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This Note explores the debate about public access to information—specifically, documents—related to the ongoing negotiation of international trade agreements. As regional and multilateral trade agreements such as NAFTA and the WTO proliferate, various interests that are not party to the negotiations but are concerned about the orientation and breadth of these agreements have looked for ways to open up and influence the negotiating process. Essential to this campaign are the efforts of public advocacy groups in the United States to gain access to documents exchanged among government negotiators while trade negotiations are ongoing. In 2002, several such groups filed suit in federal court under the Freedom of Information Act, requesting that the United States Trade Representative be directed to hand over documents related to ongoing trade negotiations with Chile. This Note takes account of the legal issues discussed in that case and of the policy issues more generally at stake in this debate, and offers a legal solution that departs from current case law and executive branch practice in an effort to better balance competing concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reviews the theoretical and empirical literature on the impact of regional trade agreements on trade. The empirical literature is arranged based on the econometric methods used to estimate the gravity model. Advantages and disadvantages of each method were highlighted. Papers covering RTAs from Africa, Asia, the Americas, and Europe were reviewed to gain a more representative understanding. The covered empirical literature suggests that the Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood (PPML) estimator is more reliable than OLS in estimating gravity models, as it can deal with zero trade flows. The Fixed Effects (FE) approach produces more consistent estimates than the Random Effects (RE) approach when quantifying the effects of RTAs. This is because it allows one to control for the unobserved time-invariant variables. Surprisingly, the covered literature suggests that a great majority of African RTAs generated trade, regardless of the method of estimation used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper underlines the significance of free trade agreements in attracting foreign direct investment and their impact on the operational capacities of local firms in host countries. It argues that free trade agreements do not only eliminate barriers to trade, but they also increase the size of the regional market and improve the business environment, making it more attractive to foreign direct investment, along with all the attributes and spillover effects associated with it. While determining the type of spillover effects of foreign direct investment associated with Oman's trade agreements, this paper uses the Kruskal–Wallis H-test and 438 samples from companies surveyed between 1 August and 31 October 2023 to assess the impact of spillovers on the performance of the surveyed companies. The results reveal that technology transfer, knowledge transfer, labour productivity, product efficiency, capital investments, and job creation have positive effects on the firms' operational capacities, with technology transfer having the highest impact (27%), followed by labour productivity and job creation (18%). The spillover effects are almost the same for company size and percentage of ownership. They also identified manufacturing and tourism as priority sectors and the availability of a skilled workforce as a major challenge. These findings make original contribution to the field as this is probably the first study to produce a firm-level analysis of spillover effects of foreign direct investment and trade agreements in the context of Oman and the wider Gulf region. The paper concludes with practical implications for policy makers when negotiating trade agreements and designing investment policies to optimize spillover effects on the performance of their domestic firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Interventions Économiques is the property of Association d'Economie Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyses how the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) supports digital trade and cross-border data flows, while also giving governments the scope to restrict data flows to achieve legitimate regulatory objectives. The USMCA has made significant progress developing rules for digital trade, yet more is needed. In particular, trade policy needs to address the drivers behind the significant growth in restrictions on digital trade by supporting the development of international standards and encouraging international regulatory cooperation as well as good regulatory practice. This paper outlines the key USMCA rules that are applicable to digital trade and analyses what more is needed to support digital trade and data flows consistent with domestic regulatory objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to identify and model barriers to internationalising automotive small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) from emerging market perspectives using the interpretive structural modelling (ISM) approach. Design/methodology/approach: In this paper, 13 critical barriers are identified through an exhaustive literature review and the Delphi method. The ISM tool is then used to establish interrelationships among the identified barriers to expose and discuss the key barriers having high-driving power. Findings: It was found that barriers such as trade agreements and export documentation, exchange rates and material inadequacies were relatively less challenging than the other barriers. At the next level, there are barriers such as supply chain, high international quality standards, legal barriers, skilled labour marketing capacity and information and logistics and infrastructure. Finally, barriers such as government policies, entrepreneurial orientation and technology and finance availability posed the most significant challenge for the internationalisation of Indian SMEs. These barriers warrants immediate and considerable attention. Research limitations/implications: This study developed a model based on experts' opinions, which may be biased and influence the final model as proposed in this study. This research will help the owners/managers of the SMEs and