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"Conflict and Transformation: Essays on European Law and Policy" by Christian Joerges is a collection of essays that critically examines the development of European Union (EU) socio-economic governance and the integration project as a whole. The book argues that the failure of "integration through law" has led to the rise of technocratic rule and a lack of democratic deliberation. Joerges proposes an alternative constitutional paradigm called "conflicts law" that aims to preserve the diversity of member states while addressing the tensions tearing Europe apart. The book raises important questions about the role of law, the responsibility of lawyers, and the need to confront Europe's dark legacies. [Extracted from the article]

Wang highlights the critical role of elite social terrain, indicating that the micro-foundation of elite preference went beyond material benefit or power and was endogenous to social preferences. Wang Yuhua's book, I The Rise and Fall of Imperial China i , offers a profound examination of a significant issue in comparative politics: the longevity of dynastic rule in China and its failure to transform into a modern fiscal state. This elite-focused approach greatly expands our understanding of state development, bringing agency into the framework by demonstrating that state development was achieved through policies made by elites. [Extracted from the article]

There are several theses in political science that are usually explicitly called 'laws'. Other theses are generally thought of as laws, but often without being explicitly labelled as such. Still other claims are well‐supported and arguably interesting, while no one would be tempted to call them laws. This situation raises philosophical questions: which theses deserve to be called laws and which not? And how should we decide about this? In this paper we develop and motivate a strategy for thinking about laws in political science which integrates two core concepts: spatio‐temporal stability and social mechanisms. The proposed strategy is a set of guidelines that political scientists can use to reflect on and argue about specific cases within their discipline, not a clear‐cut demarcation criterion. We defend and motivate this strategy and apply it to two cases (one with respect to state repression, one about parliamentary elections). After we have developed and motivated our strategy for political science, we show that our proposal is relevant for other disciplines in the social sciences. We explain how our views fit into critical realism and embed them in the debate on laws in general philosophy of science and in the philosophy of the social sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pensions provision in the UK has been undergoing upheaval for several decades, as an already liberal regime has gradually been further liberalised, resulting in the rollout of defined contribution provision via the pseudo‐compulsory automatic enrolment system. Yet, the system is dysfunctional, insofar as it replaces the institutional guarantors essential to pensions provision with hazy notions of individual responsibility. The ability of capitalism to reproduce itself is jeopardised as a result. Increasingly, the state, despite scaling back the state pension system, is intervening to subsidise and substitute for a marketised system. Despite the significant risk of poor outcomes for millions of savers in the automatic enrolment system, and the integral role of the state in private provision, pensions policy receives little attention in political debates, or by political scientists. This is driven in part by a lack of salience among the public, which is itself a result of the peculiar temporality of pensions. Yet it is a product also of the disciplinary norms of political science, and the positionality of political scientists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Artists, political scientists and art historians share with other professionals the challenge of apprehending and comprehending the complexity of the realities they address in their work. The co‐authors of our article coincide in the prominence they give to disturbing indexical signs (i.e., indications and traces of trauma and normalization in people, in political processes and works of art), as keys of interpretation and problematizing at the basis of their art works, their social work and their historic and political research. They address the challenges and questions they face when interacting with the multiple dimensions inherent to the complex human behaviours, theoretical concepts and artistic statements on which they focus. Finally, they discuss possible aesthetic, ethical and philosophical implications of their proposals and perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I contribute to the debate on Ulrich Beck's idea of 'methodological cosmopolitanism' from a political science perspective. How fruitful is Beck's idea for the study of world politics? How can a political science perspective turn 'methodological cosmopolitanism' into a more transdisciplinary subject of debate? Guided by these questions, I speak to two audiences. First, I offer political scientists a distinct strategy for empirical 'cosmopolitan political science' research. At the heart of this strategy is a novel object of research, the 'cosmopolitan outlook', understood as a discourse that breaks with the 'national outlook' to open possibilities for a world beyond 'reflexive modernization'. With that, I shift the perspective from structure to discourse and broaden the normative grounds on which to assess cosmopolitan reality. Rather than just considering the emergence of normative cosmopolitan ideals, I build into cosmopolitan research the normative, empirical question of whether we see an emergence of a world beyond reflexive modernization. Second, I address scholars outside the field of political science who are interested in methodological cosmopolitanism by offering the 'cosmopolitan outlook' as a novel object of study that could also be explored from other disciplinary perspectives and by proposing they put the question of the purpose of methodological cosmopolitanism centre stage. This question can, I argue, constitute grounds for substantial debates on methodological cosmopolitanism not already precluded through disciplinary premises and concerns. Contributing to such a transdisciplinary debate, I distinguish between the long‐term and immediate purpose of methodological cosmopolitanism, the former being about the development of a cosmopolitan language and grammar and the latter about empirical explorations of the reality of the 'cosmopolitan outlook', eventually and in a collective and transdisciplinary endeavour building up to contribute to the former. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Co-authorship is an important indicator of scientific collaboration. Co-authorship networks are composed of sub-communities, and researchers can gain visibility by connecting these insulated subgroups. This article presents a comprehensive co-authorship network analysis of Swiss political science. Three levels are addressed: disciplinary cohesion and structure at large, communities, and the integrative capacity of individual researchers. The results suggest that collaboration exists across geographical and language borders even though different regions focus on complementary publication strategies. The subfield of public policy and administration has the highest integrative capacity. Co-authorship is a function of several factors, most importantly being in the same subfield. At the individual level, the analysis identifies researchers who belong to the 'inner circle' of Swiss political science and who link different communities. In contrast to previous research, the analysis is based on the full set of publications of all political researchers employed in Switzerland in 2013, including past publications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article helps those who are not already familiar with normative political theory to find their way around the Nordic scene. It surveys works that have come out of the Nordic countries from 1990 onwards. They are filed under five headings: (1) studies of political decision making; (2) distributive and retributive justice; (3) priorities and standards of policy in assorted areas; (4) boundaries between jurisdictions; and (5) meta-normative matters. Before the survey begins, and in a sequel to the last part of it, the nature of normative political theory will be explicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses academic scholarship and its impact on the public sphere. Topics discussed include relationship between the political scientists and the policymakers, contribution of the academics in counterinsurgency strategies during Vietnam and Iraq war, and use of methods like formal modeling for the statistical and quantitative analysis in the field of political science.

