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What fuels both enthusiasm for increasing "American" birth rates and fears about their decline? Citing the prevalence of fertility campaigns in authoritarian regimes characterized by ethno‐nationalist Christianity, we theorize that, in addition to patriarchal attitudes, perceived ethno‐cultural threat and desire for ethno‐cultural dominance substantially drive "nationalist pronatalism" (promoting fertility to strengthen "the nation" and avoid national decline). We expect pronatalist ideology focused on American births is associated with (1) belief that dominant cultural group members (Whites, Christians, men) are threatened and (2) White Christian nationalism—an ideology that looks to conform American identity and values to those of a traditionalist, ethnicized Christianity. Recent, nationally representative data reveal Christian nationalist ideology is the second strongest predictor of support for nationalist pronatalism, second only behind patriarchal attitudes. This association is stronger for men and virtually non‐existent among Blacks. The belief that Whites or Christians face "the most discrimination" as opposed to various minorities also predicts nationalist pronatalism. Contemporary support for pronatalist ideology focused on American births is thus undergirded not only by attitudes that subordinate women but also (1) an ethno‐racially contingent ideology that insists the United States should reflect and institutionalize traditionalist Christian culture and (2) perceptions that Christians and Whites are persecuted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most theoretical and empirical approaches to nationalism not only distinguish between ethnic and civic notions of national belonging but also differentiate national identity from national hubris, pride, and attachment. In this research note, we examine recently published research on nationalist sentiments in the United States that takes a different approach. The study in question, 'Varieties of American Popular Nationalism' by Bonikowski and DiMaggio (2016), has already become quite influential in the field and has the potential to change how we conceptualise and operationalise attitudes about the nation. In this research note, we revisit its analytical strategy and exploratory methods. We ask two questions. First, does this study allow us to draw conclusions about American nationalism? To answer this, we replicate the original model and then execute additional postestimation analyses, whose results undermine the study's main conclusions. Second, we investigate whether judicious revisions to the study's model generate results that would lead us to the article's same conclusions. The 385 additional models lend no support. Based on this evidence, we argue that the original study's conclusions stem from a misinterpretation of its latent class analysis (LCA), as our own analyses demonstrate that there is no empirical basis for its claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a move that some equate with a "turn to religion," state, regional, and international donors now all seek to partner with religious organizations to deliver international humanitarian aid. Evidence indicates, however, that this invitation is not always accepted. The United States serves as a prominent example. Although the United States went so far as to establish an office in USAID to facilitate coordination with faith‐based organizations in 2002, the number of religious organizations receiving USAID funds remains low. My research suggests that this is also true of faith‐based aid applications. An online survey of over 400 U.S.‐based nonprofits with international operations reveals that perceptions of government bias likely deter many religious NGOs in the United States from applying for government funds. While this explanation may be unique to the United States, it may also provide a testable hypothesis to scholars studying similar dynamics in other donor countries and organizations. Related Articles: Byrne, Jennifer, and Gregory C. Dixon. 2013. "Reevaluating American Attitudes toward Immigrants in the Twenty‐First Century: The Role of a Multicreedal National Identity." Politics & Policy 41 (1): 83‐116. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12002 Dobransky, Steve. 2014. "Violators amongst Us: International Regimes and the Role of Compliance, a Case Study on Official Development Assistance." Politics & Policy 42 (4): 593‐634. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12082 Persons, Georgia A. 2011. "Administrative Policy Initiatives and the Limits of Change: Lessons from the Implementation of the Bush Faith‐Based and Community Initiative." Politics & Policy 39 (6): 949‐978. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00332.x [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous studies show biblicist Christianity, religiosity, and conservative political identity are strong predictors of Americans holding skeptical attitudes toward publicly controversial aspects of science, such as human evolution. We show that Christian nationalism—meaning the desire to see particularistic and exclusivist versions of Christian symbols, values, and policies enshrined as the established religion of the United States—is a strong and consistent predictor of Americans' attitudes about science above and beyond other religious and political characteristics. Further, a majority of the overall effect of political ideology on skepticism about the moral authority of science is mediated through Christian nationalism, indicating that political conservatives are more likely to be concerned with particular aspects of science