Search

This paper discussed the relationship between language, ecology, and culture, and claimed that the study of linguistic communication as pragmatics should not be confined to the traditional context, but should focus on a broader ecological environment. It analyzed the context of practical communication from the perspective of language ecology beginning with the discussion of the ecological crisis in communication and found that language, like plants and animals in nature, needed the support of the external environment with certain "soil fertility". This paper classified ecological context into two types: internal ecological context (psychological-cognitive context) and external ecological context (natural environment and social environment). Based on this classification, the ecological context of pragmatics was further divided into environment-friendly context, addressee-friendly context, and speaker-friendly ecological context. This paper was an exploratory analysis of language ecology in pragmatics, aiming at helping communicative participants find their ecological niche and adopt appropriate strategies to maintain the ecological balance in pragmatic communication.

This paper focuses on the recent political spars between Canada and Saudi Arabia as well as China and their impact on Canadian universities. It asks three questions: (1) What key issues did Canada's political strains with Saudi Arabia and China raise for Canadian universities' international education (IE) initiatives and what issues were absent? (2) What do these key issues suggest about Canada's approaches to IE in an era of new geopolitics? and (3) What implications can be drawn from these cases about Canadian university-government relations in the context of new geopolitics? Given the powerful role media plays in education policy, a systematic study was conducted across three main media sources to identify 74 articles and news releases between August 2018 and November 2019. Three dominant themes are identified and analyzed, each vividly illustrating the close ties between global politics, government foreign policy and IE within Canadian Universities. On the one hand, the narratives speak to concerns about IE as a risk to national security and, on the other, as a vehicle for Canada's economic prosperity. However, what the media has not achieved is a broader discussion on how Canada needs to revisit its IE objectives and approaches in light of broader geopolitical shifts. Using the theoretical framework of soft power, the paper speaks to the limitations and short-sightedness of Canada's approach to IE as soft power in this era of new geopolitics and concludes with three recommendations for Canada.

This paper analyzes the textual aspects in Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) Norman Fairclough model of "CNN" news discourse about Uyghur issue. When this research is conducted, there are only at least five articles specifically discussing Uyghur issue that are 29th December 2011, 29th February 2012, 29th February 2012, 30th October 2013, and 5th September 2014 publications. The research focuses on analyzing the text representation and the relation between participants in the discourse. Objectives of the paper are: 1) to analyze the text representation of news in the news channel of "CNN" related to the Uyghur case, and 2) to analyze the relation between participants in the news channel of "CNN" related to the Uyghur case. The subject of this paper is Uyghur issue as reflected in the news articles of "CNN" International. The paper applies qualitative descriptive method. As a consequence: "CNN" often put formality features and a vague vocabulary to block and obscure the negative value from the readers to China. The relation here is presented by "CNN" to China rather than "CNN" to Uyghur. It is reflected by the power of the status of China.

Australia's new government is committed to delivering the next defence white paper in 2015. The two previous white papers took a predominantly risk-management approach to Southeast Asia, generally ignored the strategic opportunities in the region, treated it as a stand-alone region largely unrelated to developments in East Asia and failed to link Australia's policies in Southeast Asia with the broader goal of helping to ensure greater strategic stability in Asia by putting constraints on Chinese assertiveness and encouraging its peaceful rise. After offering a summary of recent Australian defence thinking on Southeast Asia, this paper outlines why managing China is the key variable when it comes to strategic stability in the region. It then examines how China's strategy and behaviour can be shaped and influenced by events and relationships in Southeast Asia, and offers some suggestions as to the role Australia can seek to play in Southeast Asia that relates to Canberra's China-focused objectives and strategic stability in Asia more broadly If that can be achieved in the 2015 defence white paper, Australia - which is often criticized for being preoccupied primarily with managing the relationship with its superpower ally the United States - will demonstrate to itself and Asia that its heavy reliance on the ANZUS treaty is no barrier to strategic creativity in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined a cross-cultural perspective on how the top popular press in the Philippines and China portray an evaluative stance as regards the current South China Sea tensions. It set out to reveal the news writers' positions through examining Martin and White's (2005) appraisal framework particularly the attitude category. The analysis of the media reports from the two countries culled from a three-year period (January 2013-December 2016) focused on how the news writers construed their attitudinal judgment and positions. Findings reveal that the high occurrences of appreciation resources in both corpora provide subtle or indirect expressions of behavioral judgment in the course of journalistic writing where conventions relating to objectivity are necessary. Even if dominated by appreciation evaluative language that construes value of phenomenon relating to aspects of the disputes, affect (manifesting emotions) and judgment (relating to behavior) evaluative resources are employed to reflect or represent the socio-cultural and political contexts, government policy and even capture the local sentiment in which the news reports are written. As regards the difference between the two, the Chinese news reports lean towards a more diplomatic stance through the noteworthy use of evaluative affect and appreciation resources that underscore enhancement of relationship, partnership and accord while the Philippine news reports are more inclined to express implied negative subjective attitudinal stance on the issue. This paper set out the significance of language in framing positions, sentiments, opinions and policies in which meanings are construed in news reports. Examining media discourse from the lens of the appraisal system or evaluative language underscores how subjectivity occurs where beliefs, notions and values in a society are generated.