When political science developed in the United States in the 1880s, the study of politics incorporated public law. Upon its founding in 1903, the American Political Science Association linked the discipline of government studies to law. Presidential scholar Edward S. Corwin was regularly invited to testify before Congress on constitutional matters, as were other political scientists. By 1963, however, behavioral studies topped the list of fields in which significant work was being done. Located at the bottom was public law. Presidential scholars, giving little attention to legal and constitutional analysis, generally promoted broad trust in presidential power with few checks. That orientation has been rejected by a number of political scientists who remain committed to public law. Part of the political science discipline remains divorced from legal analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author offers opinions on politics and government and political science. Dissatisfaction among citizens of democracies is attributed to a disparity between increased and often unrealistic expectations for governments created by overall improvements in economic and social conditions and the actual abilities of democracies to meet those expectations, abilities which have been hampered by socioeconomic changes. Political scientists and political science as a discipline are criticized for failing to conduct research on this disparity and for failing to better explain democratic processes to the public.

The 2012 Johan Skytte Prize Lecture entitled "Questions, Evidence and Political Theory" delivered by political scientist Carole Pateman is presented. It explores her belief that political theory should be based on political realities and considers her studies of how to promote active democratic participation withing new and existing democracies. Other topics considered include political apathy, citizenship, and feminist political theory.