primarily because they are more likely to be Christian nationalists. Likewise, substantial proportions of the well‐documented associations between religiosity and biblical "literalism" with views of science are mediated through Christian nationalism. Because Christian nationalism seeks to establish a particular and exclusivist vision of Christianity as the dominant moral order, adherents feel threatened by challenges to the epistemic authority undergirding that order, including by aspects of science perceived as challenging the supremacy of biblicist authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the inception of the United States, many of those who have spoken for and to the nation have struggled to define and defend a coherent American nationalism. This article proposes that one of the reasons for this lies in the fault lines inherent in the invented traditions that underpin American, as many other nationalisms. Determined by warfare and by the desire for land, and frequently defined in racial terms, they have undermined more than they have stabilized the nationalist structures they seek to support through what they have excluded from the national imaginary. In common with other settler nations, in fact arguably with most Western nations, America's nationalist narratives struggle to serve as cohesive foundation myths. They represent the lasting legacies of national trauma derived from the nation's violent colonial past and the severing of the imperial bond in the eighteenth century, chattel slavery, and the civil war it caused, and westward expansion and the imperative toward hemispheric control. Through the mapping of a topography of national trauma predicated on these national traditions and located within the tensions arising from warfare, land, and race, scholars can better comprehend the still frequently acrimonious debates over American nationalism that persist today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign place names reflecting the names of American hunter-conservationists and places mark the geography of Western Canada. This exogenous place naming dates to the 1930s when one of Canada's most successful NGOs-Ducks Unlimited Canada-launched 'The Lake that Waits' project. Emerging out of the Dust Bowl and declining waterfowl populations, the project combined geographical imagination, foreign toponyms, and ecological knowledge to incite American waterfowlers to invest in the rehabilitation of Canadian wetlands. It is insinuated that this renaming re-colonized in the name of nature conservation. When theorized within a postnational ecological and historical context, however, the use of foreign toponyms may be interpreted as a means to positively influence perceptions of identity and sense of place. It was a social construction of nature encouraging recognition of the shared ethical responsibilities of continental waterfowlers who needed to re-envision waterfowl migration within an ecological common-Duckland. Renaming was a means to effect both environmental and cultural change resulting in the conservation of millions of acres of waterfowl habitat, leaving an enduring mark on North American geography. Imaginer Canardia : le postnationalisme, la migration de la sauvagine et le collectif écologique Les toponymes étrangers inspirés des noms de chasseurs-écologistes américains et de lieux américains sont un trait caractéristique de la géographie de l'Ouest canadien. Cette façon exogène de désigner les lieux remonte aux années 1930, à l'époque du lancement du projet « The Lake that Waits » par Canards Illimités Canada. Le projet a débuté lors des années du Dust Bowl et du déclin important des populations de sauvagine. Il conjuguait l'imaginaire géographique, les toponymes étrangers et les savoirs écologiques afin d'inciter les sauvaginiers américains à investir dans la réhabilitation des milieux humides canadiens. Certains font allusion au fait que ces changements de nom représentent une forme de recolonisation. Toutefois, en prenant une perspective théorique postnationale, l'utilisation de toponymes étrangers serait alors vue comme un moyen d'influencer positivement les sentiments d'appartenance aux lieux. Il s'agissait d'une construction sociale de la nature qui favorise la reconnaissance du partage des responsabilités éthiques des sauvaginiers qui devaient réimaginer la migration de la sauvagine au sein d'un collectif écologique - Canardia. Grâce aux changements de toponymes, les conditions environnementales et culturelles ont pu évoluer, ce qui a permis de conserver des millions d'acres de l'habitat de la sauvagine et de laisser une marque durable sur la géographie nord-américaine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the dynamic relationship between neoliberalism and nationalism through the counterintuitive comparison of journeys travelled by US citizens as they enlist in the military and by unauthorized Central Americans as they migrate to the United States. We argue that, however different the context and content of their decisions and their lives, Central American migrants and US soldiers are both connected within a larger political economy. We complicate the idea of migrants and soldiers as purely rational economic actors, but we also reject the idea, imputed onto migrants and soldiers by neoliberal states, that they are naturally nationalistic actors. Migrants and soldiers embody a neoliberal subjectivity produced through processes of violence, capital accumulation and militarization. Yet, as we examine throughout this paper, their construction as homeland heroes within the national imaginary masks the ways their labor and their mobility serve the institutionalization of neoliberal statecraft. