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An intriguing phenomenon documented within political science research is the association between nation‐building programs and increased subnational intergroup conflicts. Based on data collected in Hong Kong, an epicenter of subnational conflicts in China, this article suggests that nation building may intensify the tension between subnational groups because it helps to spread the belief that groups have fixed inherent characteristics. Specifically, in the face of deep intergroup cultural and political differences, people who see their nation as a historically unified entity are more likely to believe that those differences are unchangeable and, in turn, develop negative attitudes toward other subnational groups. We support these arguments with a representative survey of the population and two laboratory experiments. In the first experiment, respondents who are exposed to narratives that emphasize the homogeneity of the Chinese nation report a higher level of fixed group perceptions than those who receive the opposite message. In the second experiment, respondents who are primed to believe that group characteristics are fixed report significantly more negative attitudes toward migrants from other parts of China. Our findings contribute conceptually to the study of nation building and shed new light on the formation of immigration attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on classical motifs in Spanish American Nation-Building and classical culture provided a shared repertoire of knowledge which helped to create the conditions of possibility. It mentions self-proclaimed moderns in search of ancients attempted to cut through all the competing American myths of origin. It also mentions nation-building has focused on the epic poetry, history writing and political thought.

The article reassesses the role played by parliaments and other representative structures in the European state‐building processes. It points to a need of going beyond the traditional antagonist conception of the relationships between rulers and social forces rooted in comparative historical political science, substituting it with a theory grounded in the concept of political exchange. A preliminary analysis of four cases (Brandenburg‐Prussia, Dutch Republic, Poland, and Sweden) is conducted, with the purpose of singling out the "internal" determinants — that is, institutional properties of the assemblies — that allowed them to integrate into the institutional framework of the states in formation, or that hindered such an integration. These determinants are found to consist in three main factors: organisational centralisation, working autonomy, and a significant interdependence relationship with a distinct and relatively autonomous governmental centre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to show that, although generally ignored by scholars, cultural nationalism has been a significant ideological force that, promoting a distinctive communitarian vision of the nation, has regularly been adopted by a rising intelligentsia as a political option against the state. Taking Ireland as my case study, I first examine the three major cultural nationalist 'revivals' in order to delineate the distinctive character of cultural nationalism, the leadership role of the intelligentsia, and its recurring emergence in alternation with political nationalism. I go on to argue that the attraction of the intelligentsia to nationalism can be explained in terms of the patterns of recruitment practised by the British state in Ireland. I then identify an alternating cycle in which the communitarian goals of cultural nationalism periodically challenge the state-oriented objectives of political nationalism to provide a matrix of national development in opposition to the British state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article pursues two aims. On the empirical level, it challenges the view of Belarus as a ‘denationalised’, or ‘failed’ nation, and exposes the country as an area of intensive nation-building. The article demonstrates that, unlike most post-communist states, two versions of national identity have been advanced in Belarus since 1989, with divergent results for their proponents. On the theoretical level, such an atypical experience places qualifications on the instrumentalist approach, that regards nation-building as a political tool. The analysis of identity creation in Belarus suggests that nation-building as a political strategy may be limited by the existing attitudes in the society in question, the socio-economic structures, as well as by the influence of foreign actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an investigation of policy documents and reports from post-1989 Romanian education reform, this article argues that what came to be known in the early 1990s as a 'post-socialist condition', characterized by exuberant nationalism, needs to be rethought. Rather than an exceptional path, Romanian education displays conspicuous synchronization with wider world trends, while some peculiar national narratives in explaining reform failures persist. Instead of becoming more nation-focused (as predicted by prevalent conceptualizations of ' Eastern' types of nationalism), discourses of educational reform opened up to the world, most notably through the mediation of Europe. Since the end of the nationalizing decade of the 1990s, educational texts have consistently invoked global themes of adaptation. Narratives about the mission of mass education and reform priorities encapsulating officially-sanctioned projections of the nation became outward-looking, in contrast to the self-referential rhetoric of socialist times. The changing patterns of Romanian nation-building are reflective of trends across the world, pointing to a reconsideration of the exceptionalism often associated with Eastern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an analytical framework for understanding the peculiarities of the Ottoman Empire's nationality policies in the second constitutional period (1908–18). It will examine the extent to which the nationality policies of the Young Turks can be perceived as a nation-building project, and question whether it is reasonable to apply the term ‘Turkification’ to these policies. The primary goal of the paper in this context is to identify how and to what degree a nationalist outlook shaped imperial polices of the late Ottoman Empire. Engaging in a critical dialogue with the existing historiography, the article argues that ‘Turkification’ should be conceptualised solely as a project of nation-building in the multiethnic Ottoman Empire. It was only one of the policies employed by the imperial elite and it coexisted with other imperial policies ranging from centralisation to decentralisation, assimilation to dissimilation and integration to homogenisation. The paper concludes by contending that only by contextualising and understanding this complexity and only by taking geographical variations into account can the peculiarity of ‘Turkification’ be grasped. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many multiethnic polities suffer from a deficit of citizens’ support for their political communities. Hence, their governments may think of political decentralisation as a solution. This article analyses the effects of that policy on citizens’ identification with their political communities in Spain: on identification with the Basque Country, Catalonia or Galicia (its most conspicuous ‘nationalities’) once they have become ‘autonomous communities’, and on identification with the overall Spanish political community. To study the processes of transformation of such attitudes, nation-building theories are interpreted from the political socialisation approach and applied to the autonomous institutions. It is also suggested that the state strictu senso, by contrast, may be developing an alternative method of forging identification with its own political community. Survey time-series evidence shows that although those autonomous communities are engaged successfully in a local but standard nation-building, the whole political system may be fostering its own diffuse support by recognising and institutionalising cultural diversity and self-government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the changes and the challenges faced by the Arab Gulf monarchies after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the U.S. Impact of the September 11 attacks on the Gulf monarchies; Dilemmas faced by the United Arab Emirates (UAE); Outlook on domestic politics during the 1980-1990; Developments in the economy during 1990 and 2000; Important factor in social modernization; Challenges faced by UAE in nation building and socioeconomic development.

The article discusses the development and evolution of political science in Greece. The author provides two premise in which the political science in Greece must be observed. The first being the conformation to general trends in European and Western nations. It must involve the gradual emancipation of systematic social and political inquiry from the legal sciences to the social science disciplines. The second level involves Greek historical experience. It looks into the delayed social and political development with the dynamics of nation-building and state-building. The trajectories in the in the study discipline are further explained.

A focus on ‘negotiating statehood’ offers an alternative set of lenses on evolving transitions and transformations in African state–society relations to other more teleological perspectives. Notions of ‘negotiation’ and the ‘negotiability’ of authority structures allow recognition of the pliability of emerging state forms and may help in focusing on the dynamic processes through which statehood may be refounded and rationalized. This article presents a preliminary assessment of the analytical and empirical scope for employing the notion of ‘negotiating statehood’. The main argument is that although one can conceive of many processes as being negotiated, in (empirical) reality these particular lenses will be more appropriate for some situations than for others. The article therefore seeks to explore the limits of the conceptual framework associated with the idea of ‘negotiated’ statehood. It will do so through a review of selected historical and empirical contexts within which one might expect such particular dimensions to be highlighted, in contrast to situations where for one reason or another no such interactions (can) take place. In this connection the article also highlights the limitations the broader context places on the scope for realizing various state-building designs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rousseau is famous as an advocate of the politics of “denaturing.” But attention to his conception of the “science of the legislator,” as developed in the and his writings on Poland and Corsica, reveals a more moderate approach to statecraft. Here Rousseau claims that legislative science requires tempering commitment to principles of political right with sensitivity to actual political conditions—a claim that importantly and unexpectedly parallels the better known account of the science of the legislator developed by Adam Smith. In comparing these conceptions, this article draws three conclusions: first, Smith's and Rousseau's shared moderation reveals their common commitment to accommodating the passions and prejudices of modernity; second, their fundamental difference concerns not practical legislative methods but rather differing conceptions of natural justice and political right; and finally, their prudential approach to legislation helps clarify the specific types of “moderation” and “intelligence” required of contemporary nation builders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Only two years after the critical elections of 27 March 1994, the Italian parliamentary election of 1996 marks another important step in the transformation of the political class. The extent of turnover is declining, and the renewal of the parliamentary elite shows some signs of stabilization. This article inquires into the differences in the sociological configuration of the new elite, and whether this means that new consolidated pathways to the parliamentary elite now already exist. The article analyzes the distribution of freshmen in the political class, the return of old backbenchers in the new political parties, the social and occupational background of MPs and, finally, their local and political experiences. In the final section, the article discusses some hypotheses about the perspectives on the recruitment of Italian MPs, focusing in particular on the effects of the structural crisis of political parties and the introduction of the plurality system. An empirically-derived typology of professionalization patterns is also provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussions of nation-building often focus on political elites, who are considered the makers of new communities. This article seeks to sketch out a different approach. It suggests thinking of representative relations as the site of a negotiation of collective identity. Drawing on recent discussions in political theory, the first part of the article discusses conceptual implications of this assumption, arguing that representation