Bernard Crick's greatest polemic In Defence of Politics remains as relevant today as when it was written. As modern politicians try to contract out responsibility for more and more, Crick's argument that honesty about the limitation of what they can achieve is the best defence of their most important of all human activities is increasingly important. His attacks on scientism in political thought, on populism, and on the value-free nature of market mechanisms, remain classic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1952, Waldemar Gurian, founding editor of The Review of Politics, commissioned Eric Voegelin, then a professor of political science at Louisiana State University, to review Hannah Arendt's recently published The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951). She was given the right to reply; Voegelin would furnish a concluding note. Preceding this dialogue, Voegelin wrote a letter to Arendt anticipating aspects of his review; she responded in kind. Arendt's letter to Voegelin on totalitarianism, written in German, has never appeared in print before. She wrote two drafts of it, the first and longest being the more interesting. It contained an early reference to her thinking about the relationship among plurality, politics, and philosophy. It also invoked her notion of the compelling 'logic' of totalitarian ideology. But this was not the letter Voegelin received. Because of this, he misunderstood significant parts of her argument. Below, the two versions of Arendt's letter are translated. They are prefaced by a translation of Voegelin's initial message to Arendt. An introduction compares Arendt's letters, offers context, and provides a snapshot of Arendt's and Voegelin's perceptions of each other. Their views of political religion and human nature are also highlighted. Keyed to Arendt and Voegelin's letters are pertinent aspects of the debate in The Review of Politics that followed their epistolary exchange. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the 1950s to the 1990s, the 'incrementalist' model dominated theories of policymaking. Since Baumgartner and Jones's Agendas and Instability in American Politics was published in 1993, however, the 'punctuated equilibrium' model, borrowed from evolutionary biology, has supplanted the incrementalist model. But what do such alien models do to the discipline of political science, and what does the discipline do to the models, when they are thus imported? In this article, I first discuss the functions of concepts in political science, then discuss and analyze the creation and meaning of the concept of punctuated equilibrium in biology, then trace its transformation as it was initially adopted by political scientists, then analyze the manner in which its meaning developed and altered as it grew in popularity within the discipline, and finally assess its value to political science now. I will conclude with some general observations about the process of importing concepts from outside the discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

J.E. (Ted) Hodgetts was influenced by both the political economy approach that he learned at the University of Toronto and by the comprehensive historical method developed by Leonard White, under whom he studied at Chicago. His first great project, Pioneer Public Service, convinced him that responsible government was impossible without responsible public administration. The authors examine how his response to management theories and practices evolved following his participation in the Glassco, Lambert and Gomery commissions. Hodgetts consistently refused the complete separation of politics and administration, and he promoted the use of management techniques to strengthen parliamentary supervision of the public service. The two key components of his legacy are thus a commitment to the democratic values of representative government and the comprehensive study of the internal dynamics of public administration in interaction with the relevant environmental factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rod Rhodes spent 25 years as the Editor of Public Administration before he retired from that role at the end of 2010. These essays in his honour are intended to celebrate the achievement of those 25 years and reflect on his contribution to the worlds of public administration and political science. Rod has now consolidated the standing of the journal as one of the most significant locations for work on public administration. At the same time, over his career, he has prodded and probed, challenged and innovated, in a wide range of areas. The essays in this special edition have been designed around his intellectual interests over the 40 years of his career, from local government, and networks, to ethnography and narratives. Each author was asked, as appropriate, to identify Rhodes' impact and to assess the present state of the literature. Three articles consider the state of the discipline in the UK, the USA and in the world of comparative politics. Rod is then given the opportunity to reflect on his career and where his interests might lead. As ever he wants the last word! This introduction provides the context for his career and charts in broad terms his intellectual trajectory and contribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of public administration in the United States is large in terms of the number of academic programmes, the range of journal publications, and the number of scholars. Its scholarship attracts attention from all over the globe. At the same time it is a public administration that is clearly embedded in a specific national culture, just as anywhere else. Three of the main challenges include the strong increase of quantitative-statistical methods, the decline of practitioner authors, and substantive specialization to the extent that generalists' perspectives are losing ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers a discussion on the Tunisia, Morocco, and Mauritania and their path towards democratization. It is noted that based from the late 1987 assessment of political scientists on the prospect countries for democratization in the Arab world, Tunisia turned out to be the frontrunner, the spark of the region's first democratic transition. Twenty years later, the country, together with Morocco and Mauritania, underwent a democratization differential which was surprisingly and dramatically divergent from the previous forecasts.

