Search

This paper begins with the lived accounts of emergency and critical care medical interventions in which an unhoused person is brought to the emergency department in cardiac arrest. The case is a dramatised representation of the extent to which biopolitical forces via reduction to bare life through biopolitical and necropolitical operations are prominent influences in nursing and medical care. This paper draws on the scholarship of Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben, and Achille Mbembe to offer a theoretical analysis of the power dynamics that influence the health care and death care of patients who are caught in the auspices of a neoliberal capitalist healthcare apparatus. This paper offers analysis of the overt displays of biopower over those individuals cast aside as generally unworthy of access to healthcare in a postcolonial capitalist system, in addition to the ways in which humans are reduced to 'bare life' in their dying days. We analyse this case study through Agamben's description of thanatopolitics, a 'regime of death', and the technologies that accompany the dying process, particularly in that of the homo sacer. Additionally, this paper illustrates the ways in which necropolitics and biopower are integral to understanding how the most advanced and expensive medical interventions make visible the political values of the healthcare system and how nurses and healthcare functions in these deathworlds. The purpose of this paper is to develop a greater understanding of biopolitical and necropolitical operations in acute and critical care environments, and to offer guidance to nurses in these spaces as they work to uphold ethical duties in a system that increasingly dehumanises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the possibilities for nature in contemporary times through a ground‐up investigation of nature practices in Chennai, India. It navigates dissonant strands of scholarship on the promise of urban regions as sites of exemplary social natures with an analytical framework that examines how autonomous nonhuman life in Chennai is variously enabled and inhibited. By studying a breadth of natures and nature practices within this urban site (instead of focusing on a particular species or habitat), the paper illuminates the socio‐material processes that undermine some natures even while supporting others, highlighting paradoxical responses to nonhuman agencies and resilience within the domain of ecological concern. The simultaneous analysis of Chennai's abundant and diminishing natures explains dissonances in urban natures scholarship, while offering fresh insights on more equitable approaches to nonhuman nature in human‐dominated landscapes. Specifically, it points to the value of reconfiguring concepts and practices of nature, both within and beyond conservation, in ways that are attentive to the plural forms of nonhuman flourishing and experiential vulnerability. Any meaningful prospect for more‐than‐human futures in urbanising worlds, the paper argues, rests not on biopolitical conservation that seeks to reproduce the past or build future ecologies of ‘legitimate’ natures, but on desisting from the displacement of, and re‐allowing room – conceptual, material and ethical – for already existing natures, whether scientifically valued or unintentional, whether imperilled or flourishing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New arrangements of power are emerging in response to the turbulence generated by the quest to improve life and render it productive. This paper specifies such arrangements by developing the concept of metabolic politics: an apparatus that shifts from discipline to power regulating material, bodily, and environmental transformations. The dominant function of metabolic politics is to render the transformative capacities of living bodies and the circulatory dynamics of materials into object‐targets of governance. Through a comparative analysis of regulating pollution from industrial poultry units in Britain and India, the paper identifies logics of a metabolic politics and distinguishes these from the biopolitics of populations. Metabolic politics entails interventions targeting a milieu rather than deviant populations; its actions are directed at transformative capacities of bodies in addition to improving their productivity; its modes of governance operates via regulation and not just discipline; and its techniques of operation proceed through modulation instead of enclosure. Metabolic politics is a transversal form of power. It is situated and historically contingent, rather than uniform and universal. As a response to crises generated by the industrialisation and cheapening of life, metabolic politics furnishes vital insights into the administration and governance of the contemporary living and material world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this editorial we ask key questions about what it means to publish 'a journal' in a world of publishing which is driven by individual article metrics and online access. Seeing the value of journals as venues for intellectual debate, we therefore set out a renewed vision as to how the Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers can provide space for more collective and collaborative approaches to geographical debate. This approach revolves around the idea of 'transactions' itself and creating