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the Folk Linguistics agenda by making the case that nationalism comprises one ideological component to folk theories of language. The principle of nationalist diversity, the compulsion to maintain clear boundaries between nationalized things, appears prominently in at least two ways: (1) in response to dissonance between boundaries of nationalized space and nationalized language; and (2) in response to dissonance between the boundaries discerning one linguistic code from another. Both situations rely on individuals apprehending linguistic practices as nationalized icons. This argument will be developed through analytical consideration of four language complaints put forth by nonlinguists in multilingual encounters. This paper opens an underdeveloped area in Folk Linguistics, the study of folk ideologies in recognized border zones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the gendered politics of dress and the rise of transnational Filipino student networks in the early twentieth century. In the context of empire, with Filipino students acting as representatives and defenders of their native land, everything from personal behaviour and dress to assessments of educational progress became fraught with political meaning. This article argues that Filipino students on both sides of the Pacific chose to enact their nationalism bodily. The self-conscious presentation of the body, including dress, was a crucial site of struggle over issues of national and personal autonomy. Ideas about nationalism and self-representation were debated in a transnational context, as Filipino students travelled back and forth over the Pacific, interpreting and constituting the colonial relationship along the way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on dozens of in-depth life-history interviews and extensive participant observation in mosques and community centers, this article probes the interaction of religion and nationalism in the formation of individual identities within the Palestinian immigrant community in Chicago, Illinois since the late 1980s. The analysis focuses on three individuals who represent distinct approaches to negotiating the relationship of religion and nation. The first approach is context-adaptive, responding and accommodating to the diverging moral assumptions that underlie the ethos of religious and secular spaces. The second approach entails a transition from secular-nationalism to a type of Islamic nationalism or even Islamic secularism. The third approach resists both forms of nationalism, seeking a transcendent Islam in which ethnicity and nation recede within a new religious humanism. The core argument throughout is that processes of religious return, often analyzed in relation to transnational trends, take diverse and indeterminate forms. This fact results from the shaping effects of a range of 'secular' factors - gender, generation, class, family dynamics, intercommunal interactions, traumatic events - which register within the specific local settings of ordinary life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, white evangelicals are more economically conservative than other Americans. It is commonly assumed that white evangelicals oppose redistributive social policies because of their individualistic theology. Yet Canadian evangelicals are just as supportive of redistributive social policy as other Canadians, even though they share the same tools of conservative Protestant theology. To solve this puzzle, I use multi-sited ethnography to compare how two evangelical congregations in the United States and Canada talked about poverty and the role of government. In both countries, evangelicals made sense of their religious responsibilities to 'the poor' by reference to national identity. Evangelicals used their theological tools differently in the United States and Canada because different visions of national solidarity served as cultural anchors for religious discourse about poverty. To understand the political and civic effects of religion, scholars need to consider the varied ways that religious groups imagine national community within religious practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the connection between theories dealing with race and sexual orientation, with focus given to the concept of desire as it relates to non-heteronormative Africans and members of the African diaspora. The author argues that in order to understand the connection between race and sexuality, one must focus on everyday life. To this extent, the author describes his own discussions with black men and women that deal with desire for recognition as citizens and inclusion in the nation. He also deals with the concept of homonationalism, in which homosexuality and American nationalism are combined in order to cover the United States' poor treatment of other groups.