Until recently, the term cosmopolitism could rarely be found in modern political science literature. It was only in the 1990s that the term was rediscovered by political scientists in the critical discourse on globalization. In this article, I will explore the full potential of cosmopolitism as an analytical concept for empirical political science. I will argue that the concept of cosmopolitism should not be restricted to the analysis of global politics. Indeed, cosmopolitism has much more to offer for political scientists. Properly understood, it enables – and necessitates – a re-invention of political science in the age of globalization, comparable to the behavioural revolution in political science in the 1950s. Such a paradigmatic shift should be based on a twofold transformation of existing disciplinary boundaries: A removal of the boundary between national (and comparative) and international politics on the one hand; and a re-definition of the boundaries between empirical and normative approaches on the other. As a result, cosmopolitism may serve as a new, critical theory of politics based on the integration of hitherto separated fields and sub-fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the conceptual framework of Antonio Gramsci as an alternative theoretical approach to the mainstream consensus in international relations (IR)/international political economy (IPE). Influence of Niccolo Machiavelli on the political ideas of Gramsci; Emergence of the Neo-Gramscian notion of IR/IPE; Utilization of the concepts of hegemony and civil society.

Since Mancur Olson's(1965), it is impossible for political scientists to conceive of political participation without reference to his powerful argument linking numbers of participants, public goods, and participatory outcomes. What is puzzling is the poor empirical support for this argument in the domain where it should work best, namely explaining business political activity. Olson thought his arguments principally applicable to economic groups, and for the empirical development of his arguments Olson drew heavily on business interests, the most active segment of the interest group community. We explore these arguments with business political activities data by examining the statistical performance of various measures of market structure in determining business political activity, and find little empirical support. We do offer an alternative basis for business behavior lodged in both private and collective goods that preserves business rationality and also helps explain not only the amount of business political participation but the modes of business participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is useful, to elucidate the vexed relation of Pierre Bourdieu to the question of democratic politics, to distinguish, if only for the sake of analytical clarity, between three tightly interwoven elements. These include the personal political views of the individual Pierre Bourdieu, which are pertinent insofar as they animate his scientific practice and civic engagements; politics as encountered in his sociological writings, or how he treats the official institutions that compose the public sphere of liberal democracies, parties and unions, parliaments and polls, the media and the state, as objects of social scientific inquiry; and, the politics of Bourdieu's works. A brief consideration of each of these elements helps set the stage for the following special section, which brings together articles that variously explicate theoretically and extend empirically Bourdieu's conception of democracy, and demonstrate the heuristic potency of his theory of symbolic power as applied to organized politics.

Political scientists have shifted their attention increasingly from the study of political behaviour and the study of society as composed of fluid, overlapping, competing networks to a concern with the state itself as one of the key shapers of political discourse and social change. The dramatic events of 1989-90 served to accelerate this reorientation as questions about state, empires, nationalisms and ethnicities and the relationship between them began to dominate the international political agenda. Medieval historians were, on the whole slow to follow suit. But the defence of the idea of the state and its moral authority in medieval times can be asserted in more positive terms. Beneath the reluctance to acknowledge the possibility of a medieval state often lays an unconscious and unspoken assumption: that medieval men and women were too intellectually immature to develop and articulate the "public" language of the state. Elsewhere the post-Weberian definition (given by Max Weber) of the modern state seems increasingly ill at ease with the socio-political realities of the medieval world.