spaces in the journal for more commentary, debate and dialogue, alongside continuing to publish landmark papers. In this editorial we ask key questions about what it means to publish 'a journal' at the current moment, and set out a renewed vision as to how Transactions of the Insittute of British Geographers might provide space for more collective approaches to geographical debate. This approach revolves around the idea of 'transactions' itself and creating spaces in the journals for more commentary, debate and dialogue, alongside continuing to publish landmark papers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientists and policy‐makers promote 'Nature‐based Solutions' to the interconnected challenges associated with the Anthropocene. Often these involve the strategic use of ecosystem engineers: animals, plants, and microbes with disproportionate ecological agency capable of regional or even planetary‐scale niche construction. This environmental mode of biopolitics is promoted as biomimicry: restoring, rewilding, or rewetting diverse ecological systems. This paper critically examines the multispecies relations promised by this model through a focus on beaver in Britain over the last 12,000 years. It begins with beaver making Britain hospitable for early settlers and agriculturalists as they returned after the last ice age. It traces the subsequent demise of beaver due to hunting and land use change, and then follows the recent return of beaver as tools for natural flood management and nature recovery. It attends to situations in which these multispecies world‐making projects go awry in the weird ecologies of the Anthropocene. This story of beaver helps situate enthusiasms for proactive ecosystem engineering in deeper time. It highlights the beguiling potential of Nature‐based Solutions while cautioning against tendencies towards anthropocentrism, an apolitical mononaturalism, and an ecomodernist hubris. The paper combines concepts from archaeology, ecology, anthropology, and geography into a new framework for theorising multispecies acts of worlding and weirding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, Tony Iantosca situates the academic integrity policies of US colleges and universities, as well as student plagiarism, in biopolitical frameworks. By examining the aporias that result from student plagiarism in the context of neoliberal knowledge production, which produces and depends upon individualized, skills‐bearing students, Iantosca interrogates what educators can learn philosophically and pedagogically from the mutual misrecognition that occurs between institutional policy and the transgressing student. He frames this discussion with Michel Foucault's classic work on biopolitics as well as Roberto Esposito's immunitary paradigm in order to examine the implications of student illegibility for what Bernard Stiegler has called education's trans‐individuating potential. The argument that emerges is that student plagiarism has multiple, contradictory significances that can nonetheless teach educators important lessons about property and individualism, and these lessons must be retained as we reinitiate, rather than punish, plagiarizing students. Iantosca then closes the paper with a brief consideration of the pedagogical implications of this argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global COVID‐19 pandemic challenged the world—how it functions, how people move in the social worlds and how government/government services and people interact. Health services, operating under the principles of new public management, have undertaken rapid changes to service delivery and models of care. What has become apparent is the mechanisms within which contemporary health services operate and how services are not prioritising the person at the centre of care. Person‐centred care (PCC) is the philosophical premise upon which models of health care are developed and implemented. Given the strain that COVID‐19 has placed on the health services and the people who deliver the care, it is essential to explore the tensions that exist in this space. This article suggests that before the pandemic, PCC was largely rhetoric, and rendered invisible during the pandemic. The paper presents an investigation into the role of PCC in these challenging times, adopting a Foucauldian lens, specifically governmentality and biopolitics, to examine the policies, priorities and practical implications as health services pivoted and adapted to changing and acute demands. Specifically, this paper draws on the Australian experience, including shifting nursing workforce priorities and additional challenges resulting from public health directives such as lockdowns and limitations. The findings from this exploration open a space for discussion around the rhetoric of PCC, the status of nurses and that which has been lost to the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I discuss how the earthquake risk is exploited by 'disaster capitalism', in order to convert Istanbul to a massive construction site. The shock of the 1999 Marmara Earthquake has been effectively used by the neoliberal market and government as 'a shock therapy' to implement a construction‐led development model for Turkey and to favour the construction sector by introducing new incentives, exceptional rights and interventions, which otherwise might be challenged. The current Turkish