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Private security officers outnumber police by a wide margin, and the gap may be growing. As cities have claimed to defund the police, many have quietly expanded their use of private security, reallocating spending from the public to the private sector. It is difficult to know what to make of these trends, largely because we know so little about what private security looks like on the ground. On one prevalent view of the facts, a shift from public to private security would mean little more than a change of uniform, as the two labor markets are deeply intertwined. Indeed, academics, the media, popular culture, and the police themselves all tell us that private security is some amalgam of a police retirement community and a dumping ground for disgraced former cops. But if, instead, private officers differ systematically from the public police—and crossover between the sectors is limited—then substitution from policing to private security could drastically change who is providing security services. We bring novel data to bear on these questions, presenting the largest empirical study of private security to date. We introduce an administrative dataset covering nearly 300,000 licensed private security officers in the State of Florida. By linking this dataset to similarly comprehensive information about public law enforcement, we have, for the first time, a nearly complete picture of the entire security labor market in one state. We report two principal findings. First, the public and private security markets are predominantly characterized by occupational segregation, not integration. The individuals who compose the private security sector differ markedly from the public police; they are, for example, significantly less likely to be white men. We also find that few private officers, roughly 2%, have previously worked in public policing, and even fewer will go on to policing in the future. Second, while former police make up a small share of all private security, roughly a quarter of cops who do cross over have been fired from a policing job. In fact, fired police officers are nearly as likely to land in private security as to find another policing job, and a full quarter end up in one or the other. We explore the implications of these findings, including intersections with police abolition and the future of policing, at the paper's close. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper challenges the familiar strategy for theorising about administrative law. Theories of administrative law typically take the existence of administrative bodies for granted, and then ask, all things considered, what moral aim they should serve. The resulting approaches are committed to varying moral aims ranging from the rule of law to efficiency, but converge on the shared idea that the purpose of administrative law is to promote aims that could, in principle, be realised apart from it. As a critical matter, this paper argues that the familiar strategy opens the door to a devastating sceptical challenge. Because the benefits that administrative law brings can be realised without it, administrative law may be rightly abandoned. As a constructive matter, this paper defends the idea that administrative law has a moral purpose that is inseparable from it: administrative law constitutes the exclusive means of realising what positive rights demand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many studies find that public law enforcers have self‐interested reasons to maximize financial recoveries. We analyze a principal‐agent model where a social‐welfare‐maximizing government needs to motivate self‐interested law enforcers to exert enforcement effort to detect offending firms, assuming that a firm's harmful act brings a private gain to himself and a harm to the society. We find that the competitive system with effort duplication dominates that without duplication when the social harm caused by an act is sufficiently large. Our paper thus provides a rationale for the existence of multiple‐enforcer systems with effort duplications in the real world when enforcers are (fully or partially) self‐interested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Human Rights Act 1998 came fully into force on 2 October 2000, enabling the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) to be relied on directly in our domestic courts.1 The Act lacked provision for a Human Rights Commission to advise and assist alleged victims in bringing proceedings for breaches of Convention rights, to research, intervene in court proceedings, and promote a culture of human rights, although such a Commission had been created for Northern Ireland. A White Paper has now been issued outlining plans for a Commission for Equality and Human Rights. This paper considers the future role and potential impact of the Commission and highlights opportunities that have been missed since October 2000 in its absence. We focus on its human rights aspects and summarize key conditions for the new Commission's success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2012 the Government made a number of controversial changes to the Immigration Rules, which it claimed would 'comprehensively reform the approach taken towards ECHR Article 8 in immigration cases'. This paper examines the judicial response, arguing that the courts 'fell into line', adapting human rights law to the government's aims through unprincipled and opportunistic techniques, whilst inflicting hardship and injustice on working‐class British citizens in particular. Four key moves are identified. First, the courts created an 'incapable' test which immunised the rules from in principle challenges. Second, Lord Bingham's Article 8 test, in which the reasonableness of any family