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Using data from 31 OECD countries, this study analyzes labor and capital incomes in the international manufacturing and finance sectors during the years 1995 to 2019. The study examines three periods: the years between 1995 and 2007, before the global crisis; between 2008 and 2019, during and after the global crisis; and the 1995–2019 period overall. In addition, the variables were subjected to general trend analysis, to analysis of the relative change between the beginnings and ends of the various periods, and to analysis of the annual average percentage changes. The results show that in both the manufacturing and financial sectors, the incomes of capital increased more than those of labor. Comparing the two sectors, it can be stated that between 1995 and 2019 the degree of class inequality in favor of capital saw a greater increase in the sector of manufacturing industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores recent water protests across northern Mexico which emanated from the Mexicali Valley in Baja California, Mexico. Beginning in 2015, communal farmers and industrial labourers, among other groups, aligned under the banner of Defense of Water to protest the construction of a United States-based beverage production facility. Through interviews, participant observation and archival research, we study this social movement through a class-based, historical lens to show how the meaning of water presupposes and represents a century of class politics that has allowed seemingly disparate groups to find meaning and build alliances within it. It is this history that has allowed protesters to achieve shared goals.

This article explores recent water protests across northern Mexico which emanated from the Mexicali Valley in Baja California, Mexico. Beginning in 2015, communal farmers and industrial labourers, among other groups, aligned under the banner of Defense of Water to protest the construction of a United States-based beverage production facility. Through interviews, participant observation and archival research, we study this social movement through a class-based, historical lens to show how the meaning of water presupposes and represents a century of class politics that has allowed seemingly disparate groups to find meaning and build alliances within it. It is this history that has allowed protesters to achieve shared goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article employs a political economy approach to offer a narrative of the rural problem of Syria. It traces the relations of production, class formation, and power as they unfolded since 1970. The Baath takeover in 1963 ended forever the liberal era which was characterized by the dominance of the traditional landlord class. The populist Baath era can be divided into a radical period characterized by the populist transformation of the rural sector, and a Machiavellian period; partially retreated from the radical course and transformed the state agrarian policy into a regime survival tool. Then came, the neoliberal era, which aimed at liberalizing markets and restructuring production relations. The paper concludes by examining the roots of the countryside participation in the revolt engulfed Syria in 2011. It argues that the rural revolt could not be explained by the drought of 2007-2010; rather the reasons are to be sought in the state-building and development strategies chosen by the ruling regime.

Drawing on a case study of algorithmically controlled manual labour in German manufacturing and delivery logistics, this article develops the concept of cybernetic proletarianization. It does so by joining an empirical analysis of labour processes with theoretical class analysis. Thus, it reconstructs Marx's understanding of technical proletarianization as a dialectic between expulsion and reintegration of living labour in production processes. In the cases researched here, a qualitative and quantitative expulsion of living labour could be observed in different forms: First, deskilled flexibilization via digital instructions on working steps; second, a cybernetic mode of work intensification that is based on a permanent digital evaluation of the labour process; third, data-based automation, which builds on the data collected from the labour processes. This expulsion is counterweighted by a process of reintegration of devaluated living labour due to new highly labour-intensive forms of production and distribution, which are enabled by algorithmic work control. However, these processes are highly conflictual, resulting in different 'technopolitics from below', in which workers influence or even disrupt the processes of cybernetic proletarianization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution links the study of populism as a stylistic repertoire with Bourdieusian class analysis. The starting point is Ostiguy and Moffitt's observation that the populist repertoire draws on symbols of the 'sociocultural low' and 'the popular' produced in non-political fields like food and leisure. Borrowing from Lévi-Strauss and Bourdieu, the article proposes to view these elements as metaphors for positions in vertical and horizontal class relations. Metaphorical signification rests on homologies between the symbolic sphere ('culture') and politics grounded in the divisions of social space ('the class structure'). This perspective allows us to situate the populist repertoire in social structure and analyze its entanglement in struggles over the classification of groups, or symbolic class struggles.

Two years after Erik Olin Wright’s death, this article rereads one of his most famous works, Class Counts. This book, published in 1997, can be considered at the same time a contemporary classic of scientific Marxism and the manifest of neo-Marxist class analysis. The objectives of the article are manifold. Firstly, it contextualizes the author’s theoretical contribution in his biography, emphasizing his complicated relationship with sociology as a Marxist. Then, it focuses on the book’s specific contribution in terms of conceptual work, also looking at the theoretical implications of the empirical results. Finally, it reflects on the resilience of the heuristic capacity of Wright’s categories to understand social inequalities in contemporary society.