Utilizing a combination of corpus linguistics and critical discourse analysis, the article describes ideologies of United States (U.S.) national identity based in civic and ethnic nationalisms. These ideologies circulated during debates and hearings in the U.S. Congress concerning the 2006 reauthorization of provisions of the Voting Rights Act requiring that multilingual voting materials be made available for language minorities in certain jurisdictions. The article argues that although those legislators supporting the use of multilingual voting materials construct an ideology of civic nationalism that promotes inclusion of language minorities, they are still greatly influenced by the dominant language ideology. Those opposing multilingual voting materials construct a U.S. national identity that places stringent requirements on newcomers to assimilate and learn English. These legislators simultaneously attempt to avoid the suspicion of ethnic nationalist ideologies by arguing that English is a neutral entity, detaching it from its dominant linguistic community. The findings suggest that despite Congressional support for multilingual voting materials, the language ideologies present in Congress are not necessarily favorable to the rights of language minorities. These findings have language policy implications in that they suggest opposition to a right to language for linguistic minorities in the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cinco de Mayo, celebrated by Mexican Americans as well as Americans of other ethnicities, provides an opportunity to examine the influence of ethnic festivals on broader US identity. Given the recent controversy over the immigration bill, State Bill 1070, passed in Arizona in 2010, the themes presented in newspaper articles concerning the celebration of the holiday in Phoenix, Arizona (2006-11) and the public response to these articles are examined. This examination reveals the intense contestation associated with the presentation of symbols and themes of national identity during periods of political controversy. It also illustrates that ordinary people have strong, long-standing opinions about the future of the nation and national identity and will express their opinions when an outlet is provided to them [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article digs beneath the surface of American assumptions regarding war to explore the ethical interconnections between national identity, war, and religion. Striking differences emerge between the dynamics of religion and politics with regard to war and peace in presidential speeches regarding the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, and the analysis of war from an earlier generation, encapsulated by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s 'Beyond Vietnam: A Call to Conscience,' from 1967. Study of this political discourse helps us better understand our own reality in the United States, and the moral consequences of our beliefs about war, sacrifice, the human character, and the identity of the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-border transactions are often perceived by the general public as national threats instead of rational business deals. We propose two interpretational mindsets that attenuate (transactional mindset) and agitate (categorization mindset) these culturally motivated responses. Three studies were conducted in Singapore and the United States with various cross-border acquisition scenarios. As predicted, transactional mindset, which centers around cost-benefit calculations, nudged participants to evaluate the foreign acquisition more rationally and evoked fewer social-cultural considerations than categorization mindset, which focuses on categorizing and comparison procedures, and when no mindset was primed. Furthermore, the effects of categorization mindset are particularly strong when one perceives the two transacting parties as dissimilar and when he/she identifies closely with the local culture. We conclude that while economic activities such as cross-border acquisitions can inadvertently evoke nationalistic reactions, it is possible to mitigate them or even encourage rational evaluations by influencing people's interpretational mindset. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, Walter Parker brings structure and agency to the foreground of the current tumult of public schooling in the United States. He focuses on three structures that are serving as rules and resources for creative agency. These are a discourse of derision about failing schools, a broad mobilization of multiculturalism, and an enduring nationalism. Drawing on Anthony Giddens's structuration theory, Parker examines how these discourses figure in redefining school reform, redefining school curricula, and requiring schools once again to serve nationalistic purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During World War II the state created a new and deeper set of relationships with defense contractors. These contractors manufactured the vast majority of war materials and relied extensively on the state for financing. These same contractors also encouraged workers and civilians to understand their every minute action as contributing to the war effort. In order to fully integrate workers' and civilians' lives into the war effort, the state and industry created and distributed a war wage-a sense of contribution, national belonging, and sacrifice. In this paper I analyze the wartime records of the Westinghouse Electric and Manufacturing Company in order to understand how the state and industry created the war wage alongside the military-industrial complex. With the help of the war wage, the state and industry radically expanded the production of war materials and enlisted a more compliant population of workers and civilians into the war effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author attempts to distinguish when patriotism is a virtue and when it is not. He also examines the politics of the first inaugural speech of U.S. President Abraham Lincoln and its appeal to patriotism. The author argues that Lincoln's patriotism does well under moral scrutiny even though it accommodates slavery. Lincoln's patriotism is referred to frequently as "dirty hands" because it came about in a situation in which political reasons compelled people to be complicit in the evil of slavery in order to achieve a greater good and to forestall a bigger evil.