member relocation was a central consideration, was replaced with a far less family‐friendly test. Third, the courts adopted an ultra‐lax rationality test at common law, even when the 'fundamental rights' of British citizens were engaged. Finally, the courts identified immigration policy as the 'constitutional responsibility' of the executive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The extent to which courts meaningfully affect policy change has been the subject of heated debate among socio‐legal and other public law scholars. I argue here that one key source of tension in the literature has been the lack of any clear theory of judicial power, especially in compliance and other impact studies. Indeed, many studies have conflated "impact" and power—a move that serves to confuse rather than clarify the topic. In this paper, I outline a theory of judicial power for the study of judicial impact. I then demonstrate the utility of this theory using two historical case studies. Ultimately, I argue that this theory allows for clearer and better‐grounded inferences about the roles played by courts in policy and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Issued addressed: COVID- 19 has highlighted the disruptive, cross-sectorial effects a sudden-onset pandemic has on a globally interconnected world. The control of community transmission requires the identification and isolation of hotspots, commonly achieved through blanket measures or through ring-fencing. A simpler and more readily policeable, and geographically more flexible system is needed that allows both law enforcement and the public to detect people moving outside the ringfenced areas. Methods: A narrative examination of the border closure between New South Wales and Victoria in June to September 2020. Results: Enforcement of people's movement in and out of ring-fenced areas relies on voluntary, ethical compliance coupled with legal prosecution of violators. Despite extensive community health promotion for COVID-safe behaviour, the events of 2020 showed multiple, flagrant violations which were caught during random spot checks, as well as at the Murray River, a hard border set up along readily controllable and patrollable features (bridges). Conclusions: Given that most medium and long-distance movement in Australia is vehicular-based, this paper advocates for the introduction of European- style local government area based car registration which makes 'out of bounds' vehicle traffic readily recognisable by their number plates. So what?: Public health promotion, coupled with convenient and ubiquitous observation and enforcement tool, is likely to moderate community behaviour and ensure increased compliance with the directives of health authorities and associated promotion of COVID-safe behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In small groups, norm enforcement is achieved through mutual punishment and reward. In large societies, norms are enforced by specialists such as government officials. However, not every public cause is overseen by states, for instance those organized at the international level. This paper shows how nongovernmental norm enforcement can emerge as a decentralized equilibrium. As a first stage, individuals voluntarily contribute to a nongovernmental agency that produces an incentive system. The second stage is the provision of a public good on the basis of private contributions. The incentive system increases contributions by means of public approval or disapproval of behavior. It is shown that, even in large populations, nongovernmental norm enforcement can be supported in a noncooperative equilibrium of utility-maximizing individuals. This result is in sharp contrast to those obtained in the standard situation of voluntary provision of an intrinsic public good which-without altruism or related motives-is eroded by free-riding. Reliance on altruistic behavior is not required in supplying the second-order public good 'norm enforcement' in large societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Article 7, paragraph 14 of the Paris Agreement to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change commits Parties to create a five yearly assessment of observed adaptation to track progress and enable appropriate future commitments through the Nationally Determined Contributions and National Adaptation Plans. No large‐scale study exists that shows the types of adaptation, the spatial distribution of types of adaptation, and the numbers of people engaging in that adaptation. To address this gap, and to feed into debates about the modalities for the global stocktake, in this paper we propose a new “stocktaking” approach to document the spectrum and prevalence of observed adaptation over large scales. The four‐step stocktaking approach focuses on: (a) obtaining consensus on the objectives of adaptation; (b) agreeing the sources of evidence; (c) agreeing the search method; and (d) categorizing the adaptations. By focusing on documenting rather than evaluating adaptation, the simple approach avoids some of the adaptation heuristic traps. With guidance to countries on how to operationalize, this approach could improve the transparency of adaptation data collection and analysis, ensure comparability of findings across space and time, and inform the Adaptation Communications (Article 7.10)—a prerequisite to strengthening future ambition commitments within the Paris Agreement. This article is categorized under: Policy and Governance > International Policy Framework Vulnerability and Adaptation to Climate Change > Institutions for Adaptation [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sexual Offences Act 2003 introduced a new statutory offence of ‘sexual activity in a public lavatory’ into English law. Although written as a