policymakers identify and understand the significance and relevance of automotive sector barriers while strategizing. Originality/value: To the best of the authors' knowledge, this is the first time an attempt has been made to apply ISM methodology to explore the interdependencies among the critical barriers of internationalisation for SMEs of Indian automotive industries. This study will guide the owner–managers management practices to overcome ineffective practices and move towards successful internationalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global data divide has emerged as a major policy challenge threatening equitable development, poverty alleviation, and access to information. Further, it has polarised countries on either side of the data schism, who have often reacted by implementing conflicting and sub-optimal measures. This paper surveys such policy measures, the politics behind them, and the footprints they have left on the digital trade or electronic commerce rules contained in free trade agreements (FTAs). First, this paper details an understanding of what constitutes the global data divide, focusing on three components, namely access, regulation, and use. Second, the paper surveys electronic commerce or digital trade rules in FTAs to understand whether existing rules deal with the widening data divide in a comprehensive manner and, if so, how. Our primary argument is that the existing FTA disciplines are deficient in addressing the global data divide. Key problems include insufficient participation by developing countries in framing digital trade rules, non-recognition of the data divide affecting developing countries, and lack of robust and implementable mechanisms to bridge the data divide. Finally, we present a proposal to reform digital trade rules in line with best practices emerging in FTA practice and the main areas where gaps must be bridged. Our proposals include enhancing technical assistance and capacity-building support, developing a tailored special and differential treatment (SDT) mechanism, incentivising the removal of data-related barriers by designing appropriate bargains in negotiations, and boosting international regulatory cooperation through innovative and creative mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Relations / Medzinarodne Vztahy is the property of University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of International Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Judges march at times to pitiless conclusions under the prod of a remorseless logic which is supposed to leave them no alternative. They deplore the sacrificial rite. They perform it, none the less, with averted gaze, convinced as they plunge the knife that they obey the bidding of their office. The victim is offered up to the gods of jurisprudence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia is a member of many multilateral trade bodies and engages in trade agreements of a multilateral and bilateral kind across most regions. In June 2018, it launched negotiations for a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the European Union (EU) which are still ongoing and since then Australia and the EU have conducted fifteen rounds of negotiations (last one on 28 May 2023 in Brussels). This paper aims to explore the business awareness of the EU amongst Australian small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and to analyse the factors that influence their internationalisation. To ascertain this, we reviewed the results of two surveys1 that were conducted pre- and post-COVID-19 pandemic (also coinciding with the Brexit transition period). This paper argues that SMEs in Australia are essentially unaware of the EU as a market and that no significant change in the business perception of the EU and potential international trade opportunities occurred between the pre- and post-COVID-19 political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Free trade agreements (FTAs) have mushroomed in the Asia-Pacific region over the past fifteen years. The Philippines is trying to forge several of these agreements in order to stay competitive. This paper examines the emergence of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) as well as the ASEAN Free Trade Agreement. This paper will discuss the advantages for the country by joining both the AFTA and the Japan Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement. It will also discuss several free trade agreements that are in effect in the region as well as efforts by the country to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). For the country to be a member of the TPP certain institutional reforms are needed to be put in place. The studies examined in this paper show that these FTAs in general have a positive effect on the Philippine economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit repatriates agriculture policy and subsidies after over 40 years of determination by the European Commission. The paper starts by describing the baseline at Brexit, noting the relatively small economic contribution, the problems of competitiveness given the UK's geology and geography, and the poor environmental outcomes. The scope for improvement is correspondingly large, and in particular through the impacts of the new agricultural policy based upon public money for public goods and for England, the Environmental Land Management Schemes. Larger and more long-term impacts will come through new trade agreements, through new technologies, including digitalization, robotics, and genetics, and through carbon farming and offsets. Finally, the paper sets out a framework for a future assessment of the impact of Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides the concept of import dependence between countries, which is a relative quantity. In order to reveal the evolutionary characteristics of the import dependence between countries in energy trade and its influencing factors, firstly, based on the network analysis method, this paper constructs a model of energy import dependence network (EIDN) among countries and regions along the Belt and Road (B&R countries). Crude oil and natural gas are taken as empirical objects, and the evolution characteristics of the two kinds of EIDNs are analysed. The result showed that most of the B&R countries had a small number of crude oil and natural gas trade partners. However, the import