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We examine the tone of the president's immigration policy speeches as a function of the political context, policy characteristics, and individual presidents in two ways. First, we describe the tone of the president's immigration rhetoric using DICTION software and its five global categories of tone. Second, we hypothesize that commonality and optimism, two categories of tone expressive of immigration policy, will co‐vary by political context, policy characteristics of immigration, and a president's approach to rhetoric. To test our expectations, we collected presidential mentions of immigration since 1953 from the Public Papers of the Presidents. Key variables, like the president's honeymoon and the post‐9/11 era, increase a president's commonality tone, and the president's approval ratings encourage greater optimism. Individual presidents also shape presidential rhetoric, indicating the importance of presidential style to immigration tone, especially for optimism. We conclude with implications of our work for the systematic study of presidential tone and the prospects for comprehensive immigration reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign workers holding H‐1B visas gained recourse to federal employment rights under the Immigration & Nationality Act (INA) for the very first time when Congress passed the Immigration Act of 1990 (IMMACT90). This paper examines H‐1B employment rights enforcement under the INA as it has intersected with broader features of the American legal system: what political scientists call judicial retrenchment and the quasi‐judicial state. I first show how H‐1B rights, already limited by the domestic politics that shaped the IMMACT, became subject to judicial retrenchment when the federal courts confined H‐1B disputes under the INA to the quasi‐judicial state at the Department of Labor (DOL). I then use published data on DOL investigation outcomes, published and unpublished administrative case records, and judicial cases reviewing agency action to examine the extent to which and how H‐1B workers can use the quasi‐judicial state to solve workplace problems. My empirical findings contribute to a new understanding of the relationship between rights retrenchment, the judiciary, and the rise of alternatives to court in immigration and employment law and point to possible fine‐grained changes for future immigration reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of legal status on economic outcomes has been well documented in the literature with most research focused on labor market outcomes such as wages and occupational mobility. In this paper, I utilize the exogenous variation created the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986 to estimate the effect of amnesty polices on homeownership among undocumented immigrants. Using a regression discontinuity framework, the results suggest that the IRCA increased homeownership rates of eligible immigrants by around 4 percentage points relative to ineligible immigrants. Moreover, an extension to the main analysis suggests that immigrants ineligible for the IRCA adjusted their household formation by increasing the rates of coresidency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, state and local governments have adopted policies requiring employers to electronically verify (E‐Verify) the work eligibility of their new hires to disrupt unauthorized immigrants' access to the formal labor market. These E‐Verify mandates previously enjoyed bipartisan support and are likely to be included in comprehensive immigration reform discussions between the Biden administration and GOP. I show in this paper that state E‐Verify mandates are associated with a 5‐percentage point reduction in the probability that likely unauthorized immigrants are employed and a 2‐percentage point reduction in the probability that they have employer‐sponsored insurance. However, these changes are limited to one period after implementation. In all remaining periods, the relationships are not distinguishable from zero. I show that this pattern can be explained by selective outmigration of otherwise unemployed and uninsured likely unauthorized immigrants. By preventing unauthorized immigrants from moving to a more favorable policy environment, a nationwide E‐Verify mandate would likely further limit unauthorized immigrants' access to private health insurance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I would love to see pro-growth, reasonable immigration policies be part of such a package of reforms. In recent research with coauthors (Mayda, Peri, & Steingress, [5]), we find that in the U.S., a local increase in low-skilled immigration was associated with more votes for the anti-immigration Republican Party, while increased high-skilled immigration was associated with more votes to the pro-immigration Democratic Party. [Extracted from the article]

Among the flurry of legislative reforms achieved by Lyndon Johnson, few have proven more transformative than the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 (INA). Hailed at its recent fiftieth anniversary as one of the Great Society's egalitarian triumphs, few observers realize how reluctant LBJ was to champion the measure in the first place or how close it came to defeat in Congress. Saved by difficult compromises, the INA ultimately supplanted racist national origins quotas with a competing set of immigration opportunities and restrictions. The result was a contradictory law that recast the U.S. demographic landscape in spite of itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The future skills and labour workforce shortages, together with the demographic challenges, and the economic impact of the COVID‐19 sanitary crisis will increase the EU's need for highly skilled migration. In this comment, we argue that a successful reform of the EU Blue Card scheme should include more flexible eligibility criteria, process facilitations and generous intra‐EU mobility provisions not only for business travel, but also for short‐term work and, in some cases, for movement to a second Member State for employment purposes. Parallel national schemes should be allowed for those that do not qualify for the EU Blue Card scheme. Without these essential changes the administrative