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The chapter intervenes in current public debates about German security policy. Many observers in the media have argued that the Russian invasion has triggered a revolution in German military affairs, de facto putting an end to German pacifism. The chapter takes issue with this argument. It draws on public opinion polls and prior research of parliamentary debates in the German Bundestag to show that neither German foreign policy elites nor the German public could ever aptly be described as pacifist in a strict sense; neither elites nor the general public as a whole were ever fundamentally opposed to the military. And while German society could (mostly) be adequately described as antimilitarist (reluctant to get militarily involved abroad), since the 1990s there has been a significant shift among foreign policy elites towards increased support for military operations outside the NATO area. Even public opinion, commonly seen as sceptical of military involvement, is much more differentiated than commonly assumed, in particular among the media. Thus, while the German government has only haltingly and somewhat hesitantly expanded its military support for Ukraine, this is does not appear to be primarily a result of a lack of public support.

This article analyzes the gendered representation of military service in the German YouTube series Die Rekruten (DR) (The Recruits), a popular web series produced on behalf of the German armed forces (Bundeswehr) for recruitment purposes, which accompanies 12 navy recruits during their basic training. The article is situated within research on masculinity and the military, in particular military recruitment. It supplements current scholarship by studying a previously neglected case that is of particular interest given Germany’s antimilitarist culture, which should make military recruitment and military public relations more difficult. The article asks how military service is represented in DR, what its discursive effects are, and what role (if any) masculinity plays in this process. We find support for recent feminist research on military masculinities (including in military recruitment) that emphasizes ambiguity and contradiction. What distinguishes the construction of military masculinity in DR from, for example, recruitment advertisements in the United States or the United Kingdom is its markedly civil character. This not only broadens the military’s appeal for a more diverse audience but also increases the legitimacy of the military and its activities. It does so by concealing the violence that has for the past two decades also been a very real part of what the Bundeswehr does.

Pacifism and anti-militarism in Western Europe, 1918–1939 As the consequence of the events of 1914–1918, the pacifism was on the rise in Western Europe. Societies of England, France and Germany as well as other Western European countries, set themselves the goal of preventing another war from breaking out. International congresses and conventions were organized. They were attended by peace advocates representing various social and political views, which made cooperation difficult. These meetings did not prevent the Spanish Civil War, the aggression against Abyssinia and the outbreak of World War II. In addition to moderate pacifists, Western Europe was also home to radical anti-militarists who believed that way to the world peace led through the abolition of military service. The pacifists in Britain and France were satisfied with their politicians’ submissiveness and indecision toward Hitler during the 1930s. Pacifism and radical anti-militarism also fitted perfectly into the plans of the Comintern. With its help, the USSR weakened the military potential of Western Europe.

Este artigo trata de alguns pressupostos da educação e da cultura política antimilitarista, a partir de conceitos, significados e vivências cotidianas que residem nos movimentos sociais e nas produções científicas libertárias e anarquistas – pautados distintamente pela resistência antiautoritária e anticapitalista. Para isso, evidencio dinâmicas contrárias às guerras, ao militarismo e demais práticas de terrorismo de Estado, assinalando o significado político indissociável das lutas sociais que promovam a paz a partir da justiça social, igualdade, liberdade e outros valores que nos possibilite o reencontro com a arte de viver e o respeito radical aos seres humanos e à vida no planeta Terra. This article deals with some assumptions of antimilitarist education and political culture, based on concepts, meanings and everyday experiences that reside in social movements and in libertarian and anarchist scientific productions – distinctly guided by anti-authoritarian and anti-capitalist resistance. For this, I show dynamics contrary to wars, militarism and other practices of State terrorism, pointing out the inseparable political meaning of social struggles that promote peace based on social justice, equality, freedom and other values ​​that allow us to reunite with the art of living and radical respect for human beings and life on planet Earth. Este artículo aborda algunos presupuestos de la educación y cultura política antimilitaristas, a partir de conceptos, significados y experiencias cotidianas que residen en los movimientos sociales y en las producciones libertarias y científicas anarquistas – claramente guiadas por la resistencia antiautoritaria y anticapitalista. Para ello, muestro dinámicas contrarias a las guerras, el militarismo y otras prácticas del terrorismo de Estado, señalando el significado político inseparable de las luchas sociales que promuevan la paz basada en la justicia social, la igualdad, la libertad y otros valores que nos permitan reencontrarnos la arte de vivir y el respeto radical por el ser humano y la vida en el planeta Tierra. Cet article traite de quelques postulats d'éducation et de culture politique antimilitaristes, fondés sur des concepts, des significations et des expériences quotidiennes qui résident dans les mouvements sociaux et dans les productions libertaires et scientifiques – clairement guidé par la résistance anti-autoritaire et anticapitaliste. Pour cela, je montre des dynamiques contraires aux guerres, au militarisme et aux autres pratiques du terrorisme d'État, en soulignant le sens politique indissociable des luttes sociales qui promeuvent la paix fondée sur la justice sociale, l'égalité, la liberté et d'autres valeurs qui nous permettent de retrouver le art de vivre et respect radical de l'être humain et de la vie sur la planète Terre.