The rise of parties that challenge the political establishment has recently sparked the interest of political scientists. Scholars have identified several factors that lie behind the success of such anti-political-establishment parties. Most empirical studies, however, have concentrated their attention either on the importance of electoral system features or on the effects of socioeconomic conditions. This article focuses instead on the role that party system factors play in the electoral success of these parties. Using three data sets from studies conducted in three different time periods it tests two seemingly contradictory hypotheses. On the one hand, the claim that where the established parties have converged toward centrist positions and thus fail to present voters with an identity that is noticeably different from their established competitors, the electorate will be more susceptible to the markedly different policies put forward by anti-political-establishment parties. On the other hand, there is the argument that these parties profit more from increasing polarization and the subsequent enlargement of the political space than from a convergence toward the median. The results of the analyses show that anti-political-establishment parties generally profit from a close positioning of the establishment parties on the left-right scale. However, there is no consistent support for the notion that party system polarization by itself is associated with an increase in the support for parties that challenge the political establishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Illustrates why civil society remains an important concept in studying the political transformation of Eastern Europe. Significance of civil society to political science; Use of the concept of civil society in evaluating social critical theory; Discussion on the theories advanced by several political scientists.

Initiates an exploration of John Dewey's perspectives on political science and the political scientist reception of the perspectives. Claims about pragmatism and `Deweyism' in political science; John Dewey's critique of propaganda; Political scientist's disregard of John Dewey; Questions on John Dewey; Historiography; Debates.

The acquisition and expression of political orientations are highly age-related; however, the nature of age-typical forms is rarely conceptualized in socialization research. The first part of this article examines the hypothesized nature of ‘age invariance’ identified by criminologists in the study of deviant behavior and the inverted U-curve of voting behavior identified by political scientists. The second part uses survey data from German youth and young adults (n = 7,280, ages 13 to 30) to describe typical age patterns for various types of unconventional behavior. The more unconventional the behavior, the more the curve resembles what criminologists have long found for deviant behavior. Youth approval of the more disruptive forms of political behavior has a left-skewed age distribution that is also typical of deviant behavior. This suggests an unappealing combination of potential actionism and political ignorance occurring in late adolescence, a possibility that ought to be of consequence for the design of civic education and other interventions. From a research perspective, these age-typical patterns can be useful as a theory-building and theory-testing strategy by treating them as baselines against which individual and cultural variations can be measured. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose or this paper is to suggest a different approach by political scientists -- one which is grounded more firmly in the purpose and methods of the policy sciences, which foresees a much broader role for political scientists in evaluation research, and which involves more extensive modifications of normal social science methodologies. Although evaluation research surely can be considered a part of the policy sciences, it has not always enjoyed a particularly enthusiastic reception from that quarter either.

The article focuses on the reliability of survey data in studies of political attitudes and behavior, particularly, the data procured by written questionnaires. It is stated that political scientists are well aware of the discussions of reliability couched in terms of accuracy and internal consistency. But political scientists have generally ignored the issue of response stability, which is of considerable research. The assumption that in test-retest situation, change reflects unreliability or response error, which is central to any discussion of response stability.

The article examines some problems that are particularly suitable to continue research activities by political scientists. The early literature is definitely out to prove the case of privatization by way of argument, while the more recent books use empirical evidence to evaluate the possible merits of privatization. Some of the literature focuses on a discussion of the comparative advantage of private and public organization of goods production and service provision in terms of effectiveness and efficiency.

Although left-right scales are an inherent feature of much cross-national research, they have necessarily been created on a somewhat ad hoc basis, since the empirical foundation for valid cross-national scales rarely exists. This paper seeks to provide such a foundation by using judgements of party ideological position which are both explicit and non-idiosyncratic across a wide range of countries. These judgements derive from a so-called `expert' survey of leading political scientists in Western Europe, the USA, and elsewhere. It is our hope that the scales which we derive in this way may prove useful in a wide variety of contexts of comparative research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nomination: A note on the cumulation problem by Dag Anckar, p.73 Reflections: The cumulation problem revisited by Gunnar Sjöblom, p.78 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers the author's insights on the similarities and differences between the American and European political science. The strength of protectionism and self-confidence of European political scientists is mentioned. It notes that the main problem in Europe's political science is the rapid expansion of its growth taking place within national boundaries in a fragmented and isolated way. It argues political theory as a second field in which the European contribution continues to be unchallenged. The high level of constructive professionalism and civility among American political scientists is also highlighted.