The main aim of this research, reappraisal the restoration of class importance and economic-class analysis in socio-political sciences literature with emphasis on two theories of street politics and sub-politics by using of theories of famous sociologists such as Antony Gidens and Asef Bayat. In this research, the author has been tried to answer to this question by analytical- explanative method and objective examples in the field of social movements: what have been the important efficient factors on restoration of class importance in two last decades in socio-political sciences? The finding of research that are same the hypothesis is that due to factors such as economic- commercial globalization and universalize and mal- decision making of governments especially in developing countries has been led to intensification of internal and international inequality between north-south countries, unemployment, increased injustice and poorness, much decrease in welfare life standards. Increase the expenditures of social services and so on. In the context of increased distrust to political parties, the social movements has been challenged the macro national and international polices by engagement and mobilization of economic dissatisfied professionals groups in public streets and fields by emphasis on the principal of ethic- social justice. In meanwhile, the demands od religious- ethnic identities and actors has been interrelated with economic- class dimensions. Although the class has been important but is not deterministic as the age of cold war.

This article provides a theoretical discussion on the possibilities of conjunction of gender analysis and class analysis for the sociological study of mobility and social reproduction. Reviewing a tradition that has resulted in the separation of those fields and the lack of consideration of gender as a relevant factor in classical studies of social mobility, it presents the possibilities for a conceptual net capable of supporting empirical studies that articulate gender and social origin as explanatory sources of social inequality. That, moreover, has been fuelled by the proliferation in recent decades in Europe and Latin America of researches on mobility that, when including both men and women, convey that conclusions about social reproduction become more complex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two years after Erik Olin Wright's death, this article rereads one of his most famous works, Class Counts. This book, published in 1997, can be considered at the same time a contemporary classic of scientific Marxism and the manifest of neo-Marxist class analysis. The objectives of the article are manifold. Firstly, it contextualizes the author's theoretical contribution in his biography, emphasizing his complicated relationship with sociology as a Marxist. Then, it focuses on the book's specific contribution in terms of conceptual work, also looking at the theoretical implications of the empirical results. Finally, it reflects on the resilience of the heuristic capacity of Wright's categories to understand social inequalities in contemporary society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject-matter of the paper is the theory of class struggle proposed by Hans-Hermann Hoppe, one of the leading representatives of libertarian political philosophy in the radical tradition of Murray N. Rothbard. The author reconstructs and critically comments on the theory at hand. The author's remarks focus on the ethical and methodological background of Hoppe's approach, the main question being whether the latter theory is consonant with the thinker's positions on ethics and methodology, as well as with his political standpoint. The author argues that not only does class analysis not contradict other core beliefs of Hoppe but it also represents an indispensable element of his libertarian philosophy. There is, however, a significant tension between the class approach and Hoppe's secondary philosophical position - his historical idealism. The article is concluded by indicating some further issues in the Hoppean theory of class that, in the author's opinion, should be subject to future inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Praktyka Teoretyczna is the property of University of Wroclaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Across the last decade we have witnessed a growing wave of resistance across the globe. In this article we argue that it is critical to utilise class analysis to understand contemporary social movements. We maintain that class analysis begins with understanding class as a series of relations and/or processes that condition both the objective and subjective dimensions of class. Following this, we illustrate how sectors of the contemporary working class are in struggle, yet struggle differently, based on their structural location as well as differing nature of their resistance. In taking this approach to class and social movements, we argue that scholars can begin to unmask the central role of capitalism and the attending regimes of accumulation in the current wave of resistance even when they appear disconnected.

