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This paper intervenes in debates on Chinese higher education and social (re)production strategies in the contemporary African diaspora, developing the link between 'Chinese' capitals, social status and spatial mobility. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with both disadvantaged and middle-class African international students, I unpack how migration to China will enable them to accumulate prized forms of capital and position advantageously in different spheres of African society. The paper focuses on two 'Chinese' capitals--specifically high proficiency in the Chinese language, and exposure to and internalisation of Chinese lifestyles and practices--which are convertible to profit, distinction and secure coveted jobs in their respective home countries. By exploring how China's 'in the middle' position within the global political economy and exercising its soft power over peripheries are reflected in the ways these African students and their families play the 'class game' and make higher education choice, this paper moves beyond the 'West' vs. 'the Rest' gaze and nuances an emergent mobility pattern within the Global South. I conclude by presenting an argument that in seeking these 'Chinese' capitals, the students and their families may enhance China's geopolitical standing and facilitate its movement towards the 'core' within the arena of the world (knowledge) system.

On the one hand, studies of African international students in China document their instrumental role in "telling China's story and spreading China's voice" while, on the other hand, this research indicates how their lived experiences are shaped by racialisation and exclusionary practices in social life. However, there remains surprisingly little scholarship exploring ways of reducing inter-group stereotypes and racial divides so as to further Sino-African diplomatic relations over the long term. Drawing primarily upon an in-depth interview with Alex - a 23-year-old Burundian international student in China, this paper employs Freire's central concepts of dialogic practices and critical consciousness to examine how he established dialogues with villagers in rural areas in an effort to alter relations between two ethnic groups. The case study of Alex and his daily racial encounters highlights how African students are agentic in disrupting racial discourses. We further argue that dialogue, as a method to read the world in a Freirean sense, can contribute to increased tolerance and understanding.

The Strategic Consequences of Chinese Racism is a book-length academic research article commissioned by Andrew Marshal, director of the Department of Defense Office of Net Assessment (ONA). Owing to the significant policymaking power of ONA, Strategic Consequences indicates potential soft-power tactics in use by the Pentagon in countering Chinese influence in Africa. This paper examines Strategic Consequences' three key arguments. This paper examines the argument that Chinese society is more racist than U.S. society and finds this argument is likely correct. This paper examines the argument that Chinese racism is a stabilizing force for the Chinese government and finds this argument is likely correct. Finally, this paper examines the argument that U.S. anti-racist culture acts as a useful tool of soft-power influence in Africa, and finds this argument is likely incorrect. This paper concludes that ONA has accurately gauged the strategic value of Chinese racism for the Chinese government but overestimates the U.S. capacity to counter China in the field of soft power competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proportion of international students in Chinese higher education is increasing, however, there remains little research that explores their motivations and how their learning of Chinese influences their identities and imagined futures. In this paper, we address the need for research on South-South migration--specifically Sino-African relations--and draw on the concept of linguistic capital to explore what it means for 15 self-funded international students from six different African countries. The findings highlight African youths' negotiation of power matrices in different fields and their desire for Chinese linguistic capital. The acquisition of such capital would position themselves advantageously in terms of employability and social prestige within the geopolitical and geo-economic context of China-Africa relations. In documenting their investment in Chinese language learning, the study compels us to reflect on the intersection of identity, ideology and capital within the language acquisition process and what Chinese language learning has come to mean for those from the peripheral nation-states.

Comparing China's 2006 and 2015 Africa policies, this article reveals how China's political discourse has become more confident, practical, and depoliticised. In particular, this paper shows how education is allocated, promised, and embedded in China's 'shared' agenda, which is centred on development co-operation and mutual learning. It then reflects on the extent to which China may move towards traditional donors. This paper concludes that, despite fragmented convergences in the discourse and an increased recognition of a Chinese model, China maintains its distinctive role and position in the post-2015 era.PuP