dependence in crude oil and natural gas trade between countries is relatively large, indicating that the risk of oil and gas security in B&R countries is high. Moreover, based on the QAP method, spatial distance, economic differences, the signing of free trade agreements, and the differences in energy consumption between countries have a significant impact on the import dependence in crude oil and natural gas trade among B&R countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, Shinzo Abe, then Prime Minister of Japan, stated that if the world wanted to achieve the benefits of the data-driven economy, members of the World Trade Organization should find a common approach to combining 'data free flow with trust'. However, he never explained what these rules should look like and how nations might find an internationally accepted approach to such rules. In this paper, I argue that trade policy-makers must pay closer attention to users' concerns if they truly want to achieve 'data free flow with trust'. I begin with an examination of what the most recent digital trade/ecommerce agreements say about trust and discuss whether they actually meet user concerns. Next, I turn to three different examples of online problems that users have expressed concerns about, namely internet shutdowns/censorship, disinformation, and ransomware, describing how these may yield both trade distortions and less trust online. I argue that policy-makers should address these issues if they believe trade agreements should build trust in cross-border data flows. Moreover, I argue how policy-makers respond to user concerns is as important as what they include in trade agreements. Finally, I note that trade negotiators will need to rethink how they involve the broad public in digital trade policy-making, while recognizing that trade policy agreements may not be the best place to address these problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deep trade agreements (DTAs) are widespread and have taken the world beyond tariff liberalization in goods trade. As the importance of global supply chains and the services sector has increased across the world, shallow tariff reductions have given way to deeper commitments that address non‐tariff barriers and behind‐the‐border barriers to trade. This paper shows that DTA commitments undertaken since the Uruguay Round have increased trade in goods and trade in services by over half in the long term. Taking reduced‐form trade elasticity estimates to a general equilibrium quantitative model, DTAs contributed over 40% to the welfare gains from trade globally and even more for advanced economies. China, India and the Eastern European bloc benefited the most from trade agreements. While most of the gains in China and India came from tariff reductions, the gains to Eastern Europe came largely from deep commitments during its accession to the EU. Applying the DTA estimates to ex ante analysis of Brexit, the losses to the UK from its departure from the deepest trade agreement in the world would not be offset by new deep trade deals with key non‐EU trade partners. This paper is part of the Economica 100 Series. Economica, the LSE "house journal" is now 100 years old. To commemorate this achievement, we are publishing 100 papers by former students, as well as current and former faculty. Swati Dhingra is an Associate Professor of Economics at the LSE. Rebecca Freeman is a Senior Economist at the Bank of England and a Trade Associate at CEP, LSE. Hanwei Huang is a an Assistant Professor at the City University of Hong Kong. He received his PhD in Economics from the LSE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to analyse the effects in the trade performance of Georgia and Moldova in light of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) agreements with the EU. Hence, data for the period 2010-2019 is analysed to reveal the latest developments in the trade performance of these countries. The conducted analysis points to some positive developments in the trade of Georgia and Moldova with the EU for 2015-2019, however, compared to 2010-2014 or pre-DCFTA period the average annual growth rate of exports of both countries declined. Moreover, Georgia's success to increase exports to the EU remain relatively modest as compared to Moldova. Therefore, Moldova has achieved more deep trade integration with the EU than Georgia. Furthermore, the effect of DCFTAs on trade relations between Georgia and Moldova is not substantial, and therefore, increased economic integration between the EU associated countries is not yet evident. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada is well known as an export-based economy, particularly with respect to its agricultural and agri-food industries. Since the signing of the Canada-U.S. Trade Agreement (CUSTA) in 1989, the federal government has negotiated trade agreements with more than 40 international partners, providing Canadian firms with access to a multitude of foreign markets while also giving consumers at home a greater set of choices in the market for a great number of goods and services. Progress on more liberalized internal trade within the federation has not, however, kept pace with accomplishments on the international trade front. Despite the implementation of the Agreement on Internal Trade (AIT) in 1995 and the Canadian Free Trade Agreement (CFTA) in 2017 (along with several smaller but significant interprovincial agreements), a number of significant barriers remain to internal trade in goods and services in Canada. The focus of this paper is upon barriers that prevent the movement of goods and services among provinces, referred to as interprovincial trade barriers. There are a number of different types of these barriers; one such type is tariffs (which function similar to a sales tax) upon goods and services themselves. While tariffs are a major topic of study in international trade, they do not form a focus of this paper, which will instead focus on non-tariff barriers or NTBs. One such category of barriers to internal trade includes natural barriers such as lakes, rivers, mountain ranges and the simple distance between potential trading partners. A second type is called prohibitive barriers, which make illegal the movement of certain types of goods or services among provinces; perhaps the most wellknown of these pertains to the prohibition of the movement of alcohol or tobacco