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the patterns of class inequality and capital accumulation in Brazil, showing the drivers and limits of the decline in inequality that occurred during the Workers' Party governments. It proposes that minimum wage hikes and greater social security changed the demand pattern and kick-started a cumulative causation process. Growth and redistribution thus reinforced each other for a period, and then spelled their own limits. As growth accelerated in the 2000s, a Gini decomposition indicates that class inequality decreased, but confined to changes between workers—capitalist income and social stratification were preserved. This also endogenously led to a regressive structural change, as low-productivity, labour-intensive services grew and international trade patterns worsened. This created a medium-term dependence on commodity prices for balance-of-trade solvency, and heightened cost-push inflation, which could not be overcome under the limited policy framework in place. The constrained basis for reducing inequality and the regressive structural change underscore that developmental strategies requires broad, multi-dimensional inequality-reducing measures and an encompassing catching-up project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is it unethical to advertise lotteries? Many citizens think that states should not be actively promoting and encouraging the public to spend hard-earned dollars on a bet that they are virtually guaranteed to lose. Perhaps more importantly, business ethicists are concerned that lottery advertising may be targeting the most vulnerable markets: households with the lowest income and education levels. If this were true, then it would increase the already disproportionately large burden of lottery taxes on the poor. Fortunately, our research finds no evidence to support the contention that advertising is responsible for high rates of lottery participation and expenditures by lower income groups or that low-income groups are more affected by advertising than high-income groups. On the contrary, awareness of lottery advertising seems to be associated with a higher probability to play Lotto only for the middle income group. This means that lottery advertising may actually reduce the regressivity of lottery taxes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Icelandic Society / Íslenska þjóðfélagið is the property of Icelandic Sociological Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract The article aims at showing the relevance of understanding the transformations of class composition for strengthening the connection between degrowth and environmental justice (EJ). In particular, I suggest the heterodox line of Autonomist Marxism as enabling factor of such connection. From an ecological perspective, the changing components of the working-class can be grasped by assessing the historical development of the value-nature nexus, and specifically of labour's role within it. In fact, capitalism does not have but rather is an ecological regime. Value creation occurs not upon nature, but through it – that is, within socio-natural relations emerging from the articulation of capital, power and the environment. My basic argument is that in contemporary capitalism conditions of existence and reproduction of society have become key drivers for surplus value production – most notably in carbon trading. Hence, EJ resistances are instances of class struggle and degrowth theoretical elaboration would benefit from incorporating such class-character. In this unprecedented situation, the task of the critique of political economy is not only that of unmasking ruling class' attempts to naturalize capitalism. It also requires resisting to elites' endeavours to directly capitalize nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stakeholder theory has been a popular heuristic for describing the management environment for years, but it has not attained full theoretical status. Our aim in this article is to contribute to a theory of stakeholder identification and salience based on stakeholders possessing one or more of three relationship attributes: power, legitimacy, and urgency. By combining these attributes, we generate a typology of stakeholders, propositions concerning their salience to managers of the firm, and research and management implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A nontechnical description of latent class analysis and a discussion of the CANDECOMP procedure and its application to consumer adoption of a new telecommunications service is presented with some suggestions for other areas in consumer and market research where latent class analysis might be of use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Patterns of mate selection reflect a tendency toward homogamy. Child-bearing patterns vary by race, socioeconomic status, and religion, with conception control a possible reason for the variation. Divorce and separation occur more frequently among black and poor couples, and there is some evidence that nonhomogamous marriages are broken more often than homogamous ones. Despite the increased divorce rate and tendency of young people to delay marriage, there is little empirical support for a radical change in American marriage and family patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the work of an American Marketing Association committee whose responsibility is to examine the problem of income classification. The author notes a general lack of standardization among income classification systems. According to the author, while some systems classify income by whole dollar amounts, others make divisions by descriptive terms. Also discussed is the need for sample control in income research. The author notes that social class differentiations should be taken into account.

