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Research partnerships between Tribal Nations and rural colleges and universities can support rural development and strengthen Tribal Nation building through reclamation of economic, political, cultural, and social affairs. However, Tribal Nation–University relationships have received little attention in rural sociology. While scholars identify best practices for research engagement in light of colonial harms, the ideal visions that Tribally and university‐affiliated people have for research partnerships and the barriers to achieving those ideals are poorly understood. Without identifying these visions and barriers, we risk making wrong assumptions about each party's needs and cannot implement appropriate policies. Semi‐structured interviews with Tribally‐affiliated (n = 20) and university‐affiliated (n = 20) people in rural southeastern Idaho suggest, contrary to literature on best practices for collaborative research, that participants in both groups viewed what we term "Tribally‐responsive research engagement" as ideal, though few projects met this goal. Tribally‐responsive research directly addressed Tribal priorities but did not necessarily involve close collaboration. The University's failure to acknowledge past or colonial harms, university‐affiliated researchers' historicization of those harms, and negative Native student experiences reinforced distrust, limiting desired research engagement. In sum, Tribally‐responsive research engagement could strengthen Native Nation building, but requires universities to acknowledge harms, create more welcoming campus environments, and prioritize Tribal benefits in research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research partnerships between Tribal Nations and rural colleges and universities can support rural development and strengthen Tribal Nation building through reclamation of economic, political, cultural, and social affairs. However, Tribal Nation–University relationships have received little attention in rural sociology. While scholars identify best practices for research engagement in light of colonial harms, the ideal visions that Tribally and university‐affiliated people have for research partnerships and the barriers to achieving those ideals are poorly understood. Without identifying these visions and barriers, we risk making wrong assumptions about each party's needs and cannot implement appropriate policies. Semi‐structured interviews with Tribally‐affiliated (n = 20) and university‐affiliated (n = 20) people in rural southeastern Idaho suggest, contrary to literature on best practices for collaborative research, that participants in both groups viewed what we term "Tribally‐responsive research engagement" as ideal, though few projects met this goal. Tribally‐responsive research directly addressed Tribal priorities but did not necessarily involve close collaboration. The University's failure to acknowledge past or colonial harms, university‐affiliated researchers' historicization of those harms, and negative Native student experiences reinforced distrust, limiting desired research engagement. In sum, Tribally‐responsive research engagement could strengthen Native Nation building, but requires universities to acknowledge harms, create more welcoming campus environments, and prioritize Tribal benefits in research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the difficulties related to the implementation of the ocean education policy in Taiwan, based on interviews. Viewing nationalism as an ethnic ideology, a primary objective of the Taiwan Independence Movement (TIM) is to establish an ethnic boundary between Taiwan's residents and the Chinese people on the mainland. One way in which the TIM is seeking to erect this boundary is to assert that Taiwan is a marine nation‐state, contrasting it with China as a continental state. Initially aimed at fostering marine consciousness and culture, Taiwan's ocean education policy later shifted toward improving ocean literacy. The government, which is aligned with the TIM, accepted this shift because its educational goals and approach can serve as a propaganda tool for demonstrating Taiwan's distinctiveness from China. In contrast, frontline educators must adapt ocean education's content to suit the local marine customs, and geographical and economic conditions, and so meet the educational requirements. A strict adherence to the national identification objectives within ocean education raises problems regarding policy implementation. By denying the existence of marine culture in Taiwan, Taiwan's ocean education policy has been assigned a utopian mission that is too radical to be achieved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we demonstrate how international social‐media discussions offer a platform for taking a stance on the war in Ukraine, redrawing national boundaries and legitimising their defence. We do so by analysing data that consist of comments triggered by a viral YouTube video depicting an encounter between an ageing civilian woman, labelled 'Babushka Z', and a Ukrainian soldier. Using a critical discursive psychological framework, we identify five interpretative repertoires: vulnerability, incapacity, national continuity, masculinised warriorship and righteousness. Our analysis illuminates how these repertoires draw on and reproduce intersecting categorisations based on gender, age and ethnic heritage. With the help of these categorisations, the repertoires build competing images of the actions of the figures in the video, which come to symbolise in various ways both patriotism and treason, heroism and cowardice. By aligning with competing historical‐national narratives, the commentors use these images to (de)legitimise the war and its actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates geography textbooks of the 1930s in Türkiye, contending that geographical knowledge played a pivotal role in shaping nationhood within a modernising state. This study's critical discourse analysis (CDA) of the early republican geography textbooks showcases how (1) Türkiye's spatial formation was reimagined in 1930s; (2) defining markers of Turkishness and the Turkish nation were forged through erasures and breakups of minority groups, and (3) the new national identity was “bridged” to the geography of the newly founded Republic. This paper posits that a nation's portrayal of its geography and global positioning is not merely a factual