Presents the February 2000 white paper by the People's Republic of China about the relations of Mainland China and Taiwan. China's basis and prerequisite for achieving peaceful reunification; Questions involving the One China Principle in cross-strait relations; Adherence to the One China principle in the international community. INSET: PRC White Paper....

With regard to the evolution of Marxist theories affecting the relationship between China and Taiwan historically and conceptually, this paper starts with the conceptual framing of the general evolution of Marxist theories--Marxism, neo-Marxist, and post-Marxism. Through dialectical and reconceptualized practice and learning the development of modern Taiwan in the evolutionary modes of Marxist theories, the relationship between China and Taiwan is interpreted as an ambiguous pattern which has evolved from Marxism, neo-Marxism, to post-Marxism. The purpose of this paper is not focused on Marxist theoretical work, but instead, to provide the concentrated themes--the suggestions of creating a dialogic classroom in three curricular methods--currere approach, critical theory, and postmodernism. The paper will conclude that in a debate over China-Taiwan-relationship issues, both sides will imperatively recognize the historical past, focus on the present moment, and have the prospect of a future with mutual benefits.

This study analyses how the rise of China will change the international system and how it will alter decisions and actions taken by the United States. As such, it will also analyse the operational implications for Europe resulting from the United States military capabilities' relocation to Asia-Pacific. This is an important topic as the European Union enters the era of new international order and faces new challenges for its security cooperation. By defining a security strategy the EU has acknowledged the importance of European cooperation as well as cooperation with the United States. Nevertheless it still examines the ways to cooperation. This paper utilises Realism -- in particular, the Power Transition Theory -- to account for China's rise and America's response to it. It combines theory with historic and contemporary actions, draws conclusions and makes recommendations. The study finds that with the United States' rebalancing of its military efforts to the Asia-Pacific, which could be compounded should the US become distracted by a crisis in East-Asia, Europeans may face a number of capability-driven operational implications as well as operational implications resulting from political differences, should they seek to undertake their own military operations. This work also analyses existing and evolving forms of security cooperation within Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this white paper the Chinese government assesses the security environment; defines, and elaborates on, its national defense policy including its commitment to the policy of no first use of nuclear weapons at any time and under any circumstances; and describes the defense situation and activities in 2006. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of whether economic globalization promotes or depresses governments' education spending has attracted social scientists' attention for decades. Existing literature presents an interesting contrast between two theoretical scenarios, namely race to the top and race to the bottom. This paper attempts to adapt the debate to the subnational context of China and argues that, under this decentralized authoritarian setting, economic globalization could boost the absolute levels of education funding by incentivizing human capital formation and by contributing to local government coffers but shrink its relative share in overall spending by shifting government priorities away from education to other budget items such as infrastructure that relate more closely to foreign investment. A dynamic panel data analysis of provincial-level statistics from China over an 11-year period confirms that inflow of foreign direct investment increases the absolute level but decreases the relative weight of education spending in the overall provincial budget, essentially a race to the top and to the bottom at the same time.