gender-neutral offence, the statute was formulated and enacted on the basis of concerns about male homosexual sexual activity in public lavatories (‘cottaging’). This paper examines the justifications for, and implications of, the legislation. It considers the main arguments made in support of the offence and situates these within established moral, legal, and social debates about homosexuality. The paper considers the relationship between conceptions of public and private morality in relation to the legal regulation of homosexual sex. It goes on to explore the complex nature of regulating public sex in relation to sexual practices which often maintain high degrees of privacy. The final part of the paper argues that the legislation is largely in contradiction with the realities of police work and contemporary law enforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the changing role of the Portuguese state, the present priority assigned to the process of reform and the new challenges to be overcome by public administration. Such processes are demanding a new agenda for education and research in public administration sciences, shifting from the public law paradigm to an interdisciplinary problem-solving approach and giving special attention to 10 key areas of study, which we describe in the final section of the paper. It should be noted here that the opinions expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect the position of their institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though the impact of EC law on the legal status of national powers has been fairly well examined, little attention has been paid to the overall evaluation of the relations developed between national authorities. The paper argues that the mutation of the Judiciary and the Executive role vis-à-vis the Legislature appears to be an application of an emerging doctrine in EC public law that conspicuously resembles the 'Checks and Balances' theory of American constitutionalism. The action of one public authority is— or must be—countered by the reaction of another for the benefit of EC law. Apart from identifying the features of this 'principle' in comparison to its equivalent American doctrine, the paper deals with the question of a possible coexistence of this new model of governance with the traditional one. The comparative perspective is necessary here. Whereas in Germany the constitutional model appears to cope with European demands, in France it seems largely opposed to such a dynamic conception of the separation of powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I explore the relevance of neo-republican thinking for current debates in constitutional law. In particular, I am interested in how deliberative forms of law and democracy might be grounded in real-world institutional contexts. My thesis is that the neo-republican model, underpinned as it is by the values of equality, participation, and accountability, has both explanatory and critical potential when exploring the voices, spaces, and processes of constitutionalism. I test this argument with reference to constitutional change in Northern Ireland. It is evident that equality is the core value in the settlement reached but it is in the combination of values that the potential and tensions will arise in the future. The provisions of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 on equality are useful examples of how law might be shaped to include the voices of affected groups in the process of enforcing change in public administration. Law's role in this process is, however, more problematic than is often assumed. In this, and in other aspects of the settlement, there are lessons for others who are presently reflecting on the constitutional future in the new devolutionary contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the Shakman decrees, a series of federal court rulings over nearly two decades which prohibited the firing or hiring of government employees for political reasons. The paper focuses on the impact of the decrees on personnel administration in the City of Chicago. The effect of this "public law litigation" suit on the Cook County Democratic Organization and. hence, on the politics of Chicago, is also explored. It is concluded that the Court-imposed reforms have greatly improved and modernized personnel administration in Chicago and that, together with other factors, they have fatally weakened the patronage army which allowed the machine to maintain its grip on the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article introduces several significant empirical research related to children and the society. A paper by Maria Ruegger reports on a study which explored children's perceptions of the Guardian ad Litem Service and their experiences of public law proceedings. Therese Mill discusses a range of issues and implications arising from the initiative of the government to revise the National Curriculum in Personal, Social and Health Education in primary and secondary schools. Mitch Blair, Mangalani Nandasoma and Nicola Crown reports on a study based on a survey of 14 to 16 year olds, which aimed to obtain a baseline measurement of child care knowledge. The authors focused on establishing the effect of school nurse health education input on knowledge in the learning difficulties sub group. Vicky Randall and Kimberley Fisher draws on a combination of quantitative and qualitative data in order to try to account for the variation in the amount and forms of day care provision for young children amongst British local authorities. Vicky Tam examines the views on and use of day care for young children among white-collar working women in Hong Kong, from a family ecological viewpoint. Alan Prout provides some thoughts on the ESRC Children's 5-16 Research Program.