should be analysed in terms of its symbolic structure. The second part offers a historical case study of the Grand-Duchy of Luxembourg. It explores how processes of political democratisation and imagination of national community were deeply interconnected in the period from 1890 to 1939. The article illustrates how the representative politisation of social conflict may trigger nation-building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is twofold. First, it examines whether devolution fosters the rise of dual identities – regional and national. Second, it considers whether devolution encourages secession or, on the contrary, it stands as a successful strategy in accommodating intra-state national diversity. The article is divided into three parts. First it examines the changing attitudes towards Quebec's demands for recognition adopted by the Canadian government from the 1960s to the present. It starts by analysing the rise of Quebec nationalism in the 1960s and the efforts of the Canadian government to accommodate its demands within the federation. It then moves on to consider the radically new conception of Canadian unity and identity embraced by Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau and its immediate impact upon Quebec. The paper argues that Trudeau's ‘nation-building’ strategy represented a retreat from the pro-accommodation policies set in place to respond to the findings of the 1963 Royal Commission on Biculturalism & Bilingualism (known as the B&B Commission). Trudeau's definition of Canada as a bilingual and multicultural nation whose ten provinces should receive equal treatment alienated a significant number of Quebeckers. After Trudeau, various attempts were made to accommodate Quebec's demand to be recognised as a ‘distinct society’ – Meech Lake Accord, Charlottetown Agreement. Their failure strengthened Quebec separatists, who obtained 49.4 per cent of the vote in the 1995 Referendum. Hence, initial attempts to accommodate Quebec in the 1960s were replaced by a recurrent confrontation between Canada's and Quebec's separate nation-building strategies. Second, the article explores whether devolution fosters the emergence of dual identities – regional and national – within a single nation-state. At this point, recent data on regional and national identity in Canada are presented and compared with data measuring similar variables in Spain and Britain. The three modern liberal democracies considered here include territorially circumscribed national minorities – nations without states (Guibernau 1999 ) – endowed with a strong sense of identity based upon the belief in a common ethnic origin and a sense of shared ethnohistory – Quebec, Catalonia, the Basque Country and Scotland. Third, the article examines whether devolution feeds separatism by assessing support levels for current devolution arrangements in Canada, Spain and Britain. The article concludes by examining the reasons which might contribute to replacing separatist demands with a desire for greater devolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postage stamps may be seen as tiny transmitters of the dominant ideologies of the state destined for the imagined community of the nation. The issuing of stamps, starting in the nineteenth century, and the postal reforms that accompanied this, greatly contributed to the ‘communicative efficiency’ of national communities and made a significant contribution to nation-building. The imagery of stamps promotes the dominant discourses of a particular nationalism, recalls historical triumphs and myths and defines the national territory in maps or landscapes. Issuing authorities also print stamps for sale to a large, epistemic community of philatelists and this has been of particular importance to many colonial authorities and impoverished post-colonial states. This article addresses these themes by focusing on the stamps of Portugal and its Empire. The representation of images of women on the stamps of the Portuguese monarchy, the Republic, the Estado Novo and the modern Portuguese Republic, as well as in the former Empire, all confirm the patriarchal construction of Portuguese nationalism as well as a focus on the ‘great discoveries’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Issues of language and education are central to the process of nation building in the new South Africa. In this paper, I examine the rhetoric and the practice of the intersections of South Africa's language and education policies. While early education policy documents are predicated on the need to reassert the importance of African languages in relation to English and Afrikaans, the official languages during apartheid, these discourses of language equality are now being replaced with discourses of utility. I examine this change at the level of national policy, and also in practice in the province of Mpumalanga, where English is increasingly coming to dominate the spaces of education, and Afrikaans and African languages are becoming more marginalised. I argue that this policy shift and related practices fundamentally undermine broader claims to racial and ethnic equality in the new South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the process of European integration from a cultural perspective. Taking up questions posed by social scientists and European Community (EC) officials concerning the possibility of transcending nation-state and nationalism in Europe, it explores the European Commission's attempts to do this, particularly through the EC's campaigns and initiatives for forging a sense of European identity and culture at the level of popular consciousness. Following Hobsbawn and Ranger, I argue that the history of EC cultural politics provides an interesting case study of invented traditions and manufactured heritage. The political implications and problems of using culture as a vehicle for nation-building at a pan-European level are analysed. The article concludes with a critical appraisal of the concept of European identity and questions whether the EC's project for constructing a post-nationalist political order in Europe is feasible or politically desirable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the paradigms and the evaluation of cultural policy in Canada. Here, four paradigms in the analysis of public policy, one each in the fields of economics, political science, public administration, and public choice are discussed. The four paradigms are distinguished from each other according to their relative emphasis on three aspects of policy-making. The protagonists of a paradigm may develop concepts which are not easily verified as a way of repudiating evidence which is disconcerting.