cost and time invested into reforming the current schemes at EU and national level will not bring about the expected positive impact on EU's attractiveness for highly skilled third‐country nationals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whereas the preponderance of studies on public appeals evaluates their impacts on mass public opinion, we investigate behavioral responses—in particular, the willingness of donors to contribute to candidates for public office. As appeals, we identify and code the online messages from all 2018 candidates for Congress, winners and losers alike, about both Donald Trump himself and his signature policy initiative, immigration reform; and as behavioral responses, we track candidates' daily itemized fundraising totals. What Republican candidates for Congress say about Trump, we find, bears significantly on their ability to raise money. In the immediate aftermath of complimenting the president, Republicans secured a modest increase in fundraising; when they criticized him, however, they promptly suffered a substantial decline. We do not observe comparable evidence for Democratic candidates. Our findings are robust to a wide variety of measurement and modeling strategies, and expand our understanding of the political stakes of public appeals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores collective efforts by undocumented youth activists to use storytelling to reframe the debates around immigration reform and discursively position themselves as the rightful leaders of a movement that had been dominated by adult citizen‐advocates. Drawing on 19 months of fieldwork, 37 in‐depth interviews, and hundreds of pages of movement documents, I show how youth activists in the United States worked together to develop stories that: (1) drew into question the legitimacy of adult citizen‐advocates to speak on issues of immigration and (2) cast undocumented immigrant youth as the proper authorities on these matters. I argue that through collective storytelling and character work, the activists were able to subvert adult citizen authority and construct themselves as powerful, new collective actors in the contemporary immigrant rights movement. I conclude by discussing some of the practical implications and limitations of using narrative reframing strategies to advance the social change agendas of marginalized movement factions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the prospect of a legalization programme in the US increase unauthorized immigration from Mexico? The logic of the moral hazard of legalization suggests that providing lawful status to undocumented immigrants has the unintended effect of incentivizing further unauthorized immigration. However, we argue and show that concerns about the moral hazard of legalization may be overstated. We conceptualize our argument using two distinct temporal dimensions: a concurrent dimension and a prospective one. Our analysis of the 2007 Mexican Migration Field Research Program ( MMFRP) survey provides evidence supporting our arguments. The data show that knowledge regarding a prospective legalization programme in the US does not increase the intent to migrate among prospective migrants. Our results hold when accounting for a range of potential confounding factors, across several multivariate model specifications, and also when analysing comparable respondents who are matched using propensity score matching ( PSM) techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Faced with diminishing prospects for a comprehensive immigration reform at the federal level, states have started to take immigration matters into their own hands. For example, many states have been mandating the use of employment verification (E-Verify) systems to confirm work eligibility. Some of the consequences of these E-Verify mandates remain unclear. In this article, we focus on the effect of anti-illegal immigrant laws on foreign investment. Specifically, we exploit the state-level and time variation in the enactment and implementation of E-Verify mandates to explore if punitive measures against the firm impact states' ability to attract foreign direct investment (FDI). We quantify FDI through the employment by U.S. affiliates owned by foreign firms. Our results suggest that E-Verify mandates adversely affect employment among these majority-owned U.S. affiliates and, therefore, work against states trying to attract FDI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the debate over immigration reform, a common assertion is that immigrants take jobs that U.S. natives do not want. Using data from the 2000 Census merged with O*NET data on occupation characteristics, I show that the jobs held by immigrants are more physically arduous than the jobs held by U.S. natives. However, data from the California Work and Health Survey on self-reported physical job demands indicate that immigrants do not perceive their jobs as requiring more physical effort than U.S. natives. Immigrants thus have worse jobs than natives but do not view them as such. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As recent efforts to reform immigration policy at the federal level have failed, states have started to take immigration matters into their own hands and researchers have been paying closer attention to state dynamics surrounding immigration policy. Yet, to this date, there is not a clear understanding of the consequences of enforcing E-Verify on likely unauthorized immigrants or on natives across the United States. This study aims to fill in that gap by analyzing the impact that the enactment of various types of E-Verify mandates may have on the employment and wages of these groups. We find that the enactment of employment verification mandates reduces the employment likelihood of likely unauthorized workers. Additionally, it raises the hourly wages of likely unauthorized women. None of these impacts are observed among a similarly skilled sample of naturalized Hispanic immigrants. Finally, the enactment of E-Verify mandates appears to raise the employment likelihood of alike non-Hispanic natives, while raising the hourly wage of native-born male employees, alluding to the potential substitutability of unauthorized immigrants and non-Hispanic natives. ( JEL J2, J3, J6) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Through