between provinces. Technical and regulatory/administrative barriers also exist, and pertain to provincial differences in requirements within specific sectors, licensing requirements, etc. The Canadian Federation of Agriculture (CFA) has noted that differences in trucking regulations as well as inconsistent regulation of provincially and federally inspected meat-processing facilities are of particular concern in the agricultural and agri-food industries (CFA 2021). These barriers are costly to the Canadian economy, limiting its growth, output, efficiency and productivity. Estimates by Alvarez et al. (2019) suggest that Canadian GDP would increase by between one and four per cent if trade in goods alone were completely liberalized. This is approximately $92 billion per year, an amount that, if realized, could lead to significant job creation, increased streams of taxation revenue for government, enhanced economic growth and improved productivity. Economists have long cited the efficient and welfare-maximizing outcomes associated with unfettered markets, and removal of interprovincial trade barriers would provide significant gains for the Canadian economy. Several important drivers have led to the current situation where barriers to interprovincial trade constrict the freer flow of goods and services in Canada. One of them is federalism itself, where the duty of provincial governments is to act in the best interest of constituents, even if it means overall gains to Canada as a whole are not being realized. Related to this is a second driver, which is the balancing act that courts must strike in Canada when interpreting both federal and provincial legislation in areas where both levels of government can be argued to have jurisdiction. A third driver is the potential for stakeholders to act to prevent liberalization of trade if it is in their best interest to do so. Regulators and gatekeepers, industry associations and even governments can have vested financial or personal interest in the status quo, and be hesitant to change it even if they recognize that change would have the potential to provide greater economic benefits to others. A final driver that has led to the current system is the sheer amount of time, effort and expertise that would be required to update the current system. There are at least three plausible options for reducing interprovincial barriers to trade in Canada. The first would be to encourage courts to interpret relevant legislation in a way that would aid the freer flow of products and services internally. For example, section 121 of the Constitution Act seems to clearly require the free movement of goods among provinces, but the Supreme Court of Canada has, out of respect for provinces' rights, deferred to the notion of federalism and consistently interpreted legislation in a way that permits provinces to put limits on trade. Should the Court interpret 121 in a more constructionist way, interprovincial trade would increase. A second option is for provinces to independently negotiate more open markets in Canada. The New West Partnership Trade Agreement (NWPTA) among the four Western provinces has been successful, as have other regional agreements, at opening markets and generating economic benefits. A third option is to use the CFTA's mechanisms and resources at the federal and provincial levels to remove barriers on an industry-by-industry basis. Given the sheer number of firms and industries, it is more cumbersome to negotiate large-scale, national or multi-provincial agreements than smaller scale, industry-specific ones. There are costs and benefits associated with each of these options. Requiring courts to revise how they interpret law is beyond the power of the federal and provincial governments. Striking new trade partnerships is a time-consuming process, with no assurance of success. Negotiating improvements in specific subsectors and industries is achievable, but provides only incremental gains. From a benefits perspective, there is much to be gained: the estimated economic benefits from the freer flow of goods and services are considerable, although it is likely that those with a vested interest will see some of their current benefits transferred to others as a result of removing trade barriers. Overall, it seems obvious that previous work to liberalize trade has been fruitful, and a combination of the options proposed is likely to be worth the effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid escalating apprehensions surrounding content regulation, the USA has discreetly integrated provisions reminiscent of its Communications Decency Act Section 230 (CDA 230) into trade agreements, offering broad immunity. This scholarly analysis critically assesses this manoeuvre by juxtaposing such CDA 230-like provisions against the UK's established legal framework governing online content and freedom of expression. Utilizing a comparative legal methodology, the paper underscores the pronounced differences between the USA and UK stances on intermediary liability for third-party content, moulded by their unique constitutional foundations and jurisprudential interpretations of free speech rights. The insertion of CDA 230-aligned clauses into trade agreements poses a potential threat to the UK's nuanced equilibrium between safeguarding free speech and upholding other paramount interests, such as privacy and reputation. An scrutiny of UK defamation statutes and content regulation protocols reveals inherent challenges in transplanting CDA 230 provisions into trade contexts. In summation, the paper ardently supports a diversified approach to online content governance and cautions against standardizing intermediary liability laws via trade agreements, especially between nations with divergent foundational beliefs. It fervently endorses a cross-disciplinary discourse involving both trade and legal specialists to ensure the preservation of free expression while concurrently recognizing the intricacies of crafting universally applicable standards for online platforms and content regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Remanufacturing policies have been gradually introduced in Asian countries, such as China, Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand. This paper reviews the process of diffusion of remanufacturing policy in Asia. The mechanism of this diffusion is also discussed. The United States began