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Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The treatment of American Indian place-names provides a window into the growth of American nationalism since 1776 and attitudes towards Indians by the new settler society. Originally ignored or erased by European colonists, Indian place-names became a subject of fascination and scholarship from the late-nineteenth century, at the same time that Indians themselves were marginalized to reservations. A large body of literature produced by non-Natives sometimes frames these place names as "romantic," and other times as distinctly unromantic. In the voluminous literature on this topic, the treatment of Indians and their place-names reflects diverse and shifting attitudes towards American Indians in United States culture, as elaborated by Philip Deloria and Robert Berkhofer. Drawing on approximately 120 texts on Indian place-names, this study uses the lens of romance, a polyvalent term with various implications, to examine how non-Native writings on these toponyms reveals attitudes towards Indians themselves and their place in the American nationalist imagination.

Copyright of Politics & Religion Journal is the property of University of Belgrade, Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The label of the 'Jacksonian' has served to add a sense of definition and historical precedent to a seemingly anomalous presidency. Comparisons between Donald Trump and President Andrew Jackson (the progenitor for the Jacksonian creed) have hinged on the perception that the Jacksonian philosophy purveys belief in majoritarian nationalism, diplomatic realism and the preeminence of America's white male labouring class. Commentators as diverse as New York Times journalists and International Relations theorists have applied such readings. Through investigating the changing paradigms of the Jacksonian, from its incipience in the 1820s to its ascription in Trump's populism, this article underlines how its shibboleths have gradually shifted towards becoming part of a 'minoritarian' phenomenon. Trump's victory in the 2016 presidential election, which was achieved in spite of his loss of the popular vote and failure to win former Republican states such as Virginia, indicated that the Jacksonian resurgence perceived in this contest was heavily dependent on the economic decline of the industrial Midwest. This contrasts with the cooption of the Jacksonian under FDR and Ronald Reagan, whose first terms resulted from comprehensive national landslides. Because of this lack of broader support, Trump's affinity with a decreasing population of white male non-college educated voters forms the existential driver of his presidency. Conveying a reversal of Andrew Jackson's majoritarianism, my research highlights that Jacksonian survival now hinges on consolidating the kind of minoritarian influence implied by the results of the 2016 presidential election. This analysis, along with my historiography of the Jacksonian, establishes the changes undergone by this significant American ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of American nationalism is a tricky adventure, first because of its deepseated inconsistency as a self-reliant ideology, and second, because of dispersed and random absorptions of its designations by various and often competing factions and policies. In the first case, it has been said that nationalism could stand as a clarifying description of other self-contained ideologies (e.g., national liberalism); on the other hand, due to its pervasively undetermined ideological contours, any investigation of nationalism results in irresolute paradoxes and baffling contradictions. Still, despite such hindrance, the ideological framing of nationalism might be achieved considering certain valuable traits which hint at its commonsensical profile. In keeping with historical, political and cultural development of nationalism in the United States, one could grasp its certain specific marks as an ideology in the concepts of identity and character, American Creed, Manifest Destiny, assimilationism, American System, messianism. The present study modestly attempts to cope with all the aforementioned traits of American nationalism in order to configure its plausible ideography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Construction of refugees in news has been extensively researched. Less researched is the link between refugees and the construction of the receiving country's national identity. This discourse analysis of letters to the editor in Australia, Canada, and the United States found wide variance in the way refugees and refugee policy were linked to the construction of national identity. Letters were selected if they referred to the respective national anniversary and fell within a few news cycles of the respective national holidays. These tight criteria yielded a sample manifesting multiple discourses including the nation as protector, the nation as normative leader, the nation among nations, and the nation as a site of individual identity construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses what is termed the white supremacist rally that took place in Charlottesville, Virginia, in 2018, the 150th anniversary of the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, and what the author identifies as growing racism and nationalism in the U.S. during the early 21st century as demonstrated by explicit and implicit dehumanization via legally institutionalized segregation in housing and racialized health outcomes.