recording, but also a reflection of ideological and political choices. Such portrayals are complete social constructs, inherently influenced by power dynamics and disputes. Beneath the ostensibly impartial depictions of space and spatial relations, invisible power dynamics and assertions underlie the assignments of specific meanings to geographic areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The workplace is a key site through which sex and gender are organizationally produced and unequal gender relations take place. Technologies, which are embedded with and impacting gendered power relations, are also integral to work and workplaces worldwide. As nation‐states promote technologies and rebrand themselves, how do technologies catalyze new forms of gendered embodiment and work—and how might this contribute to a nation‐state's development plans and rebranding efforts? How do the intersections between states, labor, and technologies also reify inequalities, both in and beyond workplace settings? Based on 14 months of fieldwork and interviews with 62 participants, this article analyzes how Thai transgender women's work in the entertainment industry simultaneously advances technological growth and national rebranding efforts. In 2016, the Thai state launched "Thailand 4.0," an economic plan centered on technological growth, alongside efforts to restore its reputation from a sex tourism destination. In this context, Thai transgender entertainers promote what I call "techno‐professionalism," or professionalism that is not only enhanced by technologies, but that also supports state development plans and rebranding efforts. The concept of techno‐professionalism underscores how technologies figure centrally into new iterations of state development and nation‐branding promoted in global workplaces, adding to our understanding of the linkages between gender, labor, and national development. By highlighting how state development plans intersect with technologies and norms of professionalism, this article reveals how the economy and professions are made up of intimate social relations, including gendered technologies and gendered social roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study focuses on the division and conflict during the formative phase of Turkish nationalism in the Early Republican Period. Turkish nationalism, the founding ideology of Türkiye, was oriented towards identity and state building, and it developed an ethno‐secular vision. In contrast, Turkism‐Turanism nationalism, emerging from civilian circles, adopted a critical stance towards the official ideology and the prevailing understanding of ideology during that period, as evidenced by Atsız Mecmua. Using discourse analysis, this study examines prominent themes in Atsız Mecmua, such as anthropological Turkishness, Turanism, militarism, and a holistic approach to history. Conversely, communism in its ideological sense and identities other than Turkish were depicted as the other. Atsız Mecmua attempted to foster a new conception of nationalism to challenge Kemalist nationalism, seeking to forge Turkish unity through militarism and a fascist state model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most research on the relationship between film and nation‐building focuses on the content of films (the nation on the screen). Much less common is research on the structural organisation of the film sector (the nation beyond the screen). This article argues for a combined focus in order to gain deeper insight into the relationship between film and nation‐building. This is illustrated by a case study focusing on Flanders. The Flemish case shows that the relationship between film and nation‐building is dynamic and multiple. There is a clear evolution from a Belgian, French‐speaking film sector to a separate Flemish film sector. This process was stimulated by the coming of sound film in the early 1930s and by political developments towards more Flemish autonomy. But while Flemish nation‐building keeps growing to this day, the concept of 'Belgian cinema' has gained renewed relevance since the 2000s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nation‐building in Austria in the first half of the 20th century failed several times before it became possible to construct an independent Austrian nation after 1945. This article traces how Austria's handling of the Nazi era involved a demarcation from Germany, which became an identity‐determining alterity for the idea of an independent Austrian nation. For this purpose, a specifically Austrian history was constructed, which focused on the idea that Austria had been the first victim of National Socialism. The supposed certainty of not being German and the myth of being the first victim of National Socialism were two metanarrative constants along which an Austrian identity could be imagined. They are crucial to the success of the Austrian nation built after 1945. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An intriguing phenomenon documented within political science research is the association between nation‐building programs and increased subnational intergroup conflicts. Based on data collected in Hong Kong, an epicenter of subnational conflicts in China, this article suggests that nation building may intensify the tension between subnational groups because it helps to spread the belief that groups have fixed inherent characteristics. Specifically, in the face of deep intergroup cultural and political differences, people who see their nation as a historically unified entity are more likely to believe that those differences are unchangeable and, in turn, develop negative attitudes toward other subnational groups. We support these arguments with a representative survey of the population and two laboratory experiments. In the first experiment, respondents who are exposed to narratives that emphasize the homogeneity of the Chinese nation report a higher level of fixed group perceptions than those who receive the opposite message. In the second experiment, respondents who are primed to believe that group characteristics are fixed report significantly more negative attitudes toward migrants from other parts of China. Our findings contribute conceptually to the study of nation building and shed new light on the formation of immigration attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Seminal contributions to the study of nation‐building emphasized the role of newspapers in the development of