Education, skills, and the development of an African workforce are at a critical moment. While it is recognized that Chinese firms hire local people, the focus of the debate is more on the position and opportunities for training and advancement. As such, the paper tries to answer the following questions. Does China really contribute to skills development in Africa? Does China employment, education, and skills transfer pattern contribute to Africa's own structural transformation and benefit African workforce? In attempting to answer these questions, this paper first lays out the current magnitude of demand for skills in Africa and the priorities for education and skills transfer that can successfully address Africa's skills shortage. Significantly, this will enable researchers and non-researchers to understand the diversity of Chinese firms' skills transfer patterns and the reasons behind these patterns. In order to present a comprehensive and precise picture as well as understand the context for China and Africa education and skills transfer development, the paper draws from various data collected from diverse sources, including government statistics, firm reports, second-hand academic literature, local and international news media, official government reports, and research studies. The paper suggests that the assessment of skills transfer pattern should not only consider employees' and employers' direct interests, but also in the short run, skills transfer should focus on offering short, practical courses to secondary and higher education graduates involving primarily on-the-job training. In the long run, there is a need to change the way employees and students are trained, including curriculum reforms that favor science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. Emphasis should also be placed on critical thinking, problem-solving, discovery, and experiential training.

This study investigated the places of origin of international students and their distribution in the United States higher education. The data concerning the population of international students were obtained from the official website of International Institution of Education (IIE), and transferred into three maps using geographic information systems (GIS) software so that a more direct view of the data was available. The results of the study showed that (1) A larger proportion of international students come from Asian countries; (2) California, New York, and Texas are the top three states hosting international students; (3) most of the universities enrolling international students are located in the eastern part of the country; and (4) the states with already large international student populations experienced a faster growth in the population of international students over the past five years. Some implications for policy planning are discussed at the end of this paper.

The paper examines China’s increasing security interests in Africa. It seeks to understand the nature and scope of Chinese engagement in peace and security issues on the continent based on its engagement in international and domestic (African) politics. Through literature analysis and logical reasoning, the author intends to define the implications of China’s new role as a security provider. The paper is based on desk research using primary and secondary data and statistical and comparative analysis of official documents, academic research, and media sources. The methods include literature analysis, logical reasoning, statistical research, comparative analysis, and the inductive method to build general theorems. The paper analyses aspects of China’s security engagement on the African continent: its participation in the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations, small arms exports, and Beijing’s sharing of technology with African partners. China’s engagement in Africa’s security helps to advance its vital economic and political interests, with limited impact on African security. Key lessons for African partners are offered. The last decades have seen an extraordinary increase in China’s economic and political ties with Africa. Security cooperation followed massive Chinese investments and thousands of Chinese nationals working on the continent. China’s security engagement in Africa protects Beijing’s interests regarding access to resources, markets, political influence, and social credibility. It has little to do with a benevolent will to help Africa deal with instability or economic underdevelopment. African partners must make necessary efforts to avoid further dependence on China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Knowledge sharing should not be confused neither with data sharing nor with information sharing; the knowledge sharing includes data and information sharing, skills and expertise communication, ideas exchange. Since the fourth FOCAC held in Egypt in 2009, many policies have been added to reinforce Africa and China educational cooperation, especially in the area of higher education. And this paper intends to look more closely at this area, particularly with regards to the possibility of establishing and strengthening knowledge sharing, ideas exchange between Africa and China, through African and Chinese students' partnership. Based on the documented trends on Africa and China higher education cooperation, partnership and exchanges, questionnaire surveys, interviews and observations, the author tries to find out whether African students who are studying in China will to collaborate or not with Chinese students during their studies and researches. What are their motivations to cooperate with their Chinese classmates, and how should we beef up and promote knowledge sharing between African and Chinese people through University students' knowledge sharing partnership?

China is now the second most popular destination country for African international students. This paper investigates the discourse surrounding this emergent flow of students, and the main aim is to offer a new means to conceptualize mobility between non-Western nations. The article highlights weaknesses in current postcolonial conceptualizations of student mobility. A key contribution to the literature on international student mobility is that it extends and adapts existing work on the unequal and asymmetrical nature of international student mobility by drawing on the concept of semi-peripheral (post)coloniality, to examine how specific modes of integration into the "world-system" result in particular discursive formations around international student mobility. The main argument is that relative structural positions between the sending region and receiving country are mirrored in discourse around international student mobility, which contains examples of civilizational paternalism and pursuit of pragmatic foreign policy goals.