their music making, Latino immigrant musicians and audience members in Charlotte, North Carolina, debate political questions relevant to their lives as workers and residents of a globalizing city. Despite contentious politics around immigration, Charlotte's Latino musicians are not active in the organized immigration-reform movement. Looking at their ambivalent political positionality, I engage with five key themes: how 'relationship songs' reveal musicians' personal politics; the effect of everyday policing on immigrant communities and musicians' responses to immigration enforcement policies; the politics of laboring as a Latino musician, including the training and professional ethics that accompany music making; the emergence of musicians as 'grassroots intellectuals'; and the importance of the 'collective circle'-a frenetic style of band-audience interaction-in helping constitute a sense of agency and shape the informal political stances that Latino musicians take. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration reforms in the United States initiated in the 1960s are widely thought to have opened the door to mass immigration from Asia and Latin America by eliminating past discriminatory policies. While this may be true for Asians, it is not the case for Latin Americans, who faced more restrictions to legal migration after 1965 than before. The boom in Latin American migration occurred in spite of rather than because of changes in US immigration law. In this article we describe how restrictions placed on the legal entry of Latin Americans, and especially mexicans, set off a chain of events that in the ensuing decades had the paradoxical effect of producing more rather than fewer Latino immigrants. We offer an explanation for how and why Latinos in the United States, in just 40 years, increased from 9.6 million people and 5 percent of the population to 51 million people and 16 percent of the population, and why so many are now present without authorization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over half of the hired workers employed on U.S. crop farms have been unauthorized to work since the mid-1990s, thereby increasing risk for employers if increased immigration law enforcement reduces the availability and raises the cost of farm labor. Immigration reform that legalizes farm workers could speed exits from the farm workforce, thus putting upward pressure on farm wages. Better enforcement of existing immigration laws would reduce the supply of farm workers, also putting upward pressure on wages. Producer response to higher wages depends, in part, on the availability of guest workers and alternatives to hand labor such as labor-saving machinery. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Compared with other nations such as Canada and Australia, the US experiment with welfare reform has yielded steeper and more immediate caseload declines. These declines have been especially pronounced for immigrants who have been subject to a new set of service restrictions implemented under the 1996 Welfare Reform Act. This article examines service access for Haitian immigrants in Miami, Florida since the onset of these reforms. The data presented here are derived from a series of qualitative interviews with Haitian service professionals and a quantitative survey of Haitian immigrant households. The survey data indicate that many Haitians who are living in poverty and qualified to access services are not enrolled for government services. Confusion over eligibility guidelines explains some of the variation of these low enrolments for specific services (such as child health insurance and childcare) but not for services most commonly used by immigrant adults such as food stamps and Medicaid. The survey also demonstrates that qualified immigrants living in households with unqualified persons are less likely to access services than are other qualified immigrants and are more likely to experience hardships that impede their ability to find stable employment. The concluding discussion highlights the significance of using a household unit of measure in assessing immigrant enrolments and hardships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the results of the U.S. Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986. It highlights the expiration of the major legalization program and its major legalization opportunity, in which at last 1,762,134 aliens had applied for it. It states that 1,762,134 aliens had applied for it. It states that illegal migration continues despite of the law and illegal migrants are subject to worse exploitation. It explores the IRCA implementation from throughout the U.S. And the legalization program admissions to permanent resident alien status which started to reflect in the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service statistics for fiscal year 1987.

For the last decade, undocumented or illegal immigration has been one of the most contested policy issues in the United States, with significant news attention on policies affecting the undocumented population, ranging from deportations to comprehensive immigration reform, the DREAM Act, and Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals. Despite these prominent and multifaceted policy debates, scholarship on media framing and public opinion remain more focused on the portrayal of immigrants rather than policies affecting them. In general, scholars find that policy frames are far more consequential to public opinion than equivalency frames (variations in how news media describe unauthorized immigrants, either as "illegal" or "undocumented") or episodic frames (whether news articles are heavy on human‐interest stories rather than policy facts and statistics). Also, negative frames generally have stronger effects than positive frames, and these effects sometimes vary by partisanship and family migration history. Finally, the relative infrequency of powerful frames in news stories, like a life spent in the United States, provides opportunities for advocates to move public opinion on immigration policy. These findings have important implications for future battles over immigration policy in the United States, which show no signs of abating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]