national consciousness. But do such theories apply in the modern context of online news sites, especially in diverse, postcolonial societies? Because online news sites contain forums for reader comments, this provides an opportunity to assess the relationship between exposure to media content and citizen sentiments. We investigate the extent to which a major online news site makes ethnic categories salient in sub‐Saharan Africa's largest country, Nigeria. Analysing more than 35,000 news articles and 300,000 comments, we find that commenters frequently broadcast strong expressions of subnational ethnic animus in response to a wide variety of stories. In particular, the use of some ethnic categories in headlines is associated with more than 40 percentage point increase in the probability of at least one reader making an ethnic‐based comment. Extending the analysis to South Africa, we show that these patterns generalize beyond Nigeria. By amplifying ethnic animus, 'national' newspapers may impede nation‐building efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role of education in nation‐building in postcolonial Africa. The postcolonial African nationalist leaders faced formidable challenges in building new nations out of disparate ethnic, religious, cultural, and linguistic groups, particularly as regards the two intimately related processes of deconstruction and construction. While deconstruction entailed dismantling the structures, institutions, and power relations of the colonial period, construction entailed replacing them with relevant national institutions, structures, authorities, and mechanisms. Education was to advance the process of construction and transformation as a pedagogical instrument for cultivating a national identity by fostering integration and cohesion. One of the nationalist leaders' biggest mistakes, however, was to adopt a homogenizing strategy of nation‐building. The paper subscribes to the conception of heterogeneity as a nation‐building strategy, where ethnic and civic (sub‐national and national) layers constitute the nation. The overall focus of the article is a conceptual and theoretical analysis of the nexus between education and nation‐building in postcolonial Africa. The central argument is that education plays a decisive role in nation‐building in Africa. Eritrea is selected as an empirical case study to advance this argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are post‐Ottoman nation‐building policies in the Balkans a legacy of the millet system? Some contend that the discriminatory nation‐building policies along religious lines employed by Balkan nations ruling elites are a legacy of the Ottoman era millet system (administration by religious affiliation); others argue that the Ottoman legacy is palpable in the millet‐like features preserved in the minority rights protection system resulting from World War I, and yet other scholars see the millet system as a critical antecedent. Studying closely the policies towards non‐core groups in the post‐Ottoman Balkans, one finds that the 'Ottoman legacy' is much more differentiated than is commonly assumed and that effects vary widely from place to place. Moreover, I argue that the persistence of certain features from one period to another may be an actual legacy in some cases, but there is also a possibility that we are dealing with a manufactured legacy, where elites choose to intervene and perpetuate an institution or a particular feature of it. I empirically demonstrate this distinction in a crucial case using archival sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a wealth of invaluable insights generated over the last three decades about ongoing processes of nation-building in Central Asia, our understanding of the broader dynamics at work in the construction of the region's five republics remain woefully incomplete. In Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, state authorities have tried to incorporate female religious authorities - the I otin-oyi i and I bibi-khalife i - into the orbit of the state by employing them as teachers of religion in schools and other state-sponsored projects. In Kyrgyzstan, patronage networks mushroomed inside the state bureaucracy during the presidency of Kurmanbek Bakiyev (2005-2010), distributing public employment, government positions, and positions within state-owned enterprises, all depending on one's proximity to the ruling elite or based on one's ethnicity. 27 Muteusz Laszkowski, "State Building(s): Built Forms, Materiality, and the State in Astana", in I Ethnographies of the State in Central Asia i , eds. [Extracted from the article]

The People the North Committee, founded in Townsville in 1962, was true to its name. It wanted to treble the population of northern Australia in a decade. Putting people before profits, the committee insisted that Australians had a moral obligation to prolifically populate their northern lands. Neither the ambition nor the rationale was new. In fact, the People the North Committee was the last gasp of a grand demographic aspiration that went back more than a hundred years. Thereafter, through to the present day, proposals for northern development have prioritised economic over demographic gains: profits before people. This article examines the ambitions and advocacy of the People the North Committee, setting them in the longer historical trajectory of the aspiration to people the north. In doing so, it offers a window onto a neglected facet of the nation‐building project in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the book "Colonizing Kashmir: State-Building under Indian Occupation" by Hafsa Kanjwal, which challenges the prevailing narratives about the relationship between India and Kashmir. Kanjwal argues that the relationship is one of colonial occupation, rather than a natural part of India. The book explores the state-building and nation-building initiatives in Kashmir, as well as the cultural and social aspects of colonization. The author highlights the importance of understanding the colonial nature of India's relationship with Kashmir in order to comprehend the grievances of the Kashmiri people. [Extracted from the article]