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore the push-pull factors and motivations of African and Asian international students in Chinese universities. Design/methodology/approach: Concurrent mixed methods (qualitative and quantitative) design was used. The quantitative component included 537 Africans and Asians from five notable universities, while the qualitative aspect consisted of 30 participants in Wuhan and few other cities in China. Findings: Findings revealed availability of scholarship opportunities, China's flexibility (visa and program entry) and perception of better education quality as important push-pull factors. It also discovered several new pull factors, including citizens' attitude and good report, development potential and hospitality and receptiveness, while career development and entertainment were found to be the most and least significant motivational factors, respectively. The study also found a significant relationship between push-pull factors and study abroad motivation (SAM) as well as cross-cultural differences between African and Asian students. Research limitations/implications: Most of the participants were drawn from Wuhan city. Hence, the findings cannot be outrightly generalized to other contexts. Practical implications: This research provides valuable knowledge for policy makers, higher education institutions, international students and other stakeholders in China to inform better student experience. Originality/value: There was no study found that combines push-pull factors and SAM or comparatively investigates African and international students in China. Knowledge about sojourners push-pull factors and motivations, their relationship and cross-cultural differences is essential for evidence-based interventions.

This paper applies Marcel Mauss' Gift Theory in conjunction with Qin Yaqing's Relational Theory to Chinese foreign aid. It proposed that this approach allows to conceptualise Chinese aid to Africa as a continuous gift cycle initiated in Bandung and has been going uninterrupted till today. The paper argues through the language of reciprocity and relationality, China symbolically affords the recipient status in a way that Northern aid does not. The real existing power asymmetries between China and Africa do not per se translate into unlimited influence as China can never be sure of reciprocity and is obliged to keep giving continuously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contains cultural anthropological research on various discipline measures used within the classrooms in India, United Kingdom, China, Africa, and the United States. My recent visit to schools in India on study abroad programs prompted my desire to research across the globe different methods of classroom management discipline conducted within the schools. Findings suggest that corporal punishment is being favored among most countries. Hitting or yelling at a child, a common practice in some schools is not ethically acceptable by me, as an educator, nor by my students who witnessed several incidences whilst in India. We were caught in the ethics verses culturally acceptable norm "dilemma". The purpose of this paper is not to devise specific discipline measures at this juncture, but rather to investigate the acceptable practices within the classrooms in the above stated countries. Implications for this only further my ethical obligations and challenges that lie ahead.

This paper analyzes China's new approaches of education aid to Africa through a case study of Cameroon. China's cooperation has been characterized by different discourses and different historic relationships with recipient countries than those of traditional donors. Sino-African policies have gone through different stages, each connected to wider political and economic realities. Currently, a broadening of China's engagement with Africa can be noticed through increasing aid packages and the inclusion of African countries other than those that had traditionally been close to China. Cameroon has been one of the countries that have had a relatively extended cooperation with China. Four types of Chinese education aid to Africa are illustrated by this paper: (i) Confucius Institutes, which are providing language and culture-related training in host countries; (ii) longer term scholarships and short-term training for Africans in China; (iii) school construction; and (iv) stand-alone education projects. By analyzing how these three different types of aid are taking place in Cameroon, various and apparently contradictory strategies and discourses materialize.