government justify the ongoing massive urban transformation and new mass housing projects as an improvement of the housing stock to make residential buildings stronger and more resilient to earthquakes. However, areas actually under earthquake risk do not match the areas that are officially declared under disaster risk by the government. The Disaster Law #6306 that granted the government the absolute right to expropriate land based on the justification of 'protecting residents against earthquakes and other natural disasters' was applied in a selective way to seize valuable land in Istanbul. In the paper I explore how the disaster was quickly converted to an opportunity for economic growth. To do that I introduce stories of three different neighbourhoods in Istanbul, namely Moda, Tozkoparan and Fikirtepe, each of which experience the ongoing massive urban transformation differently based on the land value of the neighbourhoods, class position of the residents, and residents' capacity to organise in order to protect their rights. I describe, how disaster capitalism is lived and experienced differently in these three neighbourhoods. Although the massive construction projects are indifferent to life's sustainability, those projects are justified as interventions in terms of public health and safety through making housing resilient to earthquakes. I critically discuss how in each case biopolitics presents disaster capitalism's massive urban transformation projects as a manifestation of liveliness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the ratification of the National Food Security Act (NFSA) in 2013, the Indian state digitized its food rationing infrastructure, replacing paper‐based ration cards with digital rationing documents and other technologies of authentication. The shift from analog to digital documentary practices has rematerialized documents and devices to enable closer monitoring of the exchange of food entitlements in ration shops. Making biopolitics digital has enabled the state to exert greater control over rationing practices by rendering them more transparent. However, the state's obsession with preventing practices of corruption has hindered, rather than facilitated, access to entitlements for some rightful beneficiaries of the NFSA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tiger conservation in India has been driven for the most part by a philosophy that prioritizes the need for inviolate tiger reserves free of human beings. Such reserves, it is argued, provide much needed territory to 'care' for the tiger. In this paper, we examine the biopolitics of tiger conservation in India and argue that the current approach to tiger conservation amplifies the nature‐culture divide and ignores other imaginations of tiger conservation that are more cognizant of human—non‐human entanglements in protected area landscapes. The paper argues that tiger conservation has been a mix of sovereign, disciplinary and neoliberal environmentalities, all built on a certain 'truth' about tigers. The paper raises questions and concerns about the 'truth' discourse that underlies tiger conservation and also argues that tiger conservation has marginalized the environmentalism of the poor. It makes the case for more debate and discussion about tiger truths and suggests the need for a more than human approach to tiger conservation that recognizes the adverse consequences of fortress conservation as well as its limits in caring for the tiger in more than human geographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes a critical look at the role of chronobiology in society today, with particular reference to its entanglements with health and medicine and whether or not this amounts to the (bio)medicalisation of our bodily rhythms. What we have here, we show, is a complex unfolding storyline, within and beyond medicine. On the one hand, the promises and problems of these circadian, infradian and ultradian rhythms for our health and well‐being are now increasingly emphasised. On the other hand, a variety of new rhythmic interventions and forms of governance are now emerging within and beyond medicine, from chronotherapies and chronopharmacology to biocompatible school and work schedules, and from chronodiets to the optimisation of all we do according to our 'chronotypes'. Conceptualising these developments, we suggest challenges us to think within and beyond medicalisation to wider processes of biomedicalisation and the biopolitics of our body clocks: a vital new strand of chronopolitics today indeed which implicates us all in sickness and in health as the very embodiment of these rhythms of life itself. The paper concludes with a call for further research on these complex unfolding relations between chronobiology, health and society in these desynchronised times of ours. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the status and formation of edibility as a new site of food biopolitics. It builds directly on recent debates in geography that have examined the biopolitical mechanisms by which consumers are responsibilised to become "good" eaters. To date, these literatures have largely focused on already‐familiar food products. In contrast, this paper examines the biopolitics of novel foods – specifically, a range of new alternative proteins (APs), including cellular agriculture, edible insects and plant‐based proteins. Through their use of (bio)technology, APs claim to overcome the environmental and ethical crises that increasingly define the current livestock industry, and indeed our current epoch, now commonly referred to as the Anthropocene. They consequently offer individuals the choice of consuming their way to a more stable and ethical post‐Anthropocene. Critical to consumer adoption, however, is public acceptance of APs as "food." Given that their raw materials and production methods are unfamiliar to many consumers' food practices, there is much work to be done by AP developers to convince people that their products are indeed edible. It is in this process of edibility formation that I identify new biopolitical potentialities – what I refer to as the biopolitics of edibility. Drawing on recent critical geography literatures that have examined how "things become food" (Roe,), the paper identifies two distinct yet co‐productive ways in which AP developers are conducting this transition from inedible to edible: first, through material interventions on the molecular, physical and visceral characteristics of APs; and second, through discursive interventions that work to normalise APs through textual and visual language. It concludes by reflecting on the biopolitical implications of these processes and how the edibility formation of APs is both entangled and implicit in current politics around "good" eating and the individualised project of realising the post‐Anthropocene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic implications of biopolitics – or the administration, regulation, and control of life – have received significant attention in recent geographical and cognate scholarship. An emerging theme of inquiry, largely focused on the Global North, makes contributions to specifying 'lively capital', defined here as bodily value in motion – predicated on accumulation from other‐than‐human life. In this paper, we argue that the biopolitical process of bringing life into the ambit of capital works in cultural, political, and economic registers and not just through singular logics of the economic, as extant accounts have implied. The rendition of life into capital through modes of biopower is not a universal process. It has diverging trajectories that, in postcolonial contexts, involve hybrids between biopolitical and vernacular practices. This argument is made through an account of bovine biopolitics in urban Delhi with specific reference to the city's 'cattle problem' involving 'surplus' animals. It unfolds in four distinct parts. First, drawing on archival work, we trace colonial histories of cattle improvement to reveal how the category of 'surplus' was invented. Second, we deploy more‐than‐human ethnographies of free‐ranging animals in Delhi to foreground how 'surplus' cattle – which we conceptualise as 'living waste' – are driven to feed on waste as a result of gentrification and the enclosure of erstwhile grazing grounds. Third, we turn to gaushalas (cow shelters) in Delhi to show how 'surplus' cattle from the city's streets are rehomed and managed. Fourth, we examine the uneven practices of care afforded to different bovines based on logics associated with right‐wing Hindutva nationalism. Our account provincialises lively capital by opening up more nuanced and situated understandings of the relations between biopolitics and capitalism, attentive to divergences from models situated in Western modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social categorisation is situated at the core of any modern attempt to govern or intervene in the social world. This paper investigates the construction of the concept of household in Ghana's official social statistics and its implications when implemented in the internationally co‐organised cash transfer programme, the Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) programme. The study is based on various literature, conceptual analysis and interviews with key stakeholders, including the LEAP programme authorities and focal persons in a local community. The findings indicate discrepancies between the category of household and the cultural setting it is meant to represent in the Ghanaian context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Islamic government of Iran recently passed and announced a new law titled "Rejuvenation of the Population and Protection of the Family." This legislation is a noteworthy example of biopolitics-influenced biolaw. In terms of abortion, contraception, prenatal screening, and population control, this law clearly contrasts with women's fundamental rights and freedoms and has significant health-related consequences for different sectors of the population. A historical review of the population policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran shows the occurrence of multiple abrupt and radical changes in such policies over the past four decades. This new law, promoted by religious biopolitics, is the most recent example, and places stringent limits on abortion. According to it, all decisions concerning abortion must be made in courts rather than in health clinics. Such courts are typically presided over by male religious scholars. This law also limits prenatal screening to the degree that will increase the rate of genetic defects, especially in the population's lower socioeconomic strata. By strictly limiting access to contraception, this law will