This study contributes with minority‐centred perspectives to the policy trend of imposing majority language requirements on immigrants. With the aim to identify and explore (dis)connections and value conflicts between policies of national minority recognition and immigrant integration, it develops and applies four ideal types of minority‐linguistic integration regimes to a mapping of integration and minority language policies in 27 European Union (EU) member states. Most states with recognized minorities are found to exclude national minorities from integration policies. The finding is connected to a discussion that identifies normative tensions between the promotion of national minority languages, the linguistic barriers faced by non‐citizen migrants and the asymmetries in how identity and instrumental values are assigned to minority, migrant and majority languages. The study challenges the imposition of language requirements on immigrants and calls for contextually sensitive ways to jointly consider the position of national minorities, majorities, and immigrants in language policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1885, as Germany claimed dominion over what was to become German East Africa, Mount Kilimanjaro became the highest German mountain; in 1889, the German geographer Hans Meyer was the first European to reach its summit. The "conquest" of Kilimanjaro was more than just one man's heroic adventure; it was an event that brought together Geography, the building of the German nation and European imperialism. This paper seeks to explore Hans Meyer's production of geographical knowledge about Kilimanjaro and the way in which the geographical gaze of one man gave rise to an object at which others could gaze and about which they could read. Building on scholarship on exploration, field work in Colonial Geography, and the production of the geographical self, the paper follows Meyer to the field in colonial German East Africa, and back to academia, publishing houses and public talks in Germany. In so doing, the paper encounters not only the production of knowledge about Physical Geography, the messiness of fieldwork and a wide range of technologies of observation and recording, but also the production of the white, male and German geographer as a trustworthy witness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on classical motifs in Spanish American Nation-Building and classical culture provided a shared repertoire of knowledge which helped to create the conditions of possibility. It mentions self-proclaimed moderns in search of ancients attempted to cut through all the competing American myths of origin. It also mentions nation-building has focused on the epic poetry, history writing and political thought.

Life has profoundly changed for Ukrainian citizens since the beginning of the Russia–Ukraine war. While millions have fled Ukraine as refugees and displaced persons, others have remained in their cities to take up arms, volunteer, and/or shield for safety. Despite the devastation at all levels of society caused by Russia's ongoing attacks, Ukrainians' expressions and practices of nationhood have endured and even evolved in light of their country's war‐torn reality, as is especially evident in the country's bomb shelters. As hegemonic theorising in nationalism studies often centres on the territorial state and its institutions, this paper instead considers the experiences of ordinary individuals who hold important colloquial and vernacular knowledge. Specifically, the project examines the everyday lives of Ukrainians at—or below—the grassroots within bomb shelters in the heavily attacked cities of Chernihiv, Kyiv, and Kharkiv to reveal how Ukrainian nationalism has manifested and even been (re)produced amidst the conflict. In demonstrating that nationalism has served as both a sentiment and expression of self, the findings emphasise its significance in the current conflict as a motivating and unifying force in Ukrainians' everyday lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nation Building: Why Some Countries Come Together While Others Fall Apart. Wimmer can proudly say that his native country has never suffered from ethnolinguistic division because the multilingual elites formed associations that spanned the country without ever adopting a single hegemonic language. Next, Wimmer compares long-suffering Somalia and bright-spot Botswana in terms of their ability to provide their populations with public goods. [Extracted from the article]

National identity in Africa is routinely viewed as underdeveloped relative to ethnic identity because most states did not follow classic forms of nation‐building, such as mass schooling with nationalist content. Yet recent survey data show that national identity across the continent is more robust than most scholars predicted. What is driving national identification in Africa? What unifies Africans around common national identity? Existing theories are not well suited to explaining this question, because factors that they see as essential, such as higher levels of development and cultural cohesion, often do not exist. In this article, I suggest a new understanding of the strength of national identity, based on the impact of political events, such as peace, political stability and conduct of elections. Drawing on over 200 original interviews with Ghanaian respondents, I demonstrate how political stability in Ghana, contrasted with political turmoil in neighbouring countries, produces narratives about national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the symbolic construction of Canadian national identity by the 1993-2006 Liberal governments and the 2006-2015 Conservative governments. To do so, it employs the concept of a 'national symbolic order', which refers to the complex set of public symbols that invoke, transport, and define claims to a shared national identity. Within Canada's national symbolic order, we focus on the state's use of national symbols across two domains: Speeches from the Throne and banknotes. Our analysis shows that Canada's recent Conservative government has used both of these domains to reshape Canadian national identity in ways that accord with neo-conservative values and ideology, and that it has done so in a coherent, consistent, and comprehensive fashion. This analysis highlights the symbolic strategies employed by state actors in linking particular ideologies to their nation-building projects; these strategies span multiple political and policy spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented to a debate on the book "Nation Building: Why Some Countries Come Together While Others Fall Apart," by Andreas Wimmer, noting the roles of linguistic homogeneity and state provision of public goods.

