by dis- cussing the implications of these findings for the literature on interethnic relations and educational policy.