to promote the idea of remanufacturing around the year 2000 through bilateral free trade agreements with Asian countries and international forums such as G8 and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). This paper reviews the various efforts on remanufacturing in Asian countries and discusses policy options for promoting remanufacturing. It is crucial to identify the ways to promote remanufacturing in each country in the region to improve resource efficacy and strengthen the circular economy in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Chapters on economic cooperation are increasingly evident in trade agreements. The principles are clear but the mechanics are not. This paper presents a case study of a relevant project linked to the IA-CEPA which focuses on impediments to trade associated with differences in regulatory systems. It explains the procedures adopted and identifies a number of outcomes. Implications are identified for the design of future projects relevant to cooperation chapters, and for the application of concepts discussed elsewhere in the literature that are relevant for reducing impediments to trade in the context of global value chains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Export of cyber technology can undermine human rights in countries of destination. In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, political controversies have arisen around EU-exported cyber surveillance technology, which allegedly helped autocratic states monitor and arrest dissidents. While cyber technology is indispensable to our lives, it can be used to suppress the right to privacy, the freedom of expression and the freedom of association, not only in the EU, but also in the countries it trades with. The EU has taken a proactive role in reforming the export of human rights-sensitive cyber technology. In September 2016 the European Commission proposed the integration of human rights due diligence in the process of export control. The Commission's proposal, however, invited strong contestations both from industry and Member States. Essentially, dual-use export control has developed in order to mitigate military risks. Attempts to integrate human rights risks in export control have thus invited discomfort among stakeholders. This paper unpacks normative tensions arising from the EU's attempts to integrate human rights risks in its export control regimes. By so doing, the paper highlights fundamental tensions embedded in the EU's value-based Common Commercial Policy, of which dual-use export control forms an integral part. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A sound logistics environment is key to a country's trading opportunities. Poor trade logistics performance--understood as the cost, the time and the complexity involved in import and export activities--precludes many countries from diversifying their economies and can thus hamper trade, growth and employment. This is particularly relevant for developing countries, where a weak logistics environment often impedes trade. Delays in the supply chain, for instance at border crossings, increases transportation and thereby increases product costs, making exports less competitive. They force companies to hold higher inventories to avoid production stoppages due to delays in procuring preliminary products. Increasing supply chain performance can foster trade, growth and competitiveness more than tariff reductions can and is typically politically more feasible. High logistics performance is closely linked to trade facilitation as the latter deals with trade procedures that can impede trade once formal trade barriers such as tariffs have been eliminated. The World Trade Organization's Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA), which entered into force in 2017, represents a major step forward for fostering trade globally and for developing countries. The TFA can be expected to increase the reliability and predictability of supply chains and thus may support higher logistics performance. The purpose of the paper is to take stock of the current state of knowledge about a country's logistics environment as an enabler of international trade, with a focus on developing countries. The paper is based on the key words logistics, international trade, exports, growth, and development. The studies reviewed underline the strong link between a wellfunctioning logistics environment and a country's trading opportunities. Logistics often acts as a bottleneck for countries wishing to increase their exports. High logistics performance increases firm productivity and can thus contribute to higher economic growth. Policymakers concerned with the welfare of their countries often strive to provide an enabling environment for private sector actors to export higher volumes and more sophisticated goods. This paper shows why it is worthwhile for policymakers to focus some of their efforts on improving the logistics environment. The paper summarizes the state of knowledge in the field. It identifies knowledge gaps and directions for future research. Its findings may be of value to researchers and policymakers, especially in countries with a weak logistics environment or with external constraints such as being landlocked, that wish to foster an enabling environment for high value exports and for integration of their country into global value chains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to study the effects of a possible Russia-European Union (EU) free-trade agreement (FTA), in Russia itself and in the other Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries. The paper also presents estimations of the effects of external shocks on the CIS country that has closest trade relations with Russia, the Republic of Belarus. The paper is organized as follows. Section 1 starts with a brief description of the computable general equilibrium (CGE) model used herein. The current status of trade flows between the EU, Russia, and the CIS are presented in Sect. 2. In Sect. 3, the effects of a EU-Russia FTA are simulated on a benchmark of an enlarged EU and a Russia that is a World Trade Organization (WTO) member. Section 4 describes the trade relations between Russia and Belarus and the effects of a gas price shock. The work concludes that a FTA with the EU would yield positive results for Russia and Belarus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]