This article responds to concerns about the ''diaspora' diaspora' effect on sociology of national identity and migration, and the related thought by about a national community as something more tangible and close-knit than just 'imagined' by . I refer to the ideas of the occupational 'platoon'- derived from and - and platoon friendship as representing the occupation-friendship-nationalism conflation. Having conducted narrative-biographic interviews with twenty-five Russian academics now residing in the United Kingdom and the United States, I look at how they understand their new, diasporic spaces as impacted by their Soviet platoon friendship - a feature that could be used as a criterion for recognising a putative diaspora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Race too often is used as the explanatory variable for understanding immigration exclusion, marginalizing the significance of race making, ethnic differentiation, and gender construction in particular. This article explores these processes by examining exclusionary policies implemented against Chinese and Japanese immigrants from the mid-1870s to 1924, the year the National Origins Act was passed. Politicians, intellectuals, and moral reformers used a gendered logic—the construction of idealized gender norms, roles, and sexual propriety and the attachment of these meanings to male and female bodies—to distinguish Japanese immigrants from the Chinese immigrants they followed, allowing for ethnic differentiation and dissimilar policies. The convergence toward exclusion rested on a racialized logic—the construction and attachment of inferior status and meanings to immigrant groups through discourse, formal and informal categorization, or social closure—which claimed that the Japanese were unassimilable and racially undesirable like the Chinese. Exclusionists focused on the immigrant women, decrying their sexual and gender impropriety as evidence of the groups’ threats to the sanctity of white families, which imperiled the nation. Gender and race both mattered in these logics and their meanings were constructed as their salience interconnected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article evaluates the evolution of Americans' sense of solidarity, community, and identity in the age of globalisation through an examination of their involvement with non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and social movements active in the developing world. This analysis draws on Jürgen Habermas' contention that, in this age of an increasingly global and inequitable economy, civil society organisations that extend beyond national borders are more likely than other institutions to engender transnational solidarity. The article focuses primarily on results of an opinion survey conducted by the author, examining to what extent U.S. volunteers for international NGOs exhibit national or transnational senses of belonging. Conclusions include the ideas that this cosmopolitan population may indicate an emerging trend in greater feelings of solidarity with and attachment to developing countries, leading to increased support for more multilateral decision-making. However, this more global consciousness seems unlikely to replace feelings of national attachment and belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the Puritan and Hebrew origins of American spiritual and public life in light of the rise of Islam and American response to it in 2009. A number of issues are addressed including the embrace of Hebraic community discipline by the 17th century American Puritans, the religious knowledge possessed by U.S. president Barack Obama and the use of incidents in the Old Testament as metaphor for events in American history. Among other issues the article discusses the nationalistic nature of Judaism.

This essay explores the proposition that China and Vietnam represent a fourth class route to modern nationhood, in addition to the ethnic (German), civic (French) and plural (American) routes. Nation-states emerging along the class route are characterised by an exclusive membership based on social class rather than just ethnicity, living under the same laws or participation in liberation from foreign rule. The essay compares China's and Vietnam's class-based nationalism with the more inclusive labour movement nationalisms of Norway and Cyprus. Then it explains how the class route differs from the French civic route. In the conclusion, the author concedes that the Chinese and Vietnamese class route is perhaps a detour rather than a route of its own, since it leads to inevitable tension between the divisive history of how the nation was formed and the need of its later leaders to include and represent the same social classes that were originally excluded. These leaders and their national storytellers are forced to undertake a redefinition of the national self as ethnic, civic and/or plural in an attempt to recreate national legitimacy, often in competition with more radically nationalist opposition groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relations between gender and nationalism in Latin America. It looks at the history of the gendering of nationalism around masculine figures in the region. The association between the region's global integration and the relations between gender and nationalism is discussed. In addition, the article highlights sex tourism as an example of how globalization complicates the notion of a singular other in constructions of national identity. The presence of multiculturalism in the transformative process in Latin American gender and nationalism is also explained.

The American flag is a frequently displayed national symbol in the United States. Given its high visibility and importance, the present research examines the consequences of exposure to the flag on Americans' sense of national attachment. We hypothesized that the flag would increase patriotism, defined as love and commitment to one's country, and nationalism, defined as a sense of superiority over others. Two experimental studies supported the idea that the American flag increased nationalism, but not necessarily patriotism. The discussion focuses on the practices surrounding the American flag and its implications for the reproduction of American national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central to many immigration debates in the United States, past and present, are questions about what it means to be an American. In this article, I address three forms of this question: (a) What is an immigrant? (b) What is an American? and (c) What is a hyphenated American. Answers to these questions can vary, depending upon whether one is taking the perspective of the observer/host or of the immigrant himself or herself. Data suggest that neither unidimensionality nor simple dichotomy are appropriate frames for analyzing national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the interwar debate over nationality and modernism by examining the writing and art of Walt Kuhn in the U.S. Recently, scholars of American art have aimed to dismantle the division of interwar modernists and realists, seeing it as a binary hangover from modern historians, and are more concerned with pointing to the many similarities between the two camps rather than their differences. Citing such commonalities as a fascination with folk culture and a quest for authenticity, scholars now acknowledge that most artists working in the United States during the war are competing for the American identity.