Mill's System of Logic (1843) indicates that the definition of 'nationality' he offered in Considerations on Representative Government (1861) is not a throwaway comment but a carefully considered causal hypothesis tailored to his politico‐ethological research programme. This matters because Lord Acton's critique of Mill's claim that free institutions are almost impossible in multinational states ignored the definition, thereby obscuring subsequent scholars' vision of the conceptual dimension of this famous dispute. Although Mill struggled in his politico‐ethological endeavour, he was sufficiently confident to judge that, if nationalities seek self‐determination through exclusive control of the state, liberal democratic institutions would be unlikely to emerge in multinational states, let alone survive and prosper. Since Acton's critique presupposed an undemocratic conception of free institutions and a far weaker notion of national self‐determination, it failed to contradict that judgement. Indeed, once their conceptual disagreements are clarified, Acton's empirical analysis can be seen to support it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses views on the ethics of nationalism. Margaret Moore's argument that nationalism confers moral value on national membership; Suggestion that people need a national identity; Idea that nation-building is often linked to blocking certain identities.

A profound political tension between Turkey and Germany has gained an overall dimension on the political agenda of the intra‐European migration discussion since 2016. As close trade partners, Turkey and Germany became gradually political adversaries on different issues. 2016 and the following years marked a turnover in the already worsened mutual relations. A series of political issues such as recognising the Armenian genocide in 1915, open allegations and critical views against the Turkish President and prohibition of election campaigns for Turkish government politicians in Germany had driven political relations between the two countries to nadir. This obscure situation led the Turks of Germany (The phrases "Turks of Germany" or "Turkish migrants" are persons with migration background from Turkey who still bear Turkish citizenship or formerly were Turkish citizens. This group's ethnic or confessional identity is not recognised; their legal status and country of origin are preponderant.), who have close ties to their ancestors' homeland and consider Germany as the centre of their lives, nolens volens into a limbo situation. Within the "guest‐worker program" framework in the second part of the 20th century, highly industrialised countries of Western Europe recruited migrant workers from different countries. This workforce should perform mostly blue‐collar labour in the receiving countries. After six decades of Turkish presence in Germany, the grandsons and granddaughters of the former guest workers are well‐represented in almost every sector of the society. However, their loyalty and integrability to the receiving country are challenged by German politics, especially by the governments of conservative chancellor Angela Merkel (2005–2021). If Turks of Germany feel closely connected to Turkey and Turkish culture (Workers from Turkey brought with them to the country of immigration their own "cultural assets". Those are, language, religious and customary beliefs, social habits, dress, music, literature, social codes and manners, shared history, food, etc. However, migrants in the receiving country undergo a process of hybridity under the influence of the new cultural environment. (Please see: Bhabha [The location of culture, New York, NY: Routledge, 1994]) Culture within the framework of post‐colonialism has also been discussed in Edward W. Said's book "Culture and Imperialism" (Said [Kültür ve Emperyalizm. Kapsamlı Bir Düşünsel ve Siyasal Sorgulama Çalışması. Hil Yayın: İstanbul, 1998]). If Turks of Germany feel closely connected to Turkey and Turkish culture, they are not recognised as integrable members of the society. Identity‐based and culture‐oriented policies inexorably influence the willingness of migrants to feel like equal members in the host society, and it applies even to the new generations with migration backgrounds. The question of migrant integration is the most emotionally debated issue in Germany and seems to be the greatest challenge in the political agenda. Beyond the bilateral Turkish–German issues, the growing xenophobic sentiments, islamophobia and Europe‐wide political populism may cause a persistent bilateral tension in the medium term between the countries and among the transnational and native communities. Anti‐Turkish rhetoric in the media alienates the Turkish community and has a value to jeopardise integration efforts more and more. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Are the constitutional orders framed on a federal architecture more welcoming vis‐à‐vis the presence of minority nations within their midst than are the ones inspired by a unitarian logic? From an ideal‐typical perspective, to what degree unitary and federal models of the modern state are indeed meeting or conflicting with minority nations' most typical claim to be formally recognised and to possess the institutional anchorage to self‐govern and self‐determinate? Mobilising an analytical framework derived from the Societal Culture Index, this article combines constitutional studies with the tools of political theory. It argues that both unitary and federal models of the sovereign state have the potential to promote a normative rationale, that is, after all, fairly hospitable towards minority nations' typical claims. Nevertheless, it stresses that the normative rationale of federal systems in general, and asymmetrical federalism in particular, leads to constitutional architectures that shall be most hospitable towards minority nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Time and temporality are common themes in the social sciences and sociology. The sociological literature on time remains solipsistically empirical, while theoretical elaborations are focused on modernity, capitalism, and technology, through notions of speed and acceleration. Although existing studies on time are imbued with political issues and processes, as the subfield that studies relations of power and politics, political sociology has yet to consolidate a temporal lexicon for studying structures of power and political phenomena. This review situates three recent books on time and politics within a broader sociological literature on time and calls for a political sociology of time. I argue that developing a conceptual apparatus that takes time as an element of power is fundamental to building dialogue across the empirical material and across disciplines. I conclude by offering three avenues for the development of a political sociology of time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It thereby interrogates the relationship between federalism and democracy, touching on issues on whether federalism properly allocates vote shares. Philosophical courses that seek to provide descriptively adequate accounts of federalism and its implications should also consult relevant passages of a comparative federalism textbook, like those above. "Federalism" is a contested concept but minimally refers to a doctrine promoting the division of final decision-making powers in a governance unit among at least two entities (most often federal and provincial governments). Federalism and democracy: The case of governance units Federalism traditionally focuses on allocating powers between federal and provincial governments (or regional authority and states). [Extracted from the article]

The relationship between China and the Korean Peninsula is frequently in flux, and peace and continuity on the peninsula have been critical factors for dynastic stability. After 1949, China moved quickly to restore influence between the PRC and the DPRK. The PRC‐DPRK relationship was propelled forward by personal bonds between leaders and citizens, the disputes with Taiwan and South Korea, the attraction of a relationship founded on equal and mutual assistance, and so forth. However, over time, the relationship was deeply undermined by an excessive reliance on the personal actions of leaders, clear ideological differences, gaps in the cognition of the global situation between the two countries, and the perception by the Chinese that North Korea's demands for economic assistance were excessive. The consequence was a loosening and weakening of this relationship. The two countries perceived the international situation in profoundly different ways. Over time, the two nations expressed deep differences on political issues, and rifts emerged concerning the fundamental developmental model. North Korea's "equality" and "equal" distance diplomacy created much frustration in China‐DPRK relations. The political and diplomatic relationship between China and North Korea followed a complex pattern of differentiation, separation, and bridging that made cooperation problematic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on nationalism in cross-national perspective. National pride is the psychological hinge that joins self-fulfillment with public purposes of government. The Second World War shows that patriotism can have destructive consequences. The links between personal psychology and government policy were palpable in Germany's Adolf Hitler's Third Reich. The neurotic character of Hitler perverted his country's patriotism, and stimulated speculation about the extent to which political leaders are driven by neurotic impulses. The argument that national leaders are inclined to be very neurotic has since been applied to Prime Ministers and Presidents, as well as to dictators. The great movement of colonial countries to independence in the decades since the Second World War has been a reminder of the potent and positive impact of nationalism and pride in nation. Regardless of their degree of homogeneity or heterogeneity, dozens of Third World countries quickly made the transition to independence. Newly independent states have sought to mobilize support by stimulating a national identification congruent with the new state. Nation-building and pride in nation are seen as going hand in hand, each reinforcing the other. Yet concurrently, transnational influences have mobilized individuals according to economic, professional, religious or other reference groups.