The article focuses on democracy as a branch of study by modern political science. It reflects that many political scientists had a critical outlook towards the aspect of representation in democracy, which was the ability of people to choose their representatives who would strive for their interests. It informs that democracy allows voters to elect leaders on the basis of their promises for the future but also provides them the power punish or reward leaders or parties for their past performances. It also reflects on accountability in politics and the political behavior of those in power towards electoral accountability.

The article discusses various categories of resources available on computer networks that can be useful for researchers and teachers of political science. It offers some of the widely used means of access to these resources as well as ways in which the discipline can take advantage of this technology. It emphasizes the need to develop and enhance the field of political science through the optimal use of the computer network resources. The computer software employed by political scientists at the University of Lausanne in Switzerland is also described.

The article discusses the issue of political extremism in Germany. It states that the process of evaluating extremism in the country by political scientists aims to address two significant issues which include the rise of Nazism that encouraged the citizens to join right-wing extremism and the development of a communist party in 1945. The author examines the various books which gave detailed information on the issue of extremism in the country with conclusion on the development of problems related to political extremism. Its impact on the implementation of democracy by the Federal Republic of Germany was also discussed.

The article offers information regarding Norwegian political scientist and sociologist Stein Rokkan's views on myths concerning electoral change and the survival of traditional political parties in Western Europe. It refers to the sociologist's freezing proposition of party systems according to which the party systems of the 1960s reflect with few but significant exceptions, the cleavage structures of the 1920s. It further refers to the evidences for the contemporary revision of the freezing hypothesis. One of the evidences include electoral volatility.

The article evaluates the research conducted by several political scientists who explores the development of the political parties in Austria since the1980s based on its three broad areas including parties in the electorate, party organization and party behavior. It was noted that the three broadfields concentrated on the inquiries permits a general evaluation of the achievements and deficits of Austrian party research. Likewise, it was said that party research has been institutionalized to some degree in which it also reportedly displays increasing sophistication in terms of theory and methodology. Moreover, the descriptions reflect that there has been a considerable progress in party research, presumably on other fields of discipline.

The article evaluates the political science literatures in Greece. It was noted that the range of discussions and the quality of studies reflected on the researches manifests that the political studies in the country is steadily improving, though, a great deal has to be realized and necessary improvements in vital sectors are badly required. Nevertheless, it was stressed that certain areas of the literatures are more dynamic and more promising such as the international relations and the areas on European studies.

The article examines the party system sociology in Germany on the 1990s. It was stressed that German party sociology has discovered a great deal about party enrollment, membership structure, party participation, pragmatic decisions and the ideological research in general. Likewise, in the theoretical level, some middle-range theories on the functional place of parties in contemporary democracies have been developed. However, speculations are raised regarding the future of the German party state such as the notion that the German democracy thrives only in times of economic surplus. Nevertheless, it was noted in all probabilities, the inherited party system will remain stable in the country.

The study of new political parties causes important problems both on the theoretical and empirical level. First, only little empirical evidence is available for recently formed parties, and secondly, the study of the emergence of new political parties has attracted little attention from political scientists. This fact apparently stems from the essentially static characteristics of major political theories, such as the study of party systems and electoral behaviour. Hence in contradiction to predominant political theory, the present article proposes a dynamic model in order to study the emergence of the Swiss Ecological Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reports that if his father had not been a lawyer, he probably would not have become a political scientist. Majoring in political science seemed to the author the natural way to prepare for law school. The author says that most of the students at his time who majored in political science planned to enter a law school. The discipline seemed not an end in itself but an avenue to something else. The author was not enthralled by the discipline when he was first exposed to it. The author was in his junior year when professor Walter R. Sharp was lured from the University of Wisconsin to head up and modernize and revitalize the Department of Government of the City College of New York. Sharp brought in a group of young instructors whom the author found very inspiring and who opened intellectual vistas for the author. In addition to his administrative duties, Sharp also taught the first course in public administration ever to be offered by the department. The author found himself intrigued by the process of transforming pronouncements of policy intentions, wishes of elected officials and the language of legislation into tangible governmental actions. INSET: Kaufman's principal publications..