This paper, delivered as the Annual Francis Gurry Lecture at Melbourne University in 2012, considers intellectual property law as a species of public law serving public purposes. The purposes reflecting the interests of creators, owners and users of intellectual property rights are in tension. That tension affects the normative clarity of intellectual property law and its effective enforcement. It may inform the construction of intellectual property statutes and the application of evaluative criteria of validity under those statutes. In Australia, intellectual property statutes are made under constitutional authority with respect to specified categories of intellectual property, the specific content of which may vary with technological change. Official decisions effecting the creation or discontinuance in intellectual property rights are statutory and subject to constitutionally based judicial review in addition to particular appeal rights conferred by statute. At the heart of the public law aspect of intellectual property rights is a tension between their characterisation as proprietary or instrumental. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since April 2009 judicial reviews may be dealt with at regional centres and in Cardiff. This change significantly relaxed the hitherto highly centralised system of judicial review in England and Wales. The main aims were to improve access to public law redress by enabling cases to be listed and heard at the most appropriate regional location. Despite recognition of the need to improve regional access, fears exist that this reform will threaten the standing and authority of judicial review in this jurisdiction; that it will contribute to a fragmentation of judicial review and, in the regions, reduce the quality of public law adjudication, legal advice and representation. Drawing on an empirical study on the regional use of judicial review, this paper assesses these matters and considers the early effects of regionalisation on access to judicial review and the development of regional markets for legal services in public law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Subject to conditions that public law can secure, social conflicts can be normatively appealing for their dividend in terms of dynamism, identity and stability. While this notion was key to post- World War II European public law, it no longer holds true now that social conflicts are increasingly marginalised by the expansion of supranational law and its consensus culture. However, far from disappearing social conflicts re-emerge as challenges to the current institutional setting, even despite the policy of constitutional gesture undertaken by EU institutions. This paper tracks the role of social conflicts in European public law and argues that as long as EU politics fails to embrace a culture of social conflicts, challenges to the authority of EU law can be normatively justified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

April 2008 saw the introduction of a new Public Law Outline (PLO) that aims to improve judicial case management of Public Law Children Act cases. The PLO is a response to concerns about the rising number of care proceedings, associated costs, and the difficulties of achieving case resolution given this volume. Based on an ethos that care proceedings should be avoided wherever possible, the new approach to case management, which places significant emphasis on pre-proceedings work and the effective engagement of parents, can be seen to reinforce the ‘no order principle’ enshrined in the Children Act (CA) 1989. Focusing specifically on relationships between parents and professionals, this paper provides a critical discussion of the potential of the PLO to further promote consensual practices with parents. Discussion traces the introduction of the concept of partnership within the CA 1989, provides a review of the evidence to-date of effective partnership working, before considering the prospects for the PLO with respect to parental engagement. A number of key contextual obstacles are highlighted that will inevitably undermine the aspirations of the new outline, and a more general observation is drawn about the limits of procedure in effecting change in complex social issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper places social citizenship momentum into the context of squaring the welfare circle for examination. Citizenship is a powerful world-level organizing principle especially by the minority groups for their claim of equal treatment. The squaring of welfare circle refers to the need of the governments to constrain their budgets but also meet the rising demands from and needs of their people. This comparative study looks at the attitudinal findings of two Chinese societies of Hong Kong and Taiwan to see whether or not the cultural factor can mitigate the momentum of social citizenship rights and the demand side of the welfare circle. Implications for social policy are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unconstrained legal actor, typically a judge, is a central character in modern jurisprudence. He is feared by legal formalists, legal positivists, and Ronald Dworkin alike. He is lauded by some legal realist and critical legal studies theorists. Stanley Fish says that all of this theorising is pointless because the unconstrained legal actor cannot exist. My paper evaluates Fish's arguments for this surprising position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a critical analysis of Martin Loughlin's pure theory of public law as developed in his more recent work. I argue that the pure theory makes a series of errors and rests on a set of assumptions that make it inappropriate to provide the legal framework for any social-democratic polity. Specifically, the theory concedes too much latitude to the functional needs of the state and organised politics, and pays too little deference to processes of political opinion and will formation in civil society. As such, it only succeeds in establishing law's connection to the public realm, at the cost of effacing its internal relationship to the rule of law and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers whether the Human Rights Act 1998 is, in itself, capable of materially improving the lives of those who experience social exclusion– or whether it is likely to exacerbate their difficulties. It draws on the relevant post-2000 research concerning the Act's impact on socially excluded groups which suggests that the response of the statutory agencies has been disappointing– that‘not being proactive’ has proved to be the most attractive option. It then addresses the incongruity