This article presents the major characteristics of the tradition of comparative political sociology which Stein Rokkan incarnated. Special emphasis is put on Rokkan's scientific reasoning based on the organic relationship between the creation of infrastructures for research and research efforts. Rokkan's oeuvre is marked by an acute awareness of the historical sources of institutional variation and by a concern for constructing region-specific models reflecting culturally meaningful contexts. Rokkan's use of comparisons is treated at length before the conclusion states what the authors claim is worth preserving from the Rokkan tradition: the historical, institutional and comparative aspects of Rokkan's approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the prospects for democracy in four emergent Caribbean nations. Near the end of the eighteenth century the words "liberal," "radical," and "progressive" did not exist, but their meanings were contained within the term democrat which was just then coming into popular usage. When moderates or conservatives wished to indicate the dangerous drift of the times, or when the more advanced spirits spoke of themselves, they might very well use the words democrat or democracy. Today, in the latter half of the twentieth century, there exists a plethora of terms in common parlance to refer to various shades and meanings of these concepts, and there are the pseudo-aristocrats, heirarchically-minded authoritarians, and reactionaries who abhor democrats and democracy as being dangerously progressive and dedicated to the ruination of orderly and proper governance of society. But now, in the Age of Nation-Building and Development, the more advanced spirits, at least in most of the developing areas, are not often democrats either, by any reasonable definition of that term, but seem intent upon establishing undemocratic political systems not wholly unlike those of some of their ideological opponents.

The issue of "civility"[24] is discussed because commentators focus only on quantitative aspects of civil society (the more civil society groups - the better approach), failing to analyze the qualities civil society has. The liberal understanding of the term "civil society" is not illustrative of the condition of civil society in postconflict or postauthoritarian societies, where the society is divided, and the local actors question the legitimacy of the new government (Wallis, 2019). For a posttotalitarian context, an extended definition, which transcends the narrow understanding of civil society based on institutions and political activities, is essential due to the danger that the state might restrict traditional channels of operations of civil society through legal means. Kopecky and Mudde (2003) state that "uncivil" civil society in Eastern Europe is closer to the needs of the local people than the Western NGOs, which the authors call "virtual civil society" because they do not contribute to the democratization efforts locally but are driven by the global elite's interests. [Extracted from the article]

This paper explores the nationalist conflict in Catalonia and how it is lived and experienced by actors within it. It focuses on the people mobilised against independence who see themselves primarily as defenders of the Spanish Constitution and not of Spanish nationalism. Critics of civic nationalism in political theory and Nationalism Studies argue that anti‐nationalist rhetoric tends to be the expression of structural or hegemonic nationalism. Drawing on fieldwork carried out in Barcelona, I look at how the conflict has influenced discourse and language used in everyday life, how participants negotiate their identity, why people do (and do not) get involved in organisations that defend their political ideas, how they see themselves within the conflict and their perceptions of public space and its significance in relation to the constitution. An ethnographic approach explores these issues and discovers that although anti‐independence actors base their mobilisation in nationalism, civic nationalism cannot be reduced to just another form of nationalism. I aim to go beyond critics of civic nationalism to explore how my interlocutors act within and against nationalism, reproducing nationalist discourse in some aspect (boundaries of the nation) in order to challenge it in others (content and relevance of nationalism in everyday life). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In discussing how people make political use of public space from below, recent writings either emphasize the repurposing of monumental spaces, like Tahrir Square, or else look to how the poor and marginal produce facts on the ground through their everyday interactions without explicit political intentions. In the Hamra neighborhood of Lebanon's capital, Beirut, the daily life of politicized youth was, in the years following the Arab Spring uprisings, something more than passivity and something less than constant avowed resistance. Through their dissensual everyday inhabitation they made Hamra a compelling political site that was good to fight for and in which it was good to fight. Building on attempts to affirm possibility in anthropological engagements with urban life and political activism, I suggest that such spaces, containing an experiential, embodied, and enspaced memory of radical engagements, can maintain political actors in the face of defeat and setback, and provide encouragement for future political action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Special Issue presents articles that empirically and theoretically explores the central arguments of Catherine Dauvergne's 2016 book The New Politics and the End of Settler Societies. This multidisciplinary issue comprises five research articles and a closing commentary from Catherine Dauvergne, exploring migration‐related events that have taken place since 2015. As a whole, these articles demonstrate the relevance of The New Politics and the End of Settler Societies to future comparative studies of immigration politics and policies. Contributions to this Special Issue also confirm policy trends and convergence, as argued by Dauvergne. More broadly, the selected articles illustrate the analytical and political challenges associated with imagining research and policies outside of the paradigm of settler societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the standards of most normative accounts of states' obligations toward refugees - understood to include the prompt and fair processing of asylum applications, the offering of initial refuge to successful applicants, and the willingness to accept a (potentially modest) "fair share" of refugees - a majority of states are falling short. Institutions as a Source of Solidarity with Refugees We now turn to the specific question of how institutions might create, or hinder, solidarity between citizens of potential refugee-hosting states and refugees. Indeed, protracted refugee situations, or any instance when refugees become defined by their dependence on international refugee institutions, maintain the boundary between refugees and citizens. There are two types of injustice that the UNHCR might emphasize: the injustices that made someone a refugee in the first place (e.g. the failure of their home state to protect their basic human rights), and the injustice refugees are often faced with when seeking protection (e.g. the failure of other states to offer the asylum or assistance that international law prescribes). [Extracted from the article]