Cet article présente la manière dont le travail biographique permet de comprendre et non « desceller » les mécanismes plus globaux de la conversion politique d’un individu. Ici, il est question de desceller les raisons qui amenèrent un pasteur socialiste, dont rien ne laissait présager une forme de radicalité politique à l’éclatement de la Première Guerre, à se tourner vers le bolchévisme. Une conversion politique qui entraîna des conséquences à la fois politiques, sociales et amicales. Jules Humbert-Droz, de simple militant socialiste et antimilitariste, devint, aux yeux de l’État, des socialistes modérés et d’une partie de la population, un agent de la subversion bolchévique et un acteur de la diffusion des idées révolutionnaires en Suisse. Un choix politique qui lui permit de gravir rapidement les échelons au sein des organisations communistes internationales, et de devenir un révolutionnaire aux dimensions internationales. This article presents how biographical work helps understand the more global mechanisms of an individual’s political conversion. Here the purpose is to unravel the reasons which led a socialist pastor, who displayed no sign of any form of political radicalism at the outbreak of the First War, to turn to Bolshevism during the conflict. A political conversion that led to political, social, and friendly consequences. Jules Humbert Droz is no longer a mere socialist and anti-militarist militant, but becomes, in the eyes of the state, of moderate socialists, and of a section of the population, an agent of the Bolshevik subversion and an actor in the dissemination of revolutionary ideas in Switzerland. A political choice that allowed him to quickly climb the ranks of the international communist organizations and to become a revolutionary on an international scale. Este artículo describe cómo el trabajo biográfico ayuda a comprender los mecanismos más amplios de la conversión política de uno individuo. En este caso, se trata de desmontar las razones que llevan a un pastor socialista, del que nada presagia una forma de radicalidad política al estallar la Primera Guerra Mundial, a volverse hacia el bolchevismo durante el conflicto. Una conversión política que tuvo consecuencias políticas, sociales y amistosas. Jules Humbert-Droz ya no es un simple militante socialista y antimilitarista, sino que se convierte, a los ojos del Estado, de los socialistas moderados y de una parte de la población, en un agente de la subversión bolchevique y en un actor de la difusión de las ideas revolucionarias en Suiza. Una opción política que le permitió ascender rápidamente en las organizaciones comunistas internacionales y convertirse en un revolucionario de dimensiones internacionales.

Après un bref aperçu de la participation des femmes écrivaines à la presse anarchiste en Italie au début du XX^e^ siècle, l’article examine les grandes idées développées dans les premières revues féminines anarchistes publiés en Italie, La Donna libertaria (1912-1913) et L’Alba libertaria (1915). Outre à inciter les femmes à participer à la lutte anticapitaliste et antimilitariste, les revues féminines anarchistes montrent une certaine ouverture aux problèmes des femmes, en formulant notamment des prises de position originales sur la maternité et le contrôle des naissances par la contraception. Les revues accusent en même temps les compagnons anarchistes d’avoir négligé l’élément féminin au sein du mouvement et entendent lutter contre l’antiféminisme de tous bords., After a brief overview of the participation of female writers in the anarchist press in Italy at the beginning of the twentieth century, the article examines the main ideas developed in the first anarchist women’s periodicals published in Italy, La Donna libertaria (1912-1913) and L’Alba libertaria (1915). In addition to encouraging women to take part in the anti-capitalist and anti-militarist struggle, anarchist women’s periodicals showed some openness to women’s issues, in particular by formulating original positions on motherhood and birth control through contraception. At the same time, the periodicals accuse the anarchist companions of having neglected the female element within the movement and intend to fight against antifeminism of all kinds.