This article analyses the relationship between Islam and nationalism by considering the role of the ulama in Turkey, housed within the Presidency of Religious Affairs (PRA). The ulama - religious scholars and experts of Islamic law - in Muslim majority contexts are typically closely linked with the state and play a key role in shaping the boundaries of Islam and of what is Islamically acceptable. However, this is also of consequence for the boundaries of the nation, since in Turkey Islam and nationalism has been intertwined, with Islam playing a central role in nation-building, as a basis of ethnic identity formation and a source of symbols and myths. This articles shows, firstly, that the PRA has acted as a carrier and preserver of Sunni (Hanefi) Muslim identity in continuity with the Ottoman ulama and, secondly, that it has delimited nation-building, by considering its approach to and interventions against Alevi identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The exceptional measures to combat the Covid‐19 pandemic have brought great potential for reconfiguring urban governance. To examine such potential, this article presents how the pandemic crisis was managed in Chinese neighbourhoods. Following a statecraft approach and using Shanghai as a case, we show how a citywide lockdown played out on the ground as a joint product of state apparatus and citizens. Drawing on discourse analysis of interviews, policy documents, and news reports, we probe into Shanghai's contextualized neighbourhood pandemic responses, particularly by emerging neighbourhood voluntary practices in crisis management. We examine how these practices were tactically incorporated into the state's overall responses to the pandemic through co‐production, co‐option and mobilization. Instead of co‐governance, we argue that the grassroots state orchestrates and steers community participation and volunteerism to reinforce grassroots statecraft and consolidate its role in (post‐) pandemic neighbourhood governance. Through exceptional crisis management measures, the state penetrates everyday life. This process has facilitated local state‐building in urban neighbourhoods, thereby manifesting, perpetuating, and expanding state‐centred governance trends that were established well before the onset of Covid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few studies have explored the relationships between nation-building, disaster risk reduction and climate change adaptation. Focusing on small island developing states, this paper examines nation-building in Timor-Leste, a small island developing state that recently achieved independence. Nation-building in Timor-Leste is explored in the context of disaster risk reduction, which necessarily includes climate change adaptation. The study presents a synopsis of Timor-Leste's history and its nation-building efforts as well as an overview of the state of knowledge of disaster risk reduction including climate change adaptation. It also offers an analysis of significant gaps and challenges in terms of vertical and horizontal governance, large donor presence, data avail- ability and the integration of disaster risk reduction and climate change adaptation for nation- building in Timor-Leste. Relevant and applicable lessons are provided from other small island developing states to assist Timor-Leste in identifying its own trajectory out of underdevelopment while it builds on existing strengths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines to what degree attachment to a former multinational state which breaks up may complicate national consolidation in new states, as was the case in the Soviet Union and Titoist Yugoslavia. In the former Yugoslavia such attachment is usually referred to as ' Yugonostalgia', and various opinions have been expressed about its strength and possible political consequences today. Only in 2011, however, was an attempt made to measure Yugonostalgia quantitatively and analyse this phenomenon comparatively in the various successor states. A large-scale survey showed that while Yugonostalgics in some countries were less loyal than other citizens towards the new state this was not the case in Serbia. In Croatia, the number of respondents who felt Yugoslav has gone down since independence far more than in any other state; probably a result of a massive public campaign to discredit continued identification with the former state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective The goal of this article is to highlight the methodological problems involved in the study of nation-building and propose solutions. I identify three categories of methodological problems that flow from respective practices in social science research: (i) inferring intentions from observed behavior or outcomes; (ii) relying on census data to infer a country's ethnic diversity; and (iii) arbitrary periodization and anachronism, that is, attributing certain actions to concepts and/or phenomena that were not politically salient or even understood by the actors under study. Methods I conduct a meta-analysis of the body of evidence I used in my recent work, which systematically documents nation-building policies toward noncore groups in the post World War I Balkans. Results In each section, I use empirical examples to illustrate the methodological pitfalls that may result from these practices and suggest strategies to overcome these difficulties. Conclusion Certain applications of behaviorism can lead to wrongheaded theories and introduce bias in our analysis. Needless to say, these problems are not unique to the study of nation-building. Scholars are invited to adopt historicist solutions to these problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ceremonial initiatives linked to nation-building projects are highly visible in multiethnic states, where governments seem to have adopted a Durkheimian approach in which ceremonies contribute to the strengthening of communities. However, national ceremonies are not invented or exported to other nations easily, as seen when outlining the pattern of a successful national day. A unifying narrative (sometimes the historical genesis) is significant in the establishment of successful national days, as is the nature of the national day design. The celebrations of the constitution in Norway - and the 77 year struggle to get the Norwegian flag officially recognised - became part of resisting the enforced union with Sweden (1814-1905). Therefore, the growth of Norwegian nationalism must be understood in the context of rival nationalisms in