China's breakneck economic growth has been accompanied by an expanding development finance agenda. Many have hypothesized that China is undermining the West's drive to promote good governance globally, and in Africa in particular, by predominantly distributing money to poorly governed countries. This paper explores whether the determinants of Chinese development finance in Africa differ from those of Western countries. It finds that Western countries send more development finance than China to better governed African countries—those with lower corruption levels, better democratic outcomes, and a better human rights track record (though only the latter two have a negative relationship with Chinese development finance in absolute terms). This paper also finds that bilateral trade and UN voting alignment have a stronger impact on China's development finance than that of Western countries and that China allocates more development finance than the West to richer and more resource-dependent African countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past few decades, China emerged as Africa's main partner in digital development. Sino-African cooperation in the Information and Communications Technology (ICT) sector meets African demand for advanced technologies and know-how while helping China to position itself in the global ICT sector. Albeit crucial for Africa's digital development in the short term, this paper argues that the breadth of Sino-African cooperation carries important long-term consequences that could afford China latent control over Africa's digital development. Drawing on Susan Strange's pillars of structural power, this paper considers how the rollout of fiber-optic network cables underpins Chinese control over production, how the construction of data centers might impinge on security, and how research partnerships enhance norms and standards in future innovation—the knowledge pillar. The paper argues that the enabling force of Sino-African cooperation in these three realms is Chinese finance. To test this claim, I conduct a Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) of 42 states in Sub-Saharan Africa, showing that Chinese aid and, to a lesser extent, Chinese loans are the main drivers of Sino-African ties in the ICT sector. The paper concludes that Chinese financial support not only promotes Africa's digital development but also paves the way to Chinese structural power in the ICT sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper reports on the impact of China's Community of Shared Destiny Policy (CCSDP) on ethnicity, and the development and trade benefits in Africa, whilst proposing suggestions for improvements. Design/methodology/approach: A mixed-research (desktop-based and online survey-based) approach was employed. Findings: Trade and foreign direct investment alone can account for 11.8% of changes in the peaceful coexistence of China and some selected African countries, and cause changes to the mutual prosperity of China and African nations, to the tune of 6.3%. Therefore, the activation of mutual prosperity among these nations is not necessarily trade and foreign direct investment. The CCSDP is effective and has increased economic development for ethnic groups (50%), although with some negative concerns. Research limitations/implications: Inadequate/small sample size for the study. Originality/value: Chinese investment in Africa has had a transformative impact, driving economic growth, improving infrastructure, and fostering regional integration. The share of trade between China and Africa in the continent's overall external trade has increased dramatically. Overall, the CCSDP should be kept in place, but with some modifications to improve its effectiveness and mitigate its negative effects. Finally, as China's engagement with Africa evolves, it is vital that partnerships are founded on mutual understanding, respect, and benefit, and that policies reflect the different needs and ambitions of African communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article synthesises findings from two systematic reviews that examined evidence of the link between large-scale assessments (LSAs) and education policy in economically developing countries and in countries of the Asia-Pacific. Analyses summarise evidence of assessment characteristics and policy goals of LSAs that influence education policy, when LSAs are used in the policy-making cycle and types of education policies impacted, and factors that influence the use of LSAs in policy-making. Results show national assessments conducted at both primary and secondary school levels to have an impact on education policy. LSAs are used more often for monitoring education quality and equity purposes followed by accountability purposes. International assessments are more often used to leverage policy priorities than other assessment types. LSAs feature mainly at the monitoring and evaluation stage of the policy cycle. The education policies impacted by LSAs relate considerably more to curricular reforms and performance standards as well as assessment bodies and activities and far less to resource allocation and teaching and learning policies. Finally, whereas the quality of assessment programmes facilitate impact, financial constraints and uncertainty as well as weak assessment bodies hinder the impact of LSAs on education policy.

Purpose: This paper aims to examine the impact of host country corruption on foreign direct investment (FDI) from China to developing countries in Africa. With the opposing arguments that corruption is detrimental to or instrumental in FDI and mixed empirical evidence, this paper contributes to the literature by providing new evidence on the issue. Additionally, little research has been done on the impact of corruption on FDI made by developing country multinationals to developing countries. This paper fills a void in this area. Design/methodology/approach: Based on the published literature, as well as China and Africa contexts, the authors develop hypotheses that host countries with low corruption receive more FDI and resource-seeking investments weaken the relationship. The annual stock of Chinese FDI in 35 African countries, host country corruption data and other control variables from 2007 to 2015 are collected. Feasible generalized least squares models are used to test the hypotheses. Additional robustness tests are also conducted. Findings: The findings support the hypotheses. Specifically, Chinese investors make more investments in host countries with low corruption except for resource-seeking investments in resource-rich host counties. The results are statistically significant accounting for various control variables. The results of the robustness tests show that the main findings are robust. Originality/value: First, this study provides new evidence on the impact of corruption on FDI. Second, this study also fills a void by examining FDI from a developing country, China to other developing countries in Africa. Finally, this study also has a practical implication for Chinese multinationals investing in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the China and Japan rivalry on economic assistance policy in Africa using a qualitative method and national interest as the conceptual framework. The land of Africa has abundant reserves of natural resources, such as dense forestry and mineral resources which naturally will attract foreign investors. The first foreign investors in Africa were westerners. Within the grip of their iron fists, Africa experienced a bitter history of slavery and colonialization. This rooted problem remains unresolved and causes a significant political atrophy until this day, and has resulted in the incapability of the Africa nations to resolve their own respective problems. Given such a state of affairs, these former colonies in Africa have always been longing for foreign assistance, especially after the post-Cold War Era. Thus, the abandonment of former colonies gave the opportunity for the Eastern powers, such China and Japan to establish a foothold in Africa, namely Japan with its Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) and China its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Through the TICAD, Japan emphasizes the importance of "Africa's Ownership" in all its infrastructure development cooperation initiatives. On the other hand, Chinese assistance can be characterised as indiscriminate, reciprocal, and non-interference in internal affairs. This paper suggests that both China and Japan have their own respective agenda on how to conduct diplomacy in Africa. They even share the same goals vis-a-vis Africa, which are economic and political domination and a keen interest in exploiting the available natural energy resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several studies have pointed out that manufacturing wages are relatively higher in African countries than in other countries at similar levels of development, and that this contributes to the continent's lower levels of manufacturing competitiveness. This paper derives unit labor costs (ULCs)—average wages relative to productivity—for two‐digit manufacturing sectors across a sample of 79 developed and developing countries, including 13 African countries, over the 1990–2015 period. We benchmark the ULCs to China and estimate the relationship between relative ULCs and manufacturing sector investment rates and export performance. We find that relative ULCs have a smaller association with exports in Africa relative to other developing regions. There is some evidence that investment responds to changes in relative ULCs in Africa; however, the estimated effects are smaller than in the full sample. Further, we find that for Africa, the level of labor productivity has a quantitatively stronger and more robust association with manufacturing performance than the level of real wages. The results have important implications for industrial policy in African countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As low income societies are aging rapidly, government and families face challenges to support the seniors, who are already at greater risks of being negatively affected by many other social, cultural, and global changes occurring around them. This paper reviews some of the major challenges faced by seniors in China, India, Mexico, and African countries. It also examines some of the sustainable solutions to these challenges.