This article seeks to extend our understanding of the forces that shape social movement messages. Using a framework that focuses on a movement's discursive field, I analyze the U.S. movement for population stabilization, which is made up of groups that call for stricter limits on immigration to the United States as a means to forestall environmental decline. Drawing upon data from a range of sources, including the Web sites of 10 environment-oriented immigration-reduction organizations, I make the case that this movement's particular field is composed of the discursive repertoires (or messages) of a set of environmental and nonenvironmental social actors and three central discourses: science, political economy, and nationalism. I argue that the movement's relative lack of success is partially attributable to its position in the discursive field in which it must operate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although researchers have deconstructed the myth of stark social differences between the various North American sub-societies, an assimilating American melting pot and an ethnically oppressive monocultural Québec are still popular representations within Canadian majority discourses, such as the English-language mainstream media and parts of academia. In this paper, I argue that images of ‘America’ and ‘Québec’ play important roles for the multicultural reconstruction of Canadian nationhood. Examining selected op-ed articles from two Toronto-based mainstream newspapers during the 1990s, I develop and exemplify a theoretical understanding of how national identities are constituted and transformed within inter- and intra-national relations of power and alterity. I pay special attention to the particularisation of Canada through the confrontation with American nationhood, the ambiguities of recognising the distinctiveness of Québec inside Canada, and the consequences of projecting Québec's supposedly ‘ethnic’ nationalism outside the boundaries of Canadianness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers disagree over the definition, measurement, and expected political consequences of American patriotism, a situation that is fueled by the absence of a strong theoretical research foundation. We develop and evaluate a new measure of national attachment that is grounded in social identity theory ( Tajfel and Turner 1979 ), drawing on data from three distinct sources: two studies of undergraduate students and the 1996 General Social Survey (GSS). Confirmatory factor analyses provide clear evidence that national identity is distinct from other measures of national attachment including symbolic, constructive, and uncritical patriotism, and nationalism. National identity has a number of other good measurement properties when compared to existing measures: it receives equal endorsement from conservatives and liberals (unlike most other measures which exhibit an ideological bias), develops with time spent in the United States among immigrants, and most importantly is the only measure of national attachment to predict political interest and voter turnout in both student and adult samples, consistent with the predictions of social identity theory. In that sense, the national identity measure outperforms all other measures of national attachment and provides unambiguous evidence that a strong American identity promotes civic involvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between security, identity and loyalty. Focusing on the formative texts and practices underpinning the rise of the national security state in America, while alluding to more recent developments, the article claims that security and identity are inextricably linked, not just in the obvious existential ways, but also in a far more political way: that the fabrication of national security goes hand in hand with the fabrication of national identity, and vice versa. Extending well beyond the question of patriotism as a security trope, this ‘identity’ permeates the worlds of sexuality and domesticity. To make this case the article pinpoints loyalty as a key political technology for simultaneously gauging identity and reaffirming security, thereby unearthing what might be called a security-identity-loyalty complex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the formation of Americans' perceptions about their country, their rights, and their nationalism and what entities shape these perceptions. The author looks at Paul Starr's "The Creation of the Media: Political Origins of Modern Communications" and offers a theory about the media's role in shaping the American public sphere. Starr asserts that the U.S. government, in its early years, subsidized and encouraged newspapers, postal service, and public education to give the population the ability to communicate and participate in the government. Starr also provides a history of the development and shaping of the media as we know it today.

People reacted to the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks in a number of different ways. One reaction was to display the American flag on one's home, car, or person. The goal of this research was to understand the underlying motivations that led to this widespread behavior. Specifically, to what extent was post-9/11 flag-display behavior motivated by patriotism (love of country and in-group solidarity), nationalism (uncritical acceptance of national, state, and political authorities and out-group antipathy), or a combination of both? Results of a national survey (N = 605) provided much stronger support for the hypothesis that post-9/11 flag-display behavior was an expression of patriotism, not nationalism. Other results supported the notion that patriotism can exist without nationalism, even in the context of people's reactions to a terrorist attack. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dead, particularly the war dead, play a central role in the development of nationalism, nowhere more so than in America. America's mid-nineteenth century Civil War produced a recognisable and influential ‘cult of the dead’, comparable in its construction with similar developments in Europe following World War I. Focused on the figure of the fallen soldier, especially the volunteer soldier, this cult found physical expression in the development of national cemeteries devoted not just to the burial of those who fell in the war but to the idea of America as a nation, in the development of monuments to the dead that, again, reinforced the new national symbolism of the war era, and in the beginnings of Memorial Day, an American sacred ceremony with clear parallels with the later Armistice Day ceremonies in Europe. In all these developments, America preceded the European nations by several decades, making America a valuable case study for the role that the cult of the fallen soldier plays in national development more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents information on institutional identification. Higher education institutions have such deep significance for people because they are so closely related with such deeply held American ideals as progress and success. Universities and colleges have long used civic pride and the expression of community and national values to advance their interests. Institutions have long exploited the perception that having a successful higher education institution in a given community announces to the world that community is successful as well. Factors such as national values and local pride explain why local communities identify with higher education institutions, supporting them handsomely as a rule. The degree to which individuals identify with "their" institution, as with any organization, is a product of two elements. The first is what they believe is distinctive, central, and enduring about the organization, their "perceived organizational identity." The second is what they believe others think about the institution, their "construed external image" Both of these constructs are linked with national values and local pride. But identification is also linked with the institutional culture that is so important in making institutions understandable and accessible to constituents, underscoring what is distinctive, central, and enduring about an institution.