The controversy surrounding NFL player Colin Kaepernick's act of kneeling during the national anthem in protest of police brutality against people of color continues to permeate public discourse. In March 2017, President Trump referenced Colin Kaepernick's symbolic act during a rally in Louisville, Kentucky, in an effort to illustrate his strong opposition to anyone kneeling during the national anthem. In this speech, President Trump stated that although many NFL franchise owners were interested in signing Colin Kaepernick, many were afraid of receiving a nasty tweet from him. Likewise, in another speech, President Trump stated, "I think it's a great lack of respect and appreciation for our country and I really think they should try another country, see if they like it better." Although President Trump is referring to professional athletes in both of the aforementioned public statements, what about the thousands of students who participated in the nationwide walkout to protest gun violence in the aftermath of the Parkland school shooting? Or the hundreds of youth football players that are kneeling during the national anthem in an effort to mimic their professional idols? This article takes the position that students have the constitutional right under the First Amendment to engage in expressive activities, political speech, and symbolic speech without interference or censor from the state. Certainly, schools can educate, but they cannot indoctrinate based on a prescribed orthodoxy. Therefore, any attempts to limit or discipline students from participating in expressive activities, such as social protests, in K-12 schools that does not cause a material disruption to the learning environment is unconstitutional. Currently, students' First Amendment rights in K- 12 schools reside in a sea of ambiguity where the Supreme Court has acknowledged that students are considered 'persons' under our Constitution and thus entitled to fundamental rights, such as freedom of expression, yet in the same vein marginalize those same rights in subsequent decisions by permitting school authorities to limit freedom of speech under certain circumstances. This article offers a path toward safeguarding students' First Amendment rights to engage in expressive activities, political speech and symbolic speech in K-12 schools by amending existing anti-Hazelwood statutes to explicitly include protections for student social protests, as long as such conduct does not cause a material disruption to the school learning environment. Furthermore, the proposed amendment to anti- Hazelwood statutes will limit the reach of Tinker's Material Disruption Standard so that school officials do not have unbridled discretion to censor student expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the level of nationalism demonstrated by the Swedes of Lindsborg, Kansas during World War I. It cites several reasons for the Lindsborg Swedes' pro-Germany stance before the war which resulted in a reluctant nationalism among the people of Lindsborg. It also mentions the promotion of peace and neutrality in the "Lindsborg News and the Lindsborg Record" throughout the autumn of 1914.

Corpus Christi Bay was named by Spanish or French explorers in honor of the liturgical feast day of Corpus Christi on which the region was initially encountered during the sixteenth century. But the inland Corpus Christi, now the eighth largest city in Texas, did not come about and was not named until much later, during the 1840s. The standard assumption, that Corpus Christi is a toponym derived from Spanish (or French) colonial history should be reconsidered. The creation and naming of a place called Corpus Christi offers some fascinating insights into anxieties about religion, race and national identity during a critical period of nineteenth century US expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American Folklore consists of traditional knowledge and cultural practices engaged by inhabitants of the United States below Canada and above Mexico. American folklorists were influenced by nineteenth-century European humanistic scholarship that identified in traditional stories, songs, and speech among lower class peasants an artistic quality and claim to cultural nationalism. The United States, however, appeared to lack a peasant class and shared racial and ethnic stock associated in European perceptions with the production of folklore. The United States was a relatively young nation, compared to the ancient legacies of European kingdoms, and geographically the country's boundaries had moved since its inception to include an assortment of landscapes and peoples. Popularly, folklore in the United States is rhetorically used to refer to the veracity, and significance, of cultural knowledge in an uncertain, rapidly changing, individualistic society. It frequently refers to the expressions of this knowledge in story, song, speech, custom, and craft as meaningful for what it conveys and enacts about tradition in a future-oriented country. The essay provides the argument that folklore studies in the United States challenge Euro-centered humanistic legacies by emphasizing patterns associated with the American experience that are (1) democratic, (2) vernacular, and (3) incipient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws upon recent historiography to critique the concept of “civil religion”, and argues that it should be replaced by nationalism. Its central point is that there is indeed a dominant language of American nationalism and one that has largely reflected the culture of the Anglo-Protestant majority, but that it has always been contested and that it has changed over time. Civil religion, by contrast, is a far more slippery concept that elides questions of power, identity, and belonging that nationalism places at the center of inquiry.