Scandinavia. However, Constitution Day (17 May) has remained a powerful component of Norwegian nationalism long since the constitution ceased to be threatened because of its incorporation in primary and secondary school curricula and, more recently, within the debate on multiculturalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to evaluate the cultural policy of Mozambique's Liberation Front (FRELIMO), focusing on music and dance during the liberation war and transitional period (1964–1975), and during the first 5 years after independence from Portugal (1975–1980). For the first period, we will focus on a repertoire entitled 'revolutionary anthems' and for the second, we will analyse Mozambique's sonorous representations in three national and international events: FESTAC77 (1977), the First National Festival of Popular Dance (1978) and the First National Festival of Song and Traditional Music (1980). Building on fieldwork data gathered through several interviews with politicians, radio broadcasters, producers, musicians and archival work, we aim to explain the significance of musical performance for the 'sonorous construction' of the 'new Mozambican man' project, as envisioned by FRELIMO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Tropicality" has historically been used as an epistemological tool by colonial settlers and thereafter local rulers to naturalize and espouse Western rationality and modernity. Singapore is no exception to this lingering Western framing, which continues to define state narratives of success and heritage. "Tropicality" as a hegemonic force manifests in infrastructures of large physical networks, institutionalized knowledges, and media representations. This paper dissects three chronological dominant modes of "tropicality"—the colonial, the nation‐building, and the contemporary neoliberal mode—alongside their corresponding subaltern lived worlds that speak of an alternative "tropicality" often unnoticed (Figure 1). These diametric strands are studied through hegemonic infrastructure and everyday acts that resist, appropriate, or hybridize these power‐laden spaces. A heterogenous methodology was adopted, capturing the epistemologies and metis employed in dominant and alternative tropicalities, respectively. Maps, charts, and archives are used to study the former; ethnographic observation, family memory, and affective experiences elucidate the latter. In this paper, I focus on the nation‐building mode of "tropicality", which shaped Singapore's rapid urbanization in the 1960s. Modernist public housing schemes borrowed from the Tropical Architecture movement are situated within a larger infrastructural field that de‐skilled, cleansed, and civilized an "unruly" population, conflating natural and social order. However, these attempts at creating modern subjects were thwarted by everyday resistance performed at a critical mass, in which displaced populations tapped upon past metis, habitus, and ecological aesthetics to appropriate alienating modern infrastructure. Through these ad hoc infrastructural reconfigurations, a hybrid modern "tropicality" was negotiated. It is through deprivileging infrastructures of "tropicality" and drawing out alternative "infra‐structures" of multiple, lived tropical worlds that we may move toward post‐tropicality—a mentality built on an expanded understanding of how our modern environment is and has been shaped equally by dominant, neocolonial forces and also forsaken memories, practices, and everyday acts of resistance, which hold the key to alternative futures beyond the limited scope delineated by our inherited "tropical modernity". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nation building, the allocation of economic aid conditional on military assistance in conflict and post-conflict environments, has cost the world trillions of dollars over the last half century. Yet few attempts have been made to quantify the potential economic growth effects for the recipient country from the provision of this aid. Using a 45-year panel dataset, we construct a measure of nation building using a three-way interaction term between military assistance, economic aid, and conflict regime. Considering that slow growing and problem-prone countries may be less likely to receive aid, we instrument for economic aid by estimating donor-to-donee aid flows in a first-stage procedure. Using this approach, we find that spending on nation building has positive growth effects during conflict periods, but that these effects disappear after conflict. (JEL F3, F4, O5) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The split of Sudan following popular referendum in South Sudan may have spurred a need for a serious reconsideration of national identity and nation-building in the two emerging states. Sudan is compelled to embark in the reconstitution of national identity in a manner that reflects the new reality. South Sudan also needs to gear its post-secession identity formation and nation-building in a way that reflects and celebrates its ethnocultural diversity. This article seeks to analyse identity and nation-building in the Sudans using the sociological concepts of civic identity and ethnic identity. It examines the challenges of reconstitution of national identity and nation-building in a postcolonial, pluralistic, and post-secession setting. The main focus is on the post-secession period. It argues that the hierarchical organization of the civic identity and ethnic identity, which give rise to a duality of identity, may inform the new social contract of the reconstituted nation-building processes in the Sudans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agreeing with the constructivist approach to nationalism, this article argues that the prevailing ambiguous attitude towards nationality among people in Taiwan is a reflection of different waves of nation-building − each led people to imagine a distinct nation − and the mixture of these waves during past decades. Whereas all nations are artificially imagined, 'the style in which they are imagined' should be examined. This article aims to distinguish three waves of nation-building in Taiwan after 1949 and address the issue of superimposition of contradictory elements in producing nation-ness to highlight that nation-building is a path-dependent process. Three suppositions can be derived from the investigation of Taiwan's case. First, people are not empty vessels and the new national imagination has to compete and coexist with vestiges and crystallizations of former imaginations. Second, the content of a single