Hofstede's model of cultural difference has been used widely for exploring aspects of culture in educational settings. In this paper, we review Hofstede's model and explore some of its limitations, particularly in relation to the field of higher education. These limitations include an oversimplification of cultural differences, inconsistencies between his categories, lack of empirical evidence from educational settings and overall a model of culture as static (instead of dynamic). We argue that educationalists interested in the field of students' experiences in internationally diverse settings ought to treat Hofstede's model more critically. Other models are recommended that take into account flexible notions of culture, based on research evidence from a range of educational settings, which can be critically and explicitly examined against different educational theories. (Contains 1 table.)

The article examines the evidence of relationship among household structures, the institutions that shapes them and the human capital accumulation in China, Indonesia, Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana. It discusses the analysis on the role of polygamous household to the capital accumulation based on the income, age and education of the head of the family members. Moreover, the study on the extended family has also been conducted in which according to the author had manifested that households which accommodate inactive members of the extended kin group are wealthier than other, comparable households.

Comparing China's 2006 and 2015 Africa policies, this article reveals how China's political discourse has become more confident, practical, and depoliticised. In particular, this paper shows how education is allocated, promised, and embedded in China's 'shared' agenda, which is centred on development co-operation and mutual learning. It then reflects on the extent to which China may move towards traditional donors. This paper concludes that, despite fragmented convergences in the discourse and an increased recognition of a Chinese model, China maintains its distinctive role and position in the post-2015 era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) continues to plague many countries across the globe, including the United States, Africa, China and India. Children and adults have been infected with HIV, and both populations can present with communication disorders that coexist with the presence of the virus. The purpose of this paper is to present an overview of HIV and a discussion of the types of conditions that impact communication in both pediatric and adult populations. Persons living with HIV may present with disorders in the areas of language, phonology, voice and swallowing. Given the advances in pharmacological management of HIV, speech-language pathologists need to be knowledgeable of how medications can impact communication and swallowing. Also, since HIV crosses the blood-brain barrier and impacts all aspects of an infected person's life, speech-language and hearing professionals need to be members of the interdisciplinary teams that assess and manage patients living with HIV. Specific information regarding communication disorders in the pediatric population and research issues that warrant continued investigation will be addressed. Learning outcomes:: The reader will become aware of the ways in which a speech-language pathologist or audiologist may become involved with a patient infected with HIV or AIDS. The reader will learn the specific manners in which HIV and AIDS may affect the speech, language, hearing, and swallowing of pediatric and adult patients, as well as the appropriate intervention philosophies.