Mutual hostility and confrontation characterized the first two decades of relations between the United States and the People's Republic of China. This article examines the impact of the Korean War on creating and perpetuating this mutual enmity. The first half describes how the U.S. reaction to the outbreak of the Korean War and especially Chinese military intervention in the conflict removed any chance for an early reconciliation, discussing Washington's specific policies from June 1950 until the armistice in July 1953 aimed at achieving diplomatic isolation and economic punishment of China's new regime. The second half defines China's five primary postwar foreign policy goals and explains how Beijing faced strident opposition from the United States in its attempts to achieve each objective. While Washington's efforts largely failed, U.S. actions ensured that Sino-American relations would remain poisoned for fifteen more years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the interest of New Zealand of building a strong relationship with the U.S. and its accommodation of China. It examines the transformation of power in the Asia-Pacific region such as the shift of the locus of global power to Asia and the changes within the region's distribution of power. It offers the analysis of Australian National University professor of strategic studies Hugh White and Hedley Bull on the major power relations and its implications on New Zealand policy.

Economic policy uncertainty has had an important impact on trade and sustainable economic development. Especially in some specific industries, uncertainty has increased dramatically. The extant related literature mainly analyzes the nexus between uncertainty and trade across different industries and focuses less on a specific industry. Using Chinese customs data on HS 8-digit products over the period of 2000–2013, this paper first investigates the impact of both foreign economic policy uncertainty (EPU) and domestic intra-industry trade on China's mechanical and electrical product exports to 23 trading partners and applies pooled OLS regressions to conduct an empirical study. This paper finds that EPU has a significant inhibition effect on mechanical and electrical product exports; conversely, intra-industry trade can both significantly promote exports and alleviate the inhibition effect of EPU. In addition, the export impact of EPU varied with different trade patterns. It can significantly inhibit processing exports, while it has no effect on ordinary exports. The results of this paper indicate that in the context of increasing uncertainty, our findings could have far-reaching policy implications for China to build a new development pattern of domestic and international dual circulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's ascendant position in International Relations has sparked a debate over the future of the US-led liberal international order. As China's military, economic, ideological, and institutional influence continues to expand, apprehensions about its challenges to the existing global order and the evolution of China's role in international governance have intensified. This research is qualitative and consults both primary and secondary recourses. From the neo-Gramscian school of thought perspective, this research explores the core relationship between China and the global order, delving deep into the historical context. Unlike traditional international relations theories, this research presents a historical and relational interpretation to present an alternative perspective on China's rise. Elucidating this dynamic historical progression, this paper posits that China's relationship with the world order has evolved significantly, moving from animosity and refutation in the post-independence period to compliance with Western ideals and institutions, integration into the international system and, more recently, to the pursuit of independent institution-building, global governance, and promotion of alternative world order. This paper concludes that while China has adopted a predominant role in shaping the rules of the international system, it is far from being a disruptive reformist. Thus, despite its global outreach, China does not seek to build a power centre that counters explicitly the Western liberal order but signals a gradual transition towards a multipolar order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates China's regional role in Southeastern Europe by examining the economic strategy of neo-mercantilism using Greece as a case study. In doing so, this paper will make use of the strategy of neo-mercantilism as part of the broader theory of regional powers pursuing broader geostrategic goals. How has the strategic partnership between China and Greece evolved in recent years, and what are China's primary objectives in Greece under the neo-mercantilism? China has intentionally sought to expand its influence in Southeastern Europe by cultivating a strategic partnership with Greece, while avoiding challenging the influence of other powers in the area. The economic turmoil in Greece over the past decade created a favorable environment for attracting Chinese FDI. China's principal focus in developing its strategic partnership with Greece is to increase FDI as a means of achieving its economic goals and other political goals with tangible results related to China's support in issues mainly concerning the country's applied foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines issues surrounding the national unity and territorial integrity of Taiwan. Significance of national reunification of China and Taiwan; Discussion on the civil war started by the Kuomintang; Position of the Chinese government regarding the settlement of the Taiwan question.

Evaluates the various factors that influence the relationship between mainland China and Taiwan. Details on international factors; Factors originating in mainland China; Factors arising from developments within Taiwan.