between the government's strategies for combating social exclusion and civil justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is based on survey work undertaken in the Cynon valley, south Wales, an area of high social deprivation. We interviewed local solicitors to establish their understanding and usage of the Human Rights Act (HRA). Outside of south Wales there is evidence of growing awareness and involvement of specialist practitioners in human rights actions. This we call a top-down process. Our work starts at the other end: a bottom-up account of high-street, small-practice solicitors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to assess the validity of the Razian conception of the rule of law by subjecting it to the acid test of Michel Troper's“realist theory of interpretation.” The author argues that, in light of the Wittgensteinian view of rule-following, a serious indeterminacy can be seen as inherent in both this conception of the rule of law and Troper's theory of interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Countryside and Rights of Way Act came into force at the end of 2000 with,as part of its content, new provisions relating to public access to the English and Welsh countryside. In this paper we review the main elements of the Act and assess its meaning in relation to citizenship, territoriality and the place of land in English law and society. We invoke Mauss’s (1954)concept of Gift to explain the process of brokerage being made over access and rights in the countryside. In conclusion we reflect on the Act as being indicative of a wider move towards Bromley’s (1998)post-feudal scenario for land and its governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an account of a study which explored children's perceptions of the guardian and litem service and their experiences of public law proceedings. Whilst generally children felt positive about the service they received, in areas such as their attendance at court, who had access to the information they gave to their guardians, the arrangements made in regard to expert witnesses and the ability of guardians and the courts to influence care plans, a number of strong themes emerged. These are described and the implications of these findings for guardians and other professionals who practice in the field of family law are considered. Copyright © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the major decisions any legal system must make is deciding whether to establish general courts with broad jurisdiction, or specialized courts with limited jurisdiction. Under one influential argument—advanced by both judges and legal theorists—general courts foster coherence within the legal system. This Article identifies a distinct effect of establishing general courts: the "complementarity effect." In the case of complementarity, general courts strategically apply different principles in different fields, such that litigants losing in one sphere (e.g., public law) are compensated in another (e.g., private law). We support this conjecture by analyzing three case studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On November 8, 1978 several years of activity in the Congress and concern by the Department of Defense culminated in Public Law 95-610 when President Carter signed bill S.274. This law prohibits union organizations of the armed forces, membership in military labor organizations by members of the armed forces, and recognition of military labor organizations by the Government. Severe sanctions can be imposed for violations. Since representation is a broader concept than collective bargaining, P.L. 95-610, even should it survive possible court challenges to its constitutionality, does not settle the basic issues. These issues focus on (1) the changing demography and enlistment rules for the armed forces; (2) the response of the Department of Defense to evolution of the various organizations of present and former military personnel into more union-like activities. This paper addresses the policy implications of the suggests approaches compatible with both our civilian needs and our civilian traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the major reasons for the reluctance to legalize many of the popular forms of gambling is the belief that these forms are particularly difficult to control honestly. It is generally believed that organized crime has been able to undermine regulatory mechanisms. This paper reports on the difficulties and successes of the Nevada Gambling Control Board's efforts to deal with a sophisticated and complex form of gambling organization and compares and contrasts that regulation with the regulation of casino gambling in England. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An increasing number of Italian scholars are beginning to share the idea that the conceptual basis of legal positivism (LP) is wrong, particularly in the field of Public Law. According to a group of theories called 'neoconstitutionalism,' constitutionalism is to be understood not only as a principle based on the need to impose legal limits to political power, but also as an aggregation of values capable of continually remodelling legal relationships, positioning itself as a 'pervasive' point of reference for legal experience. A recent essay by Professor Antonio Baldassarre, President Emeritus of the Constitutional Italian Court, about the 'misery of legal positivism' is a good expression of this view. In this article, the ideas outlined by Baldassarre are examined and criticized. The paper also tries to defend a version of legal positivism, which has both a conceptual and prescriptive meaning, relating to decisions made on the basis of rules. This view is based on the two correlated concepts of primary formalism and secondary formalism of 'competence and procedure.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Financial crime has a devastating impact on individuals, companies and governments. Traditional methods of control, predominantly investigation and prosecution, have failed to abate the rise of both fraud and money laundering offences. Tackling financial crime is best approached from the perspective of prevention, an activity that requires co-operation between all those affected by this widespread and corrosive social problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the implications of the European Union (EU) constitution. Transformation of mere basic law in a given legal system into a norm with deontological status; Need to clarify the legitimacy requirements of the constituent process; Relationship between the legitimacy of the EU and the legitimacy of the model of constitution making.