Copyright of Educação is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While the corpus of research dedicated to nationalism studies is vast, less attention has been given to the surge of neo-nationalism especially in the context of far-right populism, which has also seen a significant rise in prominence. This study explores the emerging trend of neo-nationalist, more pertinently, isolationist sentiments that have gained popularity, specifically in the United States of America and in Europe. The phenomenon, which distinguishes these two regions include the snowballing popularity of Republican presidential nominee, Donald Trump, and across the Atlantic, the growth of far-right leadership and euro-scepticism. This paper explores both occurrences against the backdrop of a twenty-first century reinvention of nationalist sentiments. These two events are indicative of a political landscape that attempts to re-claim fundamental tenets of nationalist ideology. As such, the study will develop the growing body of research on nationalism perspectives as well as provide a platform for further research of similar topics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower's cultural assistance, the use of cultural resources such as film and education to accelerate modernization, to Sub-Saharan Africa in 1953-1961. It explores the possible explanations behind Eisenhower administration's hesitance to offer aid to Guinea which include his conviction that the Soviet Union attached more weight to political tactics, the fear that countries would become permanently dependent and the administration's ideological atachment to the free market. Also discussed is the administration's differentiation between communist infiltration and nationalism.

This essay examines South Asian American writer Jhumpa Lahiri's literary engagement with the re-Orientalization and sexualization of a collective subject described as Indian diaspora within the context of contemporary consumer culture. The essay explores the relationship between Lahiri's best-selling novel, The Namesake (2003) and its contemporary society by taking the point of view that diasporic literary writing is an example of a Foucauldian social apparatus--a new form of governmentality--that was used for the production of American nationalism after the events of 9/11. Here, we expose the material and ideological specificities that formulate a particular group of women as powerless consumers in the context of the post-cold war period. More precisely, we focus on the ideological elements of the routine consuming experiences of these women to unpack the manner in which the macropolitics of economic and political structures influence the micropolitics of the everyday experiences of Indian immigrants in the capitalist society. In Lahiri's fiction, the Indian woman's body--in its both first- and second- generation types--is figured as a deliberate site of economic and erotic excess that fundamentally complies with the contemporary heteronormative ideology of patriarchal capitalism, wherein the woman is essentially treated as the archetypal consumer. In effect, as the essay further argues, Lahiri's fiction dances to the tune of Western marketing demands of production and consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses aspects of U.S. President Donald Trump's savage capitalism in 2017. He says that Trump represents a form of savage capitalism because his post-fascism traits including authoritarianism, radical nationalism and xenophobia. He adds that Trump is a product of the transformations of capitalism in recent decades. He also iterates that traditional politics may become obsolete or inadequate because of Trump's disrespect for the rule of law.