The period of heightened nationalism in the United States that followed the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 provided unusual conditions for investigating issues surrounding the distinction between patriotism and nationalism and the relationship between national identification and pluralistic values. In a survey of national identity and social attitudes conducted in late September 2001, two different definitions of national unity were inserted in the introduction to the questionnaire in an attempt to prime activation of different conceptualizations of nationality. Results demonstrated that the priming conditions did have an effect on the pattern of interrelationships among measures of patriotism, nationalism, and tolerance for cultural diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses historical lessons from the U.S. international jurisdiction and foreign policies. Blueprints of the U.S. for how and how not to respond to challengers; Composition of the economic nationalist coalition; Central strategies of the free trader coalition; Foreign policy of economic and military concessions.

This article examines the Million Man March in the wider context of black nationalism, a persistent, though inconsistent, factor in African American life, enjoying wider currency at some historical junctures than others. Those periods when black nationalism resonated strongly among African Americans are called black nationalist moments, four of which are identified here. The Million Man March, with its heavy inflection of patriarchy and black capitalism, is seen as the iconic event of the fourth moment. The subsequent Million Woman March is pivoted as a more radical and activist rejoinder to the Million Man March, a response continued by the even more recent Black Radical Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines how the nationalist rhetoric of politicians in the United States along with broader themes of transnationalism impacts on policies regarding immigration there. Background on the oppositional concepts of nationalism and transnationalism; Information on the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act; Significance of borders in the 20th century.

The primary question addressed is the role of affect related factors, particularly values, as possible mediators of individual differences in attitudes towards nuclear armament-disarmament issues. One such factors is value placed on children, those individuals who have greater affection for children or who are more supportive of devoting national resources toward meeting children's needs being more supportive of nuclear disarmament and nuclear test moratorium. This relationship was found in a well-educated group of adults with special interest in foreign affairs as well as in college student populations. A significant and strong relationship between the value placed on war as instrument of foreign policy and a pronuclear armament stance was also found in each of these two samples. Measures of individual aggression, however, were minimally and inconsistently related to the attitude towards nuclear armament-disarmament and the attitude towards war measures. The possible role of patriotic and nationalistic values was also explored. Patriotism or love of and pride in one's country was shown to be functionally distinct form nationalism or the view that one's country superior to and should be more powerful than other nations. Patriotism but not nationalism was found to be positively correlated with earl paternal attachment while nationalism but not patriotism, was found to be significantly related to pronuclear armament views. The findings from this series of studies indicate that the analysis of individual differences in nuclear armament-disarmament policy attitudes has usefulness and may be useful for social policy in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on Proposition 187 in California which denied public benefits and services to illegal aliens and which required that agencies report suspected illegal aliens to state agencies and the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Objectives by proponents of the initiative; Nationalism in the context of the initiative; Failure of the measure to be racially neutral.

Civil society provides essential balance to the rising power of national states and market economies. Particularly in the United States, however, the economy and state are squeezing civil society, with negative consequences. One result is that market rationality supplants other moralities, with attendant changes in social practices. Examples are offered from education, health care, and federal tax policy. All three legs of the metaphorical social tripod of civil society, economy, and the state need to be strong. Institutions of civil society sustain individuals and societies, but require structural and cultural support if they are to complement and counterbalance the logic and practices of economy and state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comments on the city of Los Angeles, which has been dubbed the "capital of the Third World". Multicultural paradise of Los Angeles; Eighty-one languages spoken in the elementary school system; Problems brought on by a faltering American economy; Thoughts on the beating of Rodney King; Three powder kegs of nationalism, racism and religious fundamentalism.

Focuses on objectives to achieve a national sense of community in the U.S. Decentralization of authority; Mainstreaming of the distribution of benefits.