Focuses on the review of the public sector ombudsmen in England. Recommendations of the review commission; Proposed organizational structure of ombudsmen; Abolition of the MP filter.

This article focuses on the Wingspread Conference on public policy and educating handicapped persons. The conference and its proceedings had their origins in the context of efforts to carry out the purposes of Public Law 94-142. At the conference, discussions went on for two days, first covering the topics assigned to the four primary authors and then the four solutions-oriented papers. The order of presentation at the conference is followed in this article. To keep the purposes of the conference in focus, the initiators outlined the concerns that were fundamental to each major topic.

The development of the concept of intermediate treatment is outlined and the specific sense in which the author uses the term is defined. A brief account is given of the origins and development of the scheme under consideration. The scheme then is evaluated in terms of four aims, which may be useful in considering the purposes of a social work agency's involvement in a criminal justice system. Some success is claimed for the scheme in respect of the aims of diversion and the provision of appropriate help. Success in respect of the provision of supervision and the reduction of crime seems to be more problematic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first European Assembly Election was not governed by a simple electoral law nor by any common electioneering policy. This article evaluates to what extent the rules of the European Election game varied from one country to the next. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on three meetings held in various parts of the world related to various aspects of sociology and criminology. First one was held from 27 August to 3 September 1965, Montreal, Quebec. It became the capital of international criminology. In it criminologists from all over the world met to take their bearings and to see what progress has been achieved in the scientific study of the causes of delinquency, methods of preventing criminal acts. Secondly, under the programmer for the development of comparative cross-cultural research of the International Social Science Cultural (ISSC), a conference following the ISSC General Assembly, was held in Paris, France from 22 to 24 April 1965. The conference considered five main themes: the cross-cultural method; comparative analysis of historical change; comparative analysis of processes of modernization; aggregate statistical comparisons of nations; comparative sample surveys. In general terms, the purpose of the conference was to discuss recent examples of comparative research on each of the above themes and to review alternative strategies for the further advancement of comparative research on a world scale. Lastly, representatives of the six European institutes taking part in the research for a comparative study of the various forms of aid to developing countries met in Vienna, Austria from 20 to 22 September 1963 to discuss the issue.

The article presents that the interaction between others laboring in the policy vineyard and public law impact researchers are increasing. Initial impact studies came with a shift from a traditional concentration on the U.S. Supreme Court's doctrinal output toward a perspective which accepted the Court as another political institution. The early studies of the outcomes of cases, narrowly descriptive and narrative, were concentrated on civil liberties and civil rights matters, initially school de-segregation, followed by church-state relations, the area of the first two major political science impact articles such as obscene literature, internal security, reapportionment, and criminal procedure.

Discusses key issues concerning the Human Rights Act of 1998 in England. Aspects of the constitutional reform program that includes devolution and reform of the Lord Chancellor's role; Analysis of pertinent topics and relevant issues; Implications on studies of human rights and public law.