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is highly development-oriented and appeals to developing countries whose wish is to catch up with developed economies. China has called for co-construction of the BRI with all and sundry, particularly with African countries, which it has considered important and strategic in actualizing the BRI project. The call for co-construction echoes well with the African partners, who are keen on leveraging the BRI for their own development. Tied to China's status as a rising economic power, both partners have agreed to align the BRI with the African Union's development agenda for complementary and beneficial development. Our paper revealed that although the call for co-construction of the BRI is a welcomed initiative, there are potential setbacks that abound, and therefore offered strategies for responding to China's call for co-construction of the BRI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines China's engagement with Nigeria in the area of petroleum production and the need for harnessing local initiatives for petroleum refining. This is important because even though Nigeria is a major exporter of crude oil it remains an importer of refined petroleum products to meet domestic needs. With the aid of secondary data sourced from journal articles, books and reports of local and international organisations, this paper examines how China–Nigeria relations contribute to meeting the need for refined petroleum in Nigeria and how harnessing local initiatives can improve the situation in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to position socialist China in the mobility of global socialism in the context of Cold‐War politics. It examines how the techno‐politics of China and the Soviet‐bloc's socialist tropical architecture differently reconfigured thermal exchanges between the environment, human body and a series of other multi‐scalar things in Africa during the 1960s−1980s. Drawing on the theories of thermal material culture, techno‐politics and science and technology studies (STS), it constructs a cross‐cultural comparison between China and Soviet‐bloc, aiming to achieve a more nuanced techno‐political understanding of mid‐late twentieth century socialist architecture in the Global South. It also hopes to contribute to recent scholarship about thermal comfort and governance in the context of climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper unpacks the multi-level efforts to establish, promote and implement China standards in overseas contexts through an examination of corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities of Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in Africa. Drawing upon document analysis of government policies, institutional guidelines and corporate reports from four case companies, as well as field research in Ethiopia, it identifies ways that Chinese corporate actors interpret, incorporate and initiate CSR standards through strategic planning and during overseas business activities. Analysis of both first-hand and secondary data shows the development of Chinese CSR standards is a co-production of international, national and local standards, which involves diverse actors and institutions and is driven by multiple considerations to fulfill commercial, political, social and diplomatic objectives for overseas companies and Chinese government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The China–Africa relationship has received increased interest over the past few decades as scholars critically examine the challenge that China, in its quest for a closer strategic partnership with Africa, poses to the norms governing the neoliberal world order (NLWO). One crucial aspect of this is international aid, and how Chinese aid to Africa differs from Western aid. This paper argues that Chinese aid reduces the power of traditional aid donors to shape the development route of African countries. This new development finance ultimately breaks the monopoly of Western aid to decide how poor countries in the global 'South' develop. In doing so, the Sino–African aid relationship is challenging the current world order as it offers African states the possibility to decouple (or delink) themselves from the global economy. By challenging assumed neoliberal economic development fundamentals, this relationship, if harnessed correctly by African leaders, can pose longer-term ideological questions around the very set of ideas that underpin development itself, while enabling African states the policy space needed to pursue more sustainable development from an Afro-centric perspective. It is this possibility to delink, due to changing ideological fundamentals concerning economic development, that is the challenge China and Africa pose to the NLWO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China by launching the multi-trillion dollar Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has possibly initiated the transformation of the prevailing global political system. The success of the BRI heavily depends upon the neighboring regions of China, as they will provide China with routes to integrate the international markets. In this regard, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is the key route; thus, also repeatedly termed as the flagship project of the BRI. The importance of CPEC is crucial for China as Beijing not only needs markets but imports of hydrocarbons from Persian Gulf and Africa. This paper aims to analyze the importance of the CPEC and Gwadar Port vis-à-vis securing China's national interests; securing multiple trade routes and attaining the much desired status of Great Power. Furthermore, the paper will shed light on the possible challenges China may face in this regard. The central question of this research is how the CPEC would help China integrate with the Persian Gulf and East-Africa? The nature of this research is critical and analytical; based on primary and secondary sources. The research is supported by theories of Neo-functionalism and Complex Interdependence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is divided into three sections. First, it evaluates Professor Ian Taylor’s characteristic approach to the study of China–Africa relations, as showcased in one of his articles. Then, it brings attention to Ian Taylor’s engagement with China since 2009, with a special focus on his non-typical approach to China Studies. Finally, it deals with Ian Taylor’s unfinished project on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and China–India relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of China Quarterly