The visit of Bertrand Russell to China during 1920 to 1921 was one of the most significant events in May Fourth Movement, and Russell pointed out that education was the most important thing for Chinese reconstruction. The author argues that we should interpret Russell's educational idea of China from a theoretic and practical point of view. The man in Chinese education is the key to the future of China.

On June 25th, 2021, the State Council Information Office of the People's Republic of China issued a white paper entitled "China's New Political Party System." This document argues that the political systems of Western nations are "outdated" and emphasizes the superiority of the political system of "Chinese democracy," as promoted by Xi Jinping. However, the Chinese government's official English translation leaves out the context of "newness" and does not emphasize the harmfulness of the West's "outdated" system. Why was the English version rewritten with little nuance? This could be because of a desire to avoid drawing international criticism for its plan to boost China's "international discourse power" (国际话语权 in Chinese), which President Xi Jinping has sought to shore up. This paper argues that China's "new political party system" was implemented as a political tool to formulate Xi Jinping's new social science theory. Thus, it did not bring about any major changes to China's political consultation system, in which "democratic parties" can consult with the Communist Party but basically cannot oppose or disagree. Additionally, the phrase "new political party system" was created amidst conflict around discourse power with the West and was an argument with strategic significance in its connection to foreign policy. Discussion of China's political system is likely to become all the more important amidst the current structural conflict between the US and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of E-L@tina is the property of E-L@tina. Revista Electronica de Estudios Latinoamericanos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the last decades, banking has become an impressive global affair. This changing orientation of the big banks' activities has led to the expansion of their operations at a global scale but raised difficult issues related to their capacity to manage their liquidity and to face various financial shocks worldwide. The competition among global banks has become much more severe in recent years as customers expect higher confidence from them. This is why more and more banks should design and implement customer-centric business models, ensure a higher cybersecurity, and drive digitization across their whole organizations. The goal of the paper is to briefly analyze the competition among the largest banks of the world within the global banking system in the period 2020-2021 by taking into account their Tier 1 capital, assets and market capitalization. The paper concludes that the Chinese banks were the main actors in the global banking system in the period 2020-2021. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Presents an excerpt from China's national defense white paper published on July 28, 1998, which deals with China's strait relations with Taiwan.

This position paper intends to highlight a brief introduction of the inaugural two-way university-level exchange of students between Romania and China (during 1950-1956) which have taken place in a binary system of international relations. Data presented in this position paper is recorded under an extensive process regarded as 'intergenerational dialogues'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto is the property of Universidad de Deusto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study investigates the portrayal of China in Kazakhstani media, focusing on changes in perceptions before and during the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Through comparative discourse analysis, the research reveals a shift in media narratives from primarily economic and political aspects to a growing emphasis on fostering friendly relations between Kazakhstan and China. The paper also explores how diplomatic relations between the two countries influence media reports about China. Although the findings are specific to Kazakhstan, the study contributes to understanding Central Asian views on China, especially in the context of the BRI and the region's changing geopolitical dynamics. The research suggests a trend toward more positive and neutral coverage of China in Kazakhstani news outlets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientists and diplomats have significant differences in professional skills, activity time and work content, but they should work together. With the deepening impact of science and technology (S&T) on socio-economic development and international relations, S&T has become a crucial component of national strategies, particularly for diplomacy. There is a need for scientific evidence and advice, meaning that mastering more knowledge and skills in S&T would be helpful in negotiations. This paper analyses the ideas of S&T diplomacy, including a review of its 40-year history in China, its definition (with detailed connotations) and its characteristics. The paper focuses on the significant role of people-to-people communication in S&T, which may inform future work. Five suggestions are given to strengthen the strategic planning of S&T diplomacy: (1) A more clarified, strategic goal of future-oriented S&T diplomacy is required; (2) It is important to build a theoretical system for China to describe S&T diplomacy; (3) The creation of a global S&T cooperation map that adapts to the new type of international relations would be valuable; (4) Fairness and justice shall be maintained, while a reform of the global S&T governance system is promoted; (5) It is a must to adhere to bottom-line thinking and strengthen risk prediction and emergency responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Janus.Net: e-Journal of International Relations is the property of Universidade Autonoma de Lisboa, Observare / Observatorio de Relacoes Exteriores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)