increase the rate of unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases. This paper argues that such an influence of biopolitics on biolaw contrasts with the principles of bioethics. Still, Iran's current institution of bioethics cannot address it effectively. Therefore, a new model of interaction between bioethics, biopolitics, and biolaw is needed to prevent the detrimental consequences of such pieces of legislation. Such a paradigm shift is demanded by the current "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement of the Iranian people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Antipode is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When countries closed their borders to curb the spread of COVID‐19 in spring 2020, seasonal migrant workers in agriculture were either unable to travel or faced unsafe conditions when performing "essential" field work. Some countries, like Germany, subsequently implemented policies to let them travel to work, and simultaneously, called on their residents to temporarily help farmers harvest crops. This paper explores the case of these temporary pandemic workers on Bavarian hops farms. Based on ethnographic research and interviews, this paper discusses the complex relationships between temporary pandemic workers, farmers, and the mostly absent seasonal workers in the exceptional moment of a global pandemic. We argue that in the state of exception of the Corona pandemic in Germany, biopolitical sorting highlighted migrant workers' indispensability and disposability in a peculiar way: their short‐term replaceability through recruited temporary pandemic workers formed a self‐ascribed "parallel universe" or "Coronal bubble". Through new encounters (with farmers) and hands‐on experiences in agricultural fields, the parallel universe often also meant uncomfortable insights into an unjust agricultural system. For those widely unexposed to agriculture, the state of exception revealed both the general and temporary biopolitics of seasonal migrant workers in agriculture and the key role they play for German agriculture as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

California's state constitution prohibits the 'wasteful' use of water; however, waste is subjective and context dependent. This paper considers political, biopolitical, and material dimensions of waste, focusing on the role of legal processes and institutions. The paper examines a case involving legal accusations of 'waste and unreasonable use' of water by the Imperial Irrigation District in Imperial County, California. The determination that water was being 'wasted' justified the transfer of water from agricultural to urban areas. However, defining these flows of water as a waste neglected water's complexity and relationality, and the enclosure of a 'paracommons' threatens to bring about negative environmental and public health consequences. The paper shows that the project of discursively labeling certain material resource flows as waste and re-allocating these resources to correct this moral and economic failure relies upon legal processes, and carries political and biopolitical implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When a pregnancy ends in England and Wales, statutory time away from paid employment is limited to circumstances where there is a live birth or stillbirth. Forms of leave, such as Maternity Leave or Paternity Leave, depend on parental status derived from the civil registration of a new person or a post‐viability stillbirth. Other early pregnancy endings, such as miscarriage or abortion, do not provide specific time off work after pregnancy. This paper uses the concept of reproductive governance to analyze current and shifting biopolitical truth discourses, strategies of intervention, and modes of subjectification around post‐pregnancy leaves. It shows how different inclusions and exclusions are generated by the classificatory boundaries which act as political technologies in this field. Contributing to an area that is under‐researched in the literature, we provide a review of post‐pregnancy statutory employment leave entitlements in this context. We then consider proposals for change presented in the United Kingdom political system in relation to more inclusive leave benefits offered by some employers and different pregnancy ending leaves offered in other jurisdictions. We argue that current arrangements and proposals do not adequately reflect the complexity and diversity of pregnancy endings. We conclude with a call to policymakers in all contexts to carefully assess the consequences of new ideas around leaves for pregnancy endings and to formulate inclusive and fair proposals for change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent geographical scholarship has drawn attention to the ways in which the practice of public health constructs particular bodies and populations as "risky." From a biopolitical perspective, this status of being "at risk" offers the basis for an emergent biosociality, groups brought together by a shared vulnerability to disease, which then forms the basis for both state‐led public health interventions and community‐driven advocacy and support. Critics, however, suggest a focus on biosociality can act to obscure other dimensions of individual and community identity, dimensions that can play a key role in determining both health status and the success