The article offers the foundations of an approach that explains the workaday values of public administration practitioners which focuses attention on "microcosmic" level of governmental actions. This article contends that although formal obeisance has been paid to the idea of administration being an art, the notion has not been taken seriously enough to develop an explicit theory of "artful" administration. In this article, the author seek to take some beginning steps in that direction and to generate discussion over what could become a new avenue of systematic thinking about public administration. The motivation for theorizing in this somewhat unaccustomed manner about public administration is not simply to even out the treatment of the trilogy in ASPA's motto. Several normative ideas and supportive systems already exist for the public administrator. The author makes the rather bold argument that they tend, however, to operate at the macrocosmic rather than microcosmic level. Generalized norms of legality, constitutionality and personal ethics are examples.

The article provides a critical assessment of the utility of the dominant intellectual approaches used by today's political scientists. If politics is broadly defined as the processes by which people make and execute collective choices, then the purpose of political science can be viewed as the discovery of true sentences about these processes. Someone unfamiliar with the literature of political science would undoubtedly assume that political scientists devote considerable attention to practitioner skill. Perhaps the inattentiveness to practitioner skill should not be surprising. At the practical level, it is difficult to study systematically. Practitioners such as legislators and public managers participate in complex processes where observers face severe problems in determining the contributions of individuals to outcomes. Political science might contribute to the improvement of practitioner skill by more explicitly considering selection processes as well as the rules and incentives that constrain and motivate practice-this has been one of the traditional concerns of public administration and is the focus of the anew economics" of organization.

Organization theory and political science have been in a state of mutual disregard for years, but recently a number of developments are reducing the divergence between them. This paper first describes that divergence. Then it reviews some of the prominent organizational typologies developed by organization theorists, to show that the importance of relations between organizations and the political system have been suggested in some of those typologies for a long time. Then recent indications of increasing attention to the topic among political scientists and organization theorists are described. Finally, research issues and directions are discussed, such as the need for improved analysis of political and governmental dimensions of organizational environments.

This article lists various papers on policy studies subjects that were presented at the 1974-75 annual meetings of the Midwest, Southern, Northeastern, Southwestern and Western political science associations. The Midwest Political Science Association presented "Problems of Policy Analysis and Evaluation," by Peter Aranson and "The Utility of Policy Analysis," by Duncan MacRae Jr. The Southern Political Science Association presented "Elite Participation in Policy-Making: The Case of Citizens Crime Commissions," by David Brodsky.

This article focuses on policy analysis. It seeks to develop theory for prescriptive policy analysis. Such a quest rests upon an assumption, that such theory may be developed, and a contradiction, that analysis can lead to scientific prescription. The possibility for defining a relationship between the political scientist and the policy-maker insists upon the political scientist deciding the terms of analysis. The ultimate difference between the possible roles of the political scientist turns on a single word, "evaluation." "Evaluation" means to impose values.

Ever since political scientist David Easton first introduced systems theory to political science, most policy analysts have utilized his five-fold scheme for studying the policy-making process; input, conversion, output, feedback and environment. Such diverse areas as international relations, public administration, comparative government and domestic policy analysis have made use of the theoretical construct. Scholars in one policy area do not appear to take advantage of or even be aware of the findings in other areas. There has been an overemphasis on the conversion process at the expense of other parts of the system, most notably post conversion.