is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a massive Chinese state/capitalist programme of transnational infrastructure construction initiated in 2013. Between 2013 and 2016, Chinese banks extended hundreds of billions of dollars –principally across Asia, but also Europe and Africa – for transportation and energy networks. Recently released statistics, however, suggest that project lending for the BRI collapsed from 2016 onwards. Our paper examines the reasons for this contraction through a case-study of the BRI in Africa. We contend that the lending contraction resulted from political and economic contradictions generated by this form of international interconnection, including the types of debt traps it helped create. This outcome is explained partly by the fact that the BRI is simultaneously a geopolitical and geoeconomic project. Whereas the balance of economic risks is arguably skewed against borrowers (in some cases leading to debt traps), from a geopolitical perspective, the Chinese state also seeks to expand influence in Africa and elsewhere in the developing world. This creates counter-pressure on further expansion of such financing, which, complemented by domestic economic implications of loan failure, helps to explain the contraction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the impact of Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) on welfare in African economies using recently available data on Chinese FDI in 52 African countries between 2003 and 2018. Using fixed effects and instrumental variable (IV) estimations, we find that Chinese FDI contributes significantly to the improvement of welfare in African countries. This positive impact also holds for the sub-sample of Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries. The results are robust across the fixed effects and IV estimations when variables that affect welfare are controlled for. The findings suggest that China's claim of a "win-win" aim for its rising investment in African countries may hold. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's trade with Africa has increased significantly in the past two decades. The effects of these growing trade volumes (and financial flows) are quite contested. The purpose of this paper is to study the effects of growing Chinese influence in Africa on the intra-regional trade in the continent. This paper estimates a traditional gravity model using Poisson pseudo-maximum-likelihood estimation method for a panel of 135 countries over the period 1990-2012. The results show that African countries are marginalized from world trade. They trade less, compared to a non-African country with similar characteristics. Even though intra-regional trade in Africa is quite low, this paper finds no evidence that these trade volumes are lower than what would be expected (given the characteristics of these countries). However, the results indicate that trade relations with China have distorted patterns of trade in Africa. The analysis shows that Chinese presence has led African countries to import less from (and export less to) other African countries. The massive influx of cheap Chinese goods into African markets combined with preferential tariff treatment offered by the Chinese government to African exporters may explain these patterns. This study also looks at how the effects of Chinese engagement in Africa have changed over time. The results suggest that over the past decade, the effects of China on intra-regional trade have become less negative. Since the late 1990's, Chinese investment in infrastructure, capacity building combined with high volumes of aid have helped African countries overcome some of the infrastructural bottlenecks and could explain the relatively higher intra-regional trade in the post-2000 period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines Nigeria-China relations and sustainable food security in Nigeria. The recognized and actual bilateral relations between both countries, established since 1971, have been among the largest in Africa with both parties providing a humongous market structure for each other. However, the nature of their bilateral relationship has been largely unequal, with China enjoying the largest share of profits. Despite the interest accorded to this configuration in International Studies, the implication of the same on Nigeria’s quest for food security and its sustainability has not been given much attention. This paper, therefore, seeks to investigate and establish the relationship, if any, between Nigeria-China bilateralism and sustainable food security in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, the research adopts qualitative and descriptive methods. Also, data is sourced from secondary outlets. This study finds that although there exists an unequal bilateral relationship between Nigeria and China, this relationship is relatively balanced compared to the relationship with the west. Ultimately, the paper recommends that Nigeria should improve its competitiveness through the diversification of its oil dependent economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prevailing narratives in the discourse on China-Africa engagement are that China is developing Africa. This paper departs from those narratives because they disregard the agency of Africa's political elite. Basing its argument on the nature of the African political elite, the paper analyses their role in determining the impact of China's economic and trade engagement on economic development in their respective countries. To do that, it first discusses the nature and identity of African political elites, and examines how they control their states and scarce resources. Having done that, the paper then analyses their role in determining the nature and extent of development emanating from their countries’ economic engagement with China. It then concludes that it is not how much foreign states invest in African countries that determines Africa's rise, but rather political elites who influence the direction of their states’ development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to empirically examine the institutional structures and other predictors that determine bilateral trade between Africa and China from 1995 to 2017. Design/methodology/approach: In line with the gravity model of trade, institutional, geographical and socio-economic determinants of China's bilateral trade with 18 African oil/minerals exporting countries are examined by deploying Poisson pseudo-maximum likelihood and dynamic bias-corrected least squares dummy variable econometric techniques. Findings: The results indicate that China's oil/minerals imports from Africa are higher than imports of manufacturing and agricultural goods, and institutional structures indicate that a weak politically stable region with less control of corruption has a discernible effect on trade. Research limitations/implications: Further insight can be gained if the type of manufactured goods being exported to China is examined; this is necessary given that China crowds out Africa's manufactured goods. Therefore, this study recommends the need for Africa to continually strengthen its institutional structures to stimulate trade from other regions. Originality/value: This study examines the quality of the institutional structures (political stability and corruption) in African oil/minerals exporting countries, considering that China has been alleged for capitalising on Africa's weak institutional structures to trade with the resource-endowed region. For the first time, the UN COMTRADE HS product-country-partner-year trade data is used to examine on bilateral sector trade China–Africa links rather than proxies used in the studies of Biggeri and Sanfilippo (2009), De Grauwe et al. (2012) and Foad (2011) that did not capture the real trade value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to identify and analyse determinants of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) into a number of African countries for the period 2003-2012. Design/methodology/approach – A series of panel data models are used to estimate the determinants of Chinese OFDI into eight African countries: Nigeria, South Africa, Zambia, Ghana, Kenya, Algeria, Egypt and the Sudan. Findings – Results highlighted that Chinese investment in African countries is driven by access to natural resources, and factors related to infrastructure quality and the regulatory environment enforced by host governments. Originality/value – To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is one of the first papers to identify empirical determinants of Chinese OFDI in Africa and it contributes from two perspectives. Firstly, it identifies drivers behind Chinese OFDI, but also importantly from the African perspective helps understand the reasons that attract investment from one of the world’s largest investors into one of the world’s poorest regions, given the emphasis that is placed on foreign direct investment today as an instrument of growth and development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though many African and Asian countries share a common history of European colonialism and thus a model of economic development shaped within the aegis of center-periphery analysis, many Asian countries have been able to ride through the burden of center-periphery economics and built more successful political economies than most African countries. This state of affairs has often led many African analysts to point to Asian success stories like China and South Korea for comparative analysis and often see these Asian countries as models of socio-economic and socio-cultural success to emulate. In particular, Africans in the Diaspora, especially Africans in China, tend to compare very frequently the socio-economic and socio-cultural conditions of their host countries with those of their source countries. This paper outlines and discusses how a group of Africans living in Hong Kong and other parts of Asia see Korea and Korean culture through the prism of Korean television dramas, which constitute a popular cultural phenomenon among Hong Kong/Asian youths. Through qualitative and quantitative survey methods, participant-observation, and questionnaire surveys, the paper reports on how African community members of Hong Kong and others think of Koreans. We show that Africans draw a lot of comparisons between Korean and African ways of conceptualizing the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explore the political implications of China's economic relationship with Africa using the case study of Sino-Nigerian economic relations. China – perhaps the most prominent rising economy of the contemporary era – and Nigeria – one of the Africa's largest economies with a fast-growing consumer population – provide an ideal context to study the economic significance of bilateral ties for the 'Global South.' Nigeria's prospects of sustained economic growth, through Sino diplomatic relations, could appear relatively bleak considering issues involving its growing debt burden, unequal trade composition and deteriorating governance standards, some of which are attributable to China. This paper explores both sides of the argument before concluding that certain political aspects of Sino-Nigerian bilateral relations do indeed undermine sustainable economic development in the long run. It is argued that unequal economic practices, lack of transparency, disregard for environmental concerns, exclusion of civil society and absence of serious engagement with wider social actors and other checks and balances could indeed nurture elements of rentierism across Africa – particularly in resource-rich countries like Nigeria leaving significant detrimental effects that could well outweigh short-term gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through document analysis and interviews, this paper examines the patent narratives of Transsion, a Chinese company dominating Africa's smartphone market and a leading innovator in facial recognition technologies (FRTs) optimized for darker skin tones. We identify two major narratives concerning Transsion's FRT patenting practice. First is 'empowerment', through which Transsion argues that there are 'blind spots' in conventional AI technologies and presents its AI camera as a remedy and an empowerment tool for dark-skinned users by 'seeing' their beauty. Second is the 'warfare' narrative, which is shaped by the heightening market competition and accelerating patent races among Chinese phone makers. As the battle for tech supremacy intensifies in Africa, Transsion expresses a strong sense of crisis and considers its FRT patents as 'weapons of competition' in preparation for a future smartphone warfare in Africa. This study makes two contributions. Empirically, through analyzing patents, we examine a relatively less-known Chinese tech company that has tremendous impact in the Global South. Theoretically, we interrogate the possibility of algorithmic empowerment against racist AI and technological independence through patents, although developing AI as weaponry, in the China-Africa context, also hampers the politics of decolonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]