Labor movement studies have, for long, been focusing separately on class and gender, since they understood that these categories were incompatible, focusing on unilateral causalities. The aim of this article is to offer a different perspective, including the gender and class analysis in social history in a joint and non-exclusionary method. To accomplish this task I discuss the approaches of feminism, gender studies and social history. By analyzing these theories I propose categories that are able to grasp this interlacement of social relations. Thus, I propose the fundamental concept of generalized class and I demonstrate the importance of a complex analysis. Social studies, especially those of the working class must include in their focus the specific oppression of working women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the last decade we have witnessed a growing wave of resistance across the globe. In this article we argue that it is critical to utilise class analysis to understand contemporary social movements. We maintain that class analysis begins with understanding class as a series of relations and/or processes that condition both the objective and subjective dimensions of class. Following this, we illustrate how sectors of the contemporary working class are in struggle, yet struggle differently, based on their structural location as well as differing nature of their resistance. In taking this approach to class and social movements, we argue that scholars can begin to unmask the central role of capitalism and the attending regimes of accumulation in the current wave of resistance even when they appear disconnected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses capital controls (CC) in South Africa in light of the historically and geographically specific social relations of production. It highlights the role that CC have historically played in reproducing particular forms of capital accumulation, and sheds light on the CC currently implemented by the state. The analysis draws upon quantitative data from the national accounts, descriptive data on CC from policy documents, and interviews conducted during a period of extensive fieldwork. The article makes three main arguments. First, CC have played a key role in facilitating the reproduction of essential capitalist social forms, namely the state and money, and have been instrumental in the management of class relations. Second, the concrete forms that CC have taken are inseparable from the historical-geographical specificity of accumulation and the uneven unfolding of crises and social class struggles. Third, working classes have had an active (though indirect) role in shaping CC policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the origins and the dynamics of the social movement against the energy corporation Petrofac that took place in the Tunisian archipelago of Kerkennah between 2011 and 2016. The Kerkennah movement is seen as part of a broader cycle of mobilisations for social justice that started in 2008 and continues to the present day. The main subjects of these mobilisations are young people lacking sources of regular income and their core demands are secure employment and local development. It is argued that communal solidarities were key in compensating for the lack of occupational cohesion among the protesters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Salem contrasts De Smet’s contribution to the debates on revolution and counter-revolution in Egypt with other important materialist readings of the uprisings. Echoing the centrality of class analysis employed in Gramsci on Tahrir, Salem challenges De Smet’s reading of the Nasserist period and situates Nasserism within a broader pattern of coeval political struggles in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The catastrophic consequences of the abuse of authority perpetrated during the first half of the secolo breve have led to globally dimensioned cultural, social and psychological pressures towards the formulation of legal limitations able to prevent repetition of such aberrations. The 'democratic' wind, though undeniably effective in encouraging enhanced appreciation of, and undifferentiated respect for, each individual, has nevertheless proved weaker when required to find an appropriate theoretical and practical repositioning of the authoritative dimension proper to any social relationship, whether at systemic, interpersonal or individual level. The purpose of this inquiry is to encourage updated reflections on the role of the authoritative dimension in social and personal development processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Sociología is the property of Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent approaches to class analysis in advanced capitalism have been largely disconnected from the capitalist labour process. This paper has three basic goals. First, we suggest a composite Marxist model of current class structure grounded in ownership, managerial authority, specialized knowledge and value relations in the capitalist labour process. Secondly, this model is used for an empirical assessment of continuity and change in class structure, based on a series of national surveys in Canada in the period 1982–2010. Thirdly, using the same series of surveys, we use this model of class structure to evaluate the extent to which employment class positions are relevant for understanding shifting expressions of class consciousness. Within the employed labour force in this particular advanced capitalist country, we find a generally declining conventional working class and expanding proportions of managerial and professional employees. Connections between employment class positions and class consciousness can involve complex mediations. Evidence for the persistence of strong hegemonic consciousness among corporate capitalists is provided by an additional unique series of surveys. This persistence contrasts with declining working class identity and increasingly mixed class consciousness among most other employment class positions. However, pro-labour oppositional consciousness is found to dominate among unionized industrial workers and professional employees in the private goods-producing sector, who may be among the most directly exploited workers in value terms in an emergent ‘knowledge economy’. The findings suggest the continuing relevance of pursuing class analyses based on production relations in advanced capitalist economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of studies have indicated that offering a monetary incentive influences the percentage of return in a mail survey [2, 3, 4, 9, 10, 11]. Within this group of studies, explorations have been made of the relative increase gained when the incentive is given immediately versus the increase when it is promised only upon the return of the completed questionnaire [10, 11]. As researchers have begun to look at why incentives increase return, however, the values held by the potential respondents have been seen as significant. The study presented here, proceeding from this emphasis on values, was designed to take into account the variable of social class. This concept sees society as stratified by combinations of such factors as occupation, amount and source of income, education, house type, and neighborhood [8, p. 174], with individuals in each stratum holding values common to his stratum but different from the values of those in other strata. The objective of the study was to test in a lower-class neighborhood with black residents and in a middle-class neighborhood with white residents the relative effect of immediate monetary incentive versus conditional (promised) monetary incentive on percentage of questionnaires returned. It was felt that these two strata, viewed in sociological literature as holding dramatically different values, would offer the most vivid contrast for a test of this kind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this short essay, we try to assess the utility of class analyses for understanding the contemporary Estonian society. Erik Wright (2009) identifies three strands of class analysis: a stratification approach, a Weberian approach and a Marxist approach. We address the following questions: Which kind of class analysis is most present in Estonia today? Which is most needed? The main conclusion is that due to this marginalisation of class discourse, as well as the power of national/ethnic discourse and transitional culture, those most economically vulnerable were deprived of the cultural and discursive resources to resist the most the extreme market-oriented policies. The conditions for structuration of class relations were created, while the class and inequality discourse was marginalised.