Bigarren Hezkuntzako DBH 4. maila eta 1. Batxilergorako Kontzientzia Eragozpen eta Intsumisio Gizarte Mugimenduaren proposamen didaktikoa da hau, 2015eko Nafarroako Curriculuma aintzat hartuta eta Gizarte Zientzien Didaktikaren gidaritzapean: ikaskuntza esanguratsua, bakearen hezkuntza, antimilitarismoa, lankidetza metodologiak eta pentsamendu historikoa uztartuz, hiritartasun demokratiko eta globala eraikitzeko bidean. Hezkuntza gizarte-aldaketa demokratikorako tresna den heinean, mundu globalizatuan, Nafarroako Intsumisio Mugimenduaren prozesu historiko lokalak, proposamen didaktiko honen bitartez, ikasleengan kontzientzia eta pentsamendu kritikoa sustatzea du helburu. XXI.mendearen arazo globalei, gerrak eta militarismoa kasu, aurre egiteko baliagarri eta eredugarriak izan daitezkeen XX. mendeko borroka ezbiolentoak azaleratuz, ulertuz eta horienganako enpatia piztuz. Ikasle eta ikastalde bezala euren ezagutza eraikiko dute; baina baita ikasleriak sujetu sozial eta politiko bezala haien burua eraikitzen joateko proposamena da. Betiere, Historiaren ikerketa eta berrikuntza historiografikoa ikustarazten ari den sujetu historiko berrien harira: pertsona intsumituen esperientziak, bizipenak eta utzitako ondare materiala eta ezmaterialaren azterketa eginez iturri historikoak kontrastatu eta interpretatzeko gaitasuna bereganatuko dute, gogoetarako tartea utziz. Proposamen didaktiko malgua eta irekia da, Bigarren Hezkuntzako edozein irakaslerentzat moldagarria izatea baita asmoa. Dokumentuen analasirako fitxak modu ezberdinetan konbinatu daitezke, hezkuntza testuinguru eta komunitate ezberdinen egoeretara moldatuz Esta es una propuesta didáctica para 4º de la ESO y 1º Bachillerato en Educación Secundaria sobre el Movimiento Social de Objeción de Conciencia e Insumisión en Navarra, teniendo en cuenta el Currículum educativo de Navarra de 2015 y bajo la guía de la Didáctica de las Ciencias Sociales: ensamblando aprendizaje significativo, educación para la paz, antimilitarismo, metodologías cooperativascolaborativas y pensamiento histórico, en el camino de construcción de una ciudadanía democrática y global. Dentro del marco sociológico en el que la Educación se concibe como instrumento democrático para el cambio social en un Mundo Globalizado, los procesos históricos locales insertados en un mundo global, pretenden despertar conciencia y pensamiento crítico y hacer frente a los problemas globales del siglo XXI en el aula, tales como las guerras y el militarismo económico, social, político y cultural. En la actualidad, la noviolencia puede ser un útil modelo de aprendizaje para el cambio social. Al visibilizar, comprender y generar empatía hacia la lucha noviolenta y la desobediencia civil, colaboramos en la construcción de sujetos-alumnado formado en pensamiento sociohistórico, pero también en su configuración y articulación como sujetos sociales y políticos. El patrimonio material e inmaterial legado por las experiencias y vivencias de las personas insumisas, es una fuente histórica que al conocer, analizar e interpretar, se transforman en evidencia histórica y las/os insumisos/as en nuevos sujetos históricos que la renovación e investigación histórica está visibilizando. Por lo tanto, en este devenir el alumado irá adquieriendo las competencias históricas necesarias para la vida. Esta propuesta didáctica pretende ser flexible y abierta, mediante la utilización de unas fichas de análisis de documentos combinables de múltiples maneras, para que el profesorado las adapte y/o modifique en comunidades de aprendizaje diversas de Educación Secundaria. This is a didactic proposal for 4th ESO and 1st Bachillerato in secondary education about the social movement of conscientious objection and insubordination in Navarra, taking into account the 2015 Navarra Educational Curriculum and under the guidance of the Didactic of Social Sciences: assembling meaningful learning, peace education, antimilitarism, cooperative-collaborative methodologies and historical thinking, to create a democratic and global citizenship. In a Globalised World, local historical processes inserted in a global world, through the didactic objective of awakening consciousness and critical thinking, aim to confront the global problems of the 21st century, such as wars and economic, social, political and cultural militarism. Today, non-violence can be an useful learning model for social change. By making visible, understanding and generating empathy towards nonviolent struggle and civil disobedience, we collaborate in the construction of studentsubjects trained in socio-historical thinking, but also in their configuration and articulation as social and political subjects. The material and intangible heritage bequeathed by the experiences of the conscientious objectors, is a historical source that upon knowing, analysing and interpreting, is transformed into historical evidence; and the conscientious objectors into new historical subjects that the renewal and historical research are making visible. Therefore, in this process, the students will acquire the necessary historical competences for life. This didactic proposal aims to be flexible and open, through the use of document analysis cards that can be combined in multiple ways, so that teachers can adapt and/or modify them in diverse learning communities of Secondary Education, within the sociological framework in which education is conceived as a democratic instrument for social change. Máster Universitario en Profesorado de Educación Secundaria por la Universidad Pública de Navarra Bigarren Hezkuntzako Irakasletzako Unibertsitate Masterra Nafarroako Unibertsitate Publikoan