It may seem a truism to assert that the Federalist Party in the Early American Republic possessed a nationalist emphasis, but the question remains as to the character of their nationalism. This article draws on categories from the historian John D. Wilsey to determine how "open" or "closed" Federalist nationalism was. It looks to public utterances of Federalist leaders to find that they attempted to hold up the nation as an ideal, but that they avoided expansionistic tendencies in foreign affairs. This allows the article to posit Federalist nationalism as "open." It then considers what role religion played in supporting this "open" Federalist nationalism. It finds that Federalist religious nationalism developed in three stages: "Republican," "Federalist," and "Voluntarist," as Federalists responded to needs within, and changes to, the new nation. The article concludes that religion (predominantly Protestant Christianity) thus operated creatively in support of an "open" Federalist nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines how the United States Military Academy at West Point developed an explicitly "federal" Christianity to help train the antebellum officers of the United States Army. It begins by examining how the Episcopal Church was quietly "established" at West Point, and how the church allied with the federal government and US Army to encourage a potent Christian nationalism that collapsed the sovereignty of the United States into the sovereignty of God. The case ofWest Point illustrates how federal officials, Army leaders, and Academy administrators understood religion as a central component of national security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay uses the concept of Christian nationalism to explore the religious dynamics of the Contra war and U.S.-Nicaraguan relations during Ronald Reagan's presidency. Religious organizations and individuals played crucial roles on both sides in the war in Nicaragua and in the debates in the United States over support for the Contras. Evangelistic work strengthened transnational ties between Christians, but also raised the stakes of the war; supporters of the Sandinistas and Contras alike alleged a victory by their adversary imperiled the future of Christianity in Nicaragua. Christian nationalism thus manifested itself and intertwined in both the United States and Nicaragua. Examining how evangelicals and Catholics in the United States and Nicaragua, as well as the Reagan administration, the Contras, and the Sandinistas, used Christian nationalism to build support for their policy objectives sheds light on both the malleability and the power of identifying faith with the state. Having assessed Christian nationalism as a tool and a locus of conflict in the Contra war, the essay then steps back and considers the larger methodological implications of using Christian nationalism as a category of analysis in U.S. foreign relations history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay on transitional, moment during the 1960s and 1970s in the aftermath of World War II broke, for culture and law. Topics discussed include the dawn of the Reagan Revolution; rise of idea that national character, collective industry, or social cohesion in the U.S.; and liberal universalism in the post-world war II era.

The article presents a report from a June 25-27, 2015 conference on the role of national community in German social history in Hannover, Germany hosted by the Niedersächsisches Forschungskolleg "Nationalsozialistische 'Volksgemeinschaft'? Konstruktion, gesellschaftliche Wirkungsmacht und Erinnerung vor Ort" social history society. Topics of presentations delivered included violence in fascist governance, mass migrations in the Soviet Union, and American cultural nationalism.

The article discusses the concept of class action federalism in America as of 2015, and it mentions the impacts that the U.S. Class Action Fairness Act (CAFA) is having on federal courts and litigation in the country. A separation of powers doctrine is examined, along with class certification claims and mass tort nationalism in America. Several class action cases are assessed, including Smith v. Bayer Corp., Zahn v. International Paper Co., and Amchem Products Inc. v. Windsor.

The author reflects on the law professor Heather Gerken's article 'Federalism and Nationalism: Time for a Détente?' published within issue. Topics discussed include Gerken's argument is that federalism, objectives of traditional federalism, importance of acknowledging the prevalence of cooperative federalism, and role of federalism in solving complex tasks of governance.

The author reflects on the law professor Heather Gerken's article 'Federalism and Nationalism: Time for a Détente?' published within issue. Topics discussed include Gerken's argument is that federalism, objectives of traditional federalism, importance of acknowledging the prevalence of cooperative federalism, and role of federalism in solving complex tasks of governance.

The article focuses on the liberals criticizing the U.S. president Donald Trump's decision to build a wall on the U.S.-Mexico border in order to prevent drug trafficking and immigration. It discusses the high cost it would take for the construction, and talks about the symbolic and cultural depiction of the wall as it symbolizes American nationality.

Discussions of the Neobaroque began to find an important position in Latin American circles during the twentieth century. The goal of these discussions was a reassessment of an American identity by using the Baroque as a historical catalyst for cultural transformation. One of the prominent figures during this period who connected the Baroque with questions revolving around Latin American identity was the Cuban writer Alejo Carpentier. The following article examines Carpentier's theories on the New World Baroque taken from various essays published in La novela lationamericana en visperas de un nuevo siglo (1981). Through these essays, Carpentier's perspective of the Baroque is relayed into cultural themes of Latin America such as the importance of American solidarity, historical constancy, cultural innovation/progression, the natural environment, and urbanism. Analyzing the connection of such themes with the arrival of the New World Baroque sheds light on the crucial theoretical developments of Latin American identity during the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]