nation-building programme may be reinvented according to the external and/or internal environment. Third, depending on the social atmosphere, official nationalism may adopt a different method to instil the national imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Secularisation theory contends that religiosity and trust in religious organisations tend to decline when trust in their secular counterparts increases. However, it is puzzling why religious organisations receive public trust as high as their secular counterparts in countries where religiosity is low. If religious organisations are deemed to be doomed as trust in secular counterparts rises, why do people still trust them? We argue that a high level of trust in religious organisations is associated with their importance in nation‐building and national identity construction: Individuals with a strong national identity are more likely to trust religious organisations. Using both qualitative and quantitative data about public trust in the Armenian Apostolic Church (AAC) and Georgian Orthodox Church (GOC), this study finds that the historical role of religious organisations in strengthening national cohesion and building national identity during times of instability leads ordinary citizens to place both generational and strategic trust in these religious organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how leadership education and program development is centered on the needs of students, local tribal communities, and institutional charter within the Tribal College and University (TCU) context. Two leadership‐based academic programs at two respective TCUs are discussed through the lens of a culturally appropriate framework of Native‐nation building to illustrate how leadership development at TCUs is focused on developing student leaders within and for tribal communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Timor-Leste's nation-building process faces significant demographic challenges because of its current and prospective population dynamics. Based on the 2010 census data this paper projects the demographic structure of Timor-Leste by 2030 and discusses the impact of the same on peace, development and environmental sustainability. This paper projects that Timor-Leste's population will increase from 1.06 million in 2010 to 1.82 million in 2030, and because of a slow decline in total fertility rates, its population characteristics will remain that of a very youthful country with an extraordinarily high dependency ratio. Timor-Leste will have extremely high proportion of excess labour, high concentration of uneducated and jobless youth in small urban areas and an ever-increasing demand on natural resources in the next two decades. In the context of poor performing domestic economy, very low formal sector employment and weak environmental governance, these challenges may well contribute to social conflict which is evident in the nation's recent past. This paper is an attempt to reflect upon the implications of Timor-Leste's population dynamics by 2030 on urbanisation, economy (labour market) and the environment which tend to have a strong relationship with social stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chapter Four shows us how the local Urdu language press reflected and commented on these divisions, providing fora not just for Muslims who stayed in Delhi but also for Hindu and Sikh migrants who also published in Urdu. My one hesitation is with regards to interpretative and analytical strategy, namely the extent the book focuses on Delhi's Muslim communities. [Extracted from the article]

This article explains the crystallisation of a new Russian national discourse, shaped by a challenge posed to Putin's statist non-ethnic national model by a popularly formed ethno-cultural alternative, constructed through negation of the ' Muslim other'. The article describes this new and previously overlooked phenomenon of Russian nationalism and explicates the social mechanism behind its formation. The article concludes that when rampant corruption exists, generating a breakdown of legal order, the 'other' is defined through behaviour that deviates from accepted local norms, while the contrasting normative 'general public' is defined as ' Russian'. Such group definitions mean that the current process of Russian grass-roots exclusive national consolidation is based predominantly on culturally based behavioural codes, rather than on mere ethnic or religious affiliation, as is widely believed. Additionally, a conceptual landmark discourse shift from the question of Russia's mere plausibility as a nation-state to a focus on its ongoing definition is demonstrated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the handover of sovereignty from the United Kingdom to China in 1997, the post-colonial government in Hong Kong initiated a nation-building project aimed at boosting nationalism and patriotism. Drawing on documentary analysis, this article analyses how the dominant bloc subtly manipulates a Chinese identity rooted in local traditions through its national education policy, and how it seeks to foster hegemony via several discursive strategies including normalization, naturalization, homogenization, utilitarianization, glorification, moralization, and eclecticism. This article also draws attention to the alternative discourses by the civil society in opposition to the hegemony project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is customary to consider population censuses (and statistics in general) as exclusive to the modern State, appearing in the second half of the eighteenth century but being developed and spreading in the West during the nineteenth century. Indeed, censuses help to strengthen and legitimize such states. However, in Spain, just as in Europe and the United States, the first population censuses considered modern were the result of, on the one hand, the directives and general and provincial coordination provided by the new state statistical institutions, such as the Statistics Commission or the Institute of Geography and, on the other, municipal personnel and the previous knowledge of local conditions held by the councils and other agents, such as the clergy, intellectuals, and notables. The media were also availed of for the cause. Let us recall that the municipalities were an explicit part of the state apparatus, therefore their relevance in carrying out censuses is not an indication of failure or weakness on the part of the Spanish State regarding the process of "bottom‐up nation‐building", but rather a way to