(Miller 2016a, 18) The order in which Miller introduces his solutions is telling. The longitudinal data on the United Kingdom's shrinking welfare state - the case that kickstarts Miller's analysis - is easily available.[71] It is difficult to resist the conclusion that this is a case of methodological cherry-picking in support of an independently reached conclusion: in parsing out reality in this way, Miller fails to theorize responsibly. For some of Miller's interventions in the media and responses to it, see Miller ([63]); Sager ([81]); Ryerson ([80]); Sanneh ([83]); Williams ([109]); Hoskins ([47]); Sager ([82]). Contemporary Political Theory 17 (1): 71 - 77. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41296-017-0136-9 10 Baderin, Alice, Busen, Andreas, Schramme, Thomas, Ulas, Luke, and Miller, David. Theory, Culture and Society 33 (2): 77 - 102. https://doi.org/10.1177/0263276415590236 101 Thomassen, Lasse, Song, Sarah, Stilz, Ann, Oberman, Kieran, and Miller, David. [Extracted from the article]

Democratization has proceeded in Africa in terms of implementing multiparty democracy. However, there are still major challenges with this process across the continent. By examining the contribution of the intellectual to election administration in Africa vis‐à‐vis the political obligation of the citizen to the state, the knowledge of political science plays a significant role in resolving the challenges mitigating against democratic consolidation in the continent. This article interrogates the responsibilities of university academics in election administration from 1959 to 2019 and recounts the impact of such interventions for democratization and political stability in Nigeria. Our enquiry reveals that many of the problems undermining election administration are clearly beyond the interventions by these academics. The constraints and limitations of university academics in their efforts as instruments of large‐scale political change in Nigeria are connected largely with the fact that no institution or segment of the society is insulated from the power associated with politics in Nigeria. Accordingly, beyond election administration and also beyond the role of the intelligentsia therein, Nigeria's political ecology must undergo significant holistic changes to deliver a credible, fair and transparent electoral process. © 2020 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This article asks: Does experience with education undermine confidence in the institution? If so, has this changed over time? Method: This study uses mixed effects binary logistic regression on the General Social Survey (1973–2018). Results: Confidence in the institution of education has declined over time. Those with a college degree are less confident in education and their confidence is diminishing over time. By 2018, those with a college degree indicated the lowest levels of confidence in education since 1973. These changes are distinct from general trends in institutional confidence. In fact, higher education is typically associated with more confidence in social institutions. Conclusion: These trends likely reflect the shifting rhetoric around the purpose and function of college education as well as the changing economic landscape of higher education. By focusing on long‐term changes to a key symbolic impact of higher education (i.e., public confidence in education), findings add to the existing literature on the material benefits and consequences of attaining a college degree. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article extends the authors' earlier work (Young & Muller 2013) exploring the concept of 'powerful knowledge'. It first examines some of the origins of the concept and goes on to a brief consideration of how sociology, political theory and economics have traditionally represented 'power' and 'knowledge'. Two key senses of power are identified and two difficulties are next identified: how to retain both senses of power in a satisfactory account of 'powerful knowledge; and how to provide a satisfactory account of the 'power' of knowledge in the humanities. By identifying three meanings of 'powerful knowledge', and making an argument for their interrelationship, the article aims to put the concept on a firmer footing and point to its potential implications for curriculum theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marginalisation and exclusion are expressed in social conflict and are determinative in distributing risk and resilience. This paper builds on recent literature that has adopted a human rights lens to explore how resilience practice can better account for issues of equity and power. Using the illustrative case of Timor‐Leste, it presents an analysis of how human rights principles play out in the settings in which rights are given meaning. The approach reveals the reproduction of patterns of conflict and risk, and suggests two key priorities for resilience practice: first, recognising and responding to the deep‐rooted narratives and procedures that normalise inequality and marginalisation at different scales; and second, allowing for transformation towards more equitable political and social arrangements as a part of resilience practice. Augmenting resilience with rights‐based thinking can situate resilience practice, such that it responds to the complexity of social arrangements, reducing risk and social conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author comments on the role of sport in international relations. Topics discussed include the author's statement that there is no sports in general that affects politics, why sport and major sporting events should be differentiated, and the difference in terms of impact of sports nationally and internationally.