L’objectif de cet article est d’examiner les origines historiques et politiques des organisations militantes qui luttent pour la démocratisation de l’armée ou pour l’abolition du service militaire en Grèce. À partir des travaux d’historiens et de sociologues, mais aussi de textes produits par les militants, nous étudierons la genèse et la fin du « Mouvement pour l’armée », un mouvement social de la jeunesse actif dans les années 1980. En s’appuyant sur des entretiens semi-directifs avec les membres des trois principales organisations contemporaines, l’Association des objecteurs de conscience, le Comité de solidarité aux enrôlés et l’association Nikiforos, nous analyserons les engagements, les pratiques et les idéologies antimilitaristes actuels. L’analyse socio-historique des luttes antimilitaristes d’hier et d’aujourd’hui permet de saisir les liens de l’armée avec la sphère politique dans la Grèce d’aujourd’hui. The objective of this article is to examine the historical and political origins of militant organizations fighting for the democratization of the army or for the abolition of military service in Greece. Based on the work of historians and sociologists, but also on the texts of activists, the genesis and end of the Army Movement, a social youth movement that took action in the 1980s, will be studied. Based on semi-directive interviews with members of three main contemporary organizations, the Association of Conscientious Objectors, the Committee of Solidarity with the Enlisted and the Nikiforos Association, the current anti-militarist commitments, practices and ideologies will be analyzed. The socio-historical analysis of the anti-militarist struggles of yesterday and today allows us to grasp the army’s links with the political sphere in today’s Greece.