imagine the nation through which collective involvement would build the nation from the locality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary introduces the term 'dual facing' to describe the way that Chinese voluntary associations orientate themselves as collectives situated between the ancestral land (China) and their countries of settlement. The commentary uses examples of Chinese voluntary associations in Singapore and Myanmar to reflect on China's longstanding presence and expanding reach in Southeast Asia, including through its diaspora engagement with the Chinese abroad. It argues that such associations are embedded not only in the nation‐building efforts of their countries of settlement, but also the ancestral land. However, this dual‐facing orientation also means that they can become embroiled in conflictual domestic and foreign politics at both ends, potentially jeopardising how they are otherwise seen as bridges and brokers by China and in the countries where have settled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the link between language policies and nation-building by focusing on the Turkish case during the early Republican period (1920-38). As opposed to conceptualising nation builders as seamlessly and strategically forming a nation out of the remnants of an empire, this article emphasises the complex and, at times, ambiguous nature of the nation-building process using Turkey as a case study. The article is also critical of ethno-symbolic accounts of nations and nation formation that tend to emphasise the cultural at the expense of the political sphere. Instead, by looking at the process and content of the formulation of language policies, this study demonstrates how culture was highly politicised during the formative period of the Turkish nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers and policy makers appear to hold a deeply rooted reluctance to acknowledge, let alone address, the significance of ISIS's state building. Those who have engaged with this issue have tended to traverse the analytical dead end of legalistic questions and themes, inevitably concluding that ISIS's efforts fell short of the threshold of statehood. This article sharply diverges from this reasoning and instead focuses on the political extent of ISIS's state building, which was a reaction to the collapse of authority in Iraq and Syria, and the concomitant failure to protect peoples at risk. The study examines the Islamic State on four dimensions: the stabilization of society, the extraction of income, the politicization of religion, and the use of sectarian divisions. It finds that ISIS's efforts were internally contradictory and contained a number of elements that impeded its establishing a conventionally defined state and its carrying out of actions expected of such a state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reassesses the role played by parliaments and other representative structures in the European state‐building processes. It points to a need of going beyond the traditional antagonist conception of the relationships between rulers and social forces rooted in comparative historical political science, substituting it with a theory grounded in the concept of political exchange. A preliminary analysis of four cases (Brandenburg‐Prussia, Dutch Republic, Poland, and Sweden) is conducted, with the purpose of singling out the "internal" determinants — that is, institutional properties of the assemblies — that allowed them to integrate into the institutional framework of the states in formation, or that hindered such an integration. These determinants are found to consist in three main factors: organisational centralisation, working autonomy, and a significant interdependence relationship with a distinct and relatively autonomous governmental centre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concepts “nation-building” and “civil society” have extensive roots in positive social theory, but both have been reborn as important prescriptive concepts in the context of foreign aid. Even as a normative concept, the term “civil society” means quite different things, as at least four models can be distinguished in the foreign aid context. More to the point, today's normative notions of nation-building also vary, seemingly by the model of civil society that is being used. However it is construed, nation-building faces serious problems that are both external and internal to those efforts. Externally, there is a problem of scale, as globalisation tends to outflank nation-building; internally, the result of civil interactions do not always facilitate nation-building efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the gender dimensions of Zionist nation building by examining literary texts written in the first three decades of the twentieth century. It offers a gender-oriented analysis of a range of canonic and marginal literary texts and their historical contexts, and pays special attention to the ways in which literary production in general, and in Hebrew in particular, became an essential component in the effort to create an image of a ‘New Hebrew Man’. This highly gendered image was a central foundation of the Zionist project of nation building in Europe, and in the Jewish community in Palestine. Hebrew poems, stories and novels produced and sustained the symbolic economy of gender of the Zionist cultural project. At the same time, I argue that some Hebrew writers resisted the overt and implicit ideological demands of this project by calling attention to the internal contradictions inherent in the feminine figuration of the nation and the attempts to transform Jewish masculinity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Daily news relating to Kyrgyz migrants in Russia have become an integral part of Kyrgyz politics and social media. Does the state use symbolic resources, such as a common past related to the tragic events of the Second World War, to protect Kyrgyz migrants on the territory of a different state, such as the Russian Federation? We propose that this is a new and alternative way of legitimization of Kyrgyz labor migrants in Russia where the Kyrgyzstan state practices and operates emotional investments, via a common history and meaning production in nation-building processes. Almazbek Atambayev compared the Kyrgyz treatment of Russian refugees during the war with the Russian treatment of Kyrgyz migrant workers in recent years, stressing that Kyrgyz migrant workers expect a little more respect from the Russian state and society. [Extracted from the article]