The article presents the author's views on the relationship between politics and development, highlighting global political trends, entitlement politics, and surplus population as of November 2017. Topics include extreme poverty in middle income countries, suffering, outrage due to inequality, and the criticisms against programmes of intentional development. Also discussed are global social problems, unemployment, and the United Nations' sustainable development goal.

The article discusses the context of the Southeast Asian media. Topics mention including the popular votes which leads to the global impact which include the election of the presidents Donald Trump and Rodrigo Duterte and Great Britain on leaving the European Union, knowledge about sociohistoric developments and national struggles for the independence.

Over the last decade, a growing number of scholars have tackled the changing relationship between national identity and social policy. In this article, we explore the relationship between abortion policy and the historical and political construction of national identity as it relates to religious norms and symbols. Focusing on two main cases, Ireland and Poland, Catholic societies in which abortion rights are severely restricted, we argue that, in political discourse and institutions, a strong relationship between the Catholic Church and national identity helps opponents of abortion enact and maintain such restrictions in the name of religious norms embedded in strong claims about national identity. After exploring these two main cases, we briefly turn to Spain and Québec, Catholic societies that, in recent decades, have witnessed a secularisation of their national identity correlated to a liberalisation of abortion rights. This suggests that, at least in Catholic societies, the decline of a religious national identity is likely to favour a liberalisation of abortion rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the case of Taiwan, experts have debated whether passionate national loyalties (Taiwanese or Chinese) facilitated or stymied democratization. This paper argues that nationalism facilitated political change in Taiwan. In fact, democratization during the 1980s and the 1990s was spurred in part by the pursuit of two conflicting national destinies. The Chinese Nationalist Party legitimized reform as the end of a century-long process for the reconstruction of the Chinese nation. To many Nationalists, particularly those born on the mainland, Taiwan was the fulfilment of Sun Yat-sen's vision of China known as the Three Principles of the People. At the same time, many opponents of the regime saw successful reform as one step towards the realization of a Taiwanese nation. Dominated by those who identified themselves as Taiwanese, generally those of Chinese descent whose ancestors had lived on Taiwan prior to 1945, these activists hoped to take power through the ballot box, then implement a series of policies to strengthen an island-wide identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how and why established understandings of an academic field's history matter. In particular, it shows in the case of EU studies that a settled narrative of the pivotal theoretical debate between neo-functionalism and intergovernmentalism has been a vital rhetorical tool in the constitution of the field since the 1990s. Drawing on citation data and contemporaneous accounts of the theoretical architecture of the field from the 1970s and 1980s, the article shows that the idea of an intergovernmentalist school of theory is a retrospective construction developed in the 1980s and 1990s that has been read back into the past of the field of integration studies. The further effects of this settled intersubjective understanding of EU studies past include contributions to the stereotyping and simplification of neo-functionalism, the writing out of the field's key archive of other mainstream theoretical work and the continued silencing of non-mainstream or 'dissident' theoretical voices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article helps those who are not already familiar with normative political theory to find their way around the Nordic scene. It surveys works that have come out of the Nordic countries from 1990 onwards. They are filed under five headings: (1) studies of political decision making; (2) distributive and retributive justice; (3) priorities and standards of policy in assorted areas; (4) boundaries between jurisdictions; and (5) meta-normative matters. Before the survey begins, and in a sequel to the last part of it, the nature of normative political theory will be explicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]