This work is devoted to the insurrectional policy of the French Section of the Communist International (SFIC), from its birth in 1920 to the eve of the Second World War in 1939. The goal is to find if the SFIC gave itself the means necessary to overthrow the « Bourgeois State » and if this orientation changed during its first twenty years of existence.This study begins by analysing the origins of this policy, in the left wing of the socialist SFIO and, broadly, of the French and international workers movement. The topic of the insurrectional policy is understood as combining different sides. The theoretical and practical preparation to insurgency on one side ; the formation of an underground apparatus and of self-defence structures that can, in needed, act as an attacking force (what was known in the German KPD as the M-Apparat – for Militär[politischer]Apparat) ; and, finally, an actively antimilitarist policy, aimed at breaking the repressive forces.We will also devote ourselves to identify the causes of the evolutions of this policy, whereas these are to find in the practical results of the said policy, in French domestic politics or in the internal crisis of the French and international communist movement, Ce travail de recherche entend aborder l'histoire de la politique insurrectionnelle de la Section Française de l'Internationale Communiste de sa naissance en 1920 jusqu'à l’éclatement de la deuxième guerre mondiale en 1939. Il s'agit de savoir si la SFIC a essayé de se donner les moyens pratiques de renverser « l’État bourgeois » et si cette orientation a varié durant les 20 premières années de son existence.Cette étude commence par traiter des origines de cette politique, au sein de l'aile gauche de la SFIO ou du mouvement ouvrier français et international. La question de la politique insurrectionnelle est comprise comme intégrant plusieurs aspects, d'une part la préparation (théorique et pratique) à l'insurrection ; la création d'un appareil clandestin et de structures d'autodéfense pouvant éventuellement servir des buts offensifs (ce qui était désigné dans le PC allemand sous le nom de M-Apparat – acronyme de Militär[politischer]Apparat, c'est à dire Appareil Militaro-politique), et l'application d'une politique antimilitariste, visant à la désagrégation des forces de répression. On s'attachera aussi à identifier les causes des évolutions et des tournants de cette politique, que celles-ci soient à trouver dans les résultats pratiques obtenus, dans la politique intérieure française ou dans les crises internes du mouvement communiste français et international.

Esta investigación aborda el pensamiento contra la guerra y el movimiento pacifista que se va gestando desde finales del siglo XIX, al calor del clima imperialista y prebélico que se respiraba en Europa en los prolegómenos de la Gran Guerra. Y en el contexto amplio de conflagración mundial (1914-45), se analiza cómo las mujeres españolas piensan la guerra, la viven y actúan. En estas páginas se recogen las ideas y consideraciones de algunas de esas mujeres que reflexionaron sobre la guerra y también el activismo organizado nacional e internacional de aquellas que lucharon por la paz, con una estrategia que aunó feminismo, pacifismo y antifascismo. Algunas de estas voces protagonistas son las de Concepción Arenal, Carmen de Burgos, María Lejárraga, Isabel Oyarzábal, Veneranda García Manzano, Carmen Dorronsoro, Federica Montseny, Sara Berenguer, Aurora Arnáiz, Teófila Madroñal, Manuela Ballester… This research deals with anti-war thinking and the pacifist movement that has been brewing since the end of the 19th century, in the heat of the pre-war imperialist climate in Europe during the prolegomena of the Great War. And in the broad context of world conflagration (1914-45), about how Spanish women think war, live and act. These pages reflect the ideas and considerations of some of those women who reflected on the war and also the national and international organized activism of those who fought for peace, with a strategy that combined feminism, pacifism and antifascism. Some of these voices protagonistas are Concepción Arenal, Carmen de Burgos, María Lejárraga, Isabel Oyarzábal, Veneranda García Manzano, Carmen Dorronsoro, Federica Montseny, Sara Berenguer, Aurora Arnáiz, Teófila Madroñal, Manuela Ballester…

Questo lavoro si propone di analizzare alcuni aspetti dell’esistenza di Clara Zetkin (1857-1933). La militante tedesca femminista e socialista, allo scoppio della prima guerra mondiale, si distinse da gran parte del suo partito, la Spd, per la condanna della guerra e dei valori nazionalisti che portavano i popoli europei a combattersi tra loro nell’immane conflitto. All’indomani del conflitto, fino alla sua morte, Clara Zetkin lottò principalmente contro il fascismo e il nazionalsocialismo: in contrapposizione al nazismo, lei proponeva il sistema sovietico, che avrebbe liberato le masse dallo spettro di simili violenze e oppressioni. L’ultima parte del lavoro presenterà invece alcuni aspetti riguardanti l’immagine da lei lasciata in Occidente. This work tries to analyze some aspects of the life of Clara Zetkin (1857-1933). The German feminist and socialist militant, at the beginning of World War І, took a different position from the majority of her party, the Spd, since she strongly condemned the war and the nationalist values that led the European people to fight each other in this enormous conflict. After the conflict, until her death, Clara Zetkin fought mainly against fascism and national socialism. In opposition to Nazism, she proposed the soviet system, as the one which would free masses from the danger of such violence and oppression. The last part of this work will deal with some aspects of the reception Clara Zetkin had among scholars and feminist movements in the Western culture.