Judicial Europeanization, particularly European case law and the Rüffert ruling, has created significant legal uncertainty in the use of labour clauses in public procurement, which may constrain national policymakers. However, national actors find ways to 'push back' against Europeanization in order to prioritize domestic policy goals. By analysing the long‐term political dynamic surrounding public procurement in Denmark, Germany and the UK since the implementation of the revised 2014 public procurement directive, we show how both national actors, and actors at subnational level, where much public procurement actually takes place, contest the Europeanization of public policies. Variation in the willingness and ability of actors to leverage the legal uncertainty to adopt labour clauses results in diverging policy trajectories, but also creates a room for policy innovation. This alters the ultimate outcome of the European regulatory agenda and results in a continued divergence of public policies across member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role of the public/private divide within EU private law. It shows that although EU private law cuts across the boundaries of public and private law, the conceptual distinction between these well‐established categories does matter within it and may lead to better law‐making in the EU more generally. The legal grammar of a particular EU harmonisation measure—which can be more "public" or "private"—may have important implications for the position of private parties at national level, for the CJEU's likely activism in this context, and ultimately for the measure's ability to realise its policy goals. Therefore, instead of ignoring the existing differences between public and private law, EU law should explicitly adopt the public/private law language in its discourse, without, however, introducing any sharp divide between these two areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents news and announcements published in the January 8, 1962 issue of the "International Social Science Journal." Some of the announcements include the Seventh Congress of the Inter-American Society of Psychology. The five-day meeting was held in Mexico City, Mexico, from December 19 to 23, 1961. The Joint Committee on Contemporary China of the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council has sponsored conferences of economists, geographers and sociologists and anthropologists during the past year in order to explore questions of research and training in these disciplines on contemporary China. The publishers Dunker & Humblot, Berlin, announce the forthcoming publication of a quarterly periodical. It will be devoted to an interdisciplinary study of the State and particularly to the theory of the State and the study of the general principles of public law and constitutional history.

Community courts (CCs) provide a therapeutic diversion for repeat low-level offenders. This article explores the characteristics of two Israeli CCs using the Criminal Law Taxonomy (CLT), an instrument developed by the authors for assessing process-, stakeholder-, substance-, and outcomes-related characteristics of criminal justice mechanisms. Through court-hearing observations and a process of multi-rater coding of cases, the article analyzes the courtroom dynamics according to a set of 13 measurable parameters. The process was conceived as a vehicle for promoting the model goals: it was highly offender-oriented and involved a needs-based terminology while allowing for restrained expression of emotion. However, the process included no victim-offender dialogue and offender supporters and community representatives were only partially involved. The findings provide information about the program's implementation integrity; they also offer a basis for comparison with the characteristics of other justice mechanisms. While focusing on an Israeli program, the issues the article addresses reflect practices and controversies that are salient in many jurisdictions worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Together with the increase in the number of public-private contracts, recent years have seen a marked proliferation in public-private arbitrations. This article explores the public interest implications which may arise in such arbitrations and examines how public-private arbitration is treated under English law. We argue that, due to the lack of a developed administrative law sphere in England and the historical development of arbitration as an exclusively private mode of dispute resolution, the current legal framework of arbitration in England has developed around the private law paradigm of a commercial dispute involving private actors. This private law paradigm results in a conceptual and legal void in respect of how public interest is accounted for, and protected, in arbitrations involving public bodies under English law. Therefore, we suggest that English arbitration law needs to be amended to adequately protect the private interest in public-private arbitration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comments on the topics discussed in the 2005 issue of the "European Law Journal." Implementation of the principle of equal treatment between persons irrespective of racial or ethnic origin; Reformation of higher education in the European Union (EU); Examination of the interaction of the EU public procurement law with the legislative framework governing higher education in England and Wales.

In August 2011, many Singaporean citizens grabbed their cooking pots and used the city-state's national obsession with food to express growing dissatisfaction with immigration and integration trends. The 'cook and share a pot of curry' event-a local response to Chinese newcomers complaining about the smell of their Indian Singaporean neighbours' food-is significant for its use of smell to catalyse a collective citizen reaction and for its reliance on contemporary social media. By analysing this event, we intend to (1) conceptualize the role of smell and viscera in framing citizenship; (2) understand how smells shed light on the city-state's contemporary ethnic politics and sense of national identity; and (3) reframe the significance of curry day as an expression of visceral citizenship that complements how the state frames Singaporean citizenry. We maintain that curry day sheds light on a specific dimension of Singaporean citizenship, as it uses smell, viscera and embodied activism to mobilize against rationalistic state-defined distinctions between local and international concerns, economic objectives and social cohesion, inter-racial harmony and national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the future of global public law with the ongoing negotiations over the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP). It explains the logic of fragmentation as a negotiation strategy and as a structure of governance. It explores the potential ramification of the mega-regionals through the challenges to democracy. It also examines the potential institutional responses to these agreements or to operation.