This essay aims to analyse the main attitudes and concepts underlying the anti-militarism of the "new" Radical Party (Pr), and to outline the reasons that led the Radicals to embrace conscientious objection as a political objective. In the years 1961-1968, the Radicals elaborated their own anti-militarist position, picking up reflections and concepts from Anglo-Saxon anti-nuclearism and Italian pacifism. They aimed to overcome the positions of national neutralism in favour of a bilateral plan for conventional and atomic disarmament in Europe. At the end of the Sixties, the battle for the legal recognition of conscientious objection became a qualifying feature of the Pr. The Radicals identified the refusal to serve in the army as a fundamental right of the individual. A right that could powerfully contribute to the disruption of military structures and then to the dismantling of the "regime". The Radicals played a crucial role first in making such issue a salient one for the general public, and then in pressing the Italian Parliament to approve the conscientious objection law (Law 772) in 1972.

En 1901 se sancionó en Argentina la Ley 4031 que establecía el Servicio Militar Obligatorio. Reconstruimos en este artículo los debates y las diferentes posturas que generó esta ley dentro de la propia clase dirigente y del ejército, ya que su sanción fue parte del proyecto de modernización estatal que el gobierno argentino comenzó en el siglo anterior. Esta ley ocasionó encendidas críticas de socialistas y anarquistas que fueron volcadas en La Vanguardia y La Protesta Humana, dos de sus principales órganos de prensa. Ambos sectores condenaron la Ley y el militarismo estatal con argumentos semejantes. Defensores y detractores del Servicio Militar Obligatorio respondieron a una lógica y a un lenguaje de la modernidad que encontró todos sus matices en este debate. El artículo busca ahondar en ellos y resaltarlos especialmente., In 1901, Law 4031 established the Mandatory Military Service in Argentina. We tried to reconstruct the debates and different positions regarding this Law framed within the state’s Project of modernization that Argentine government had begun in the previous century. Socialists and anarchists critics published in two of its main press: La Vanguardia and La Protesta Humana. With similar arguments, both sectors shared the condemnation of the law and state militarism. Supporters and detractors of the Mandatory Military Service responded to a logic and language of modernity that found all its nuances in this debate. This article seeks to highlight them., Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

Una de las principales características del anarquismo es su internacionalismo, su oposición a las distintas formas estatales y a las acciones militaristas que los caracterizan. En este trabajo, indagaremos sobre las maneras particulares en que las anarquistas se posicionaron contra el militarismo de fines del siglo XIX y principios del siglo XX. El antimilitarismo anarquista construyó desde las mujeres y para las mujeres, a quienes buscaba interpelar, distintas posibilidades de acción. Algunas de estos llamamientos cuestionaron los roles tradicionalmente asignados a las mujeres. En otros casos, como en el antimilitarismo, los planteos fueron más conservadores. Tomaremos para ello dos recorridos, la labor de Emma Goldman en Estados Unidos y el de las anarquistas de la Voz de la Mujer en Argentina. El cruzamiento entre ambas experiencias intenta abonar el camino de pensar al anarquismo por fuera de límites nacionales. One of the main characteristics of anarchism is its internationalism, its opposition to different state forms and militaristic actions that characterize them. In this paper, we will investigate the particular ways in which anarchists positioned themselves against the militarism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The anarchist antimilitarism constructed (from the women and for the women, whom it sought to interpellate) different possibilities of action. Some of these appeals questioned the roles traditionally assigned to women. In other cases, as in anti-militarist appeal, the proposals were more conservative. We will take two paths to study this subject: first, Emma Goldman’s work in the phase she lived in the United States; and, second, papers published in anarchists journal the Voice of Women, printed in Argentina. The crossing between both experiences tries to pay the ground where bloom the anarchist thinking outside of national limits.