of healthcare interventions. This paper draws together insights from geography, anthropology, and sociology with empirical evidence from focus groups collected as part of an evaluation of a breast cancer awareness DVD distributed in the London borough of Hackney. We explore the extent to which the DVD, by defining a specific group (black women aged 25–50) as being at increased risk of developing more severe forms of breast cancer at a younger age, led to the formation of a biosocial community. Themes emerging from the analysis of focus group transcripts present a complex picture. At times our participants clearly aligned themselves with this biosocial collective, drawing on a shared Black political identity, assumptions of a common African genetic heritage, experiences of diaspora, and perceived similarities in lifestyles and bodily norms. At other times, however, this shared sense of belonging fragmented in light of perceived differences in culture, lifestyle, and community which nuanced both participants' sense of being "at risk" and how they might (or might not) seek to manage that risk. Our findings suggest that biosociality is a fragile and heterogeneous accomplishment, with implications for the way we practise medical and social science research, design community‐targeted public health interventions and conceptualise risk. This paper draws together insights from geography, anthropology and sociology with empirical evidence from focus groups collected as part of an evaluation of a breast cancer awareness DVD distributed in the London borough of Hackney. We explore the extent to which the DVD, by defining a specific group (black women aged 25–50) as being at increased risk of developing more severe forms of breast cancer at a younger age, led to the formation of a biosocial community. Themes emerging from the analysis of focus group transcripts show how at times our participants clearly aligned themselves with this biosocial collective, but at other times this shared sense of belonging fragmented in light of perceived differences in culture, lifestyle, and community which nuanced both participants' sense of being "at risk" and how they might (or might not) seek to manage that risk. Our findings suggest that biosociality is a fragile and heterogeneous accomplishment, with implications for the way we practise medical and social science research, design community‐targeted public health interventions, and conceptualise risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we argue that English drought management rests on two imaginaries of hydrocitizenship: an economic/instrumental imaginary that frames people primarily as "customers," and an imaginary that focuses more on the affectively charged, personal engagements between individuals and "hydrosocial" spaces. These imaginaries, we contend, roughly correspond with the two modalities of a form of governance referred to by Michel Foucault as biopower: biopolitics and discipline. Drawing on fieldwork conducted as part of a large interdisciplinary research project on drought in the UK, we sketch the contours of English drought management, exploring in particular the "macro‐scale" elements of drought management (the biopolitical modality), premised on computer simulation modelling, and the elements of drought management that focus on the level of individual people (the disciplinary modality), premised in part on the work of local environmental organisations. The difference between the two notions of hydrocitizenship informing these two modalities of management, we conclude, produces tensions that potentially undermine water governance as it is currently organised in the UK. Ultimately, our goal in the paper is not solely to expose or critique existing governance efforts or the power relations therein, but rather to examine the interplay of governmentalities that constitute drought management in order to illuminate and expand the potential for "being governed differently." In this paper we argue that English drought management rests on two imaginaries of hydrocitizenship, which correspond with the two modalities of a form of governance referred to by Michel Foucault as biopower: biopolitics and discipline. Drawing on fieldwork conducted as part of a large interdisciplinary research project on drought in the UK, we explore the "macro‐scale" elements of drought management (the biopolitical modality), premised on computer simulation modelling, and the elements of drought management that focus on the level of individual people (the disciplinary modality), premised in part on the work of local environmental organisations. The difference between the two notions of hydrocitizenship informing these two modalities of management, we conclude, produces tensions that potentially undermine water governance as it is currently organised in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 19th and early 20th centuries, despite the cultural ideal of private and public as separate spheres and a lack of formal voting rights, many middle-class women engaged in philanthropic and social work outside the home. Taking as its focus a group of middle-class women in Bolton, Lancashire, this paper conducts a prosopography, or group biography, in order to shed light on female citizenship and make a historical contribution to literature on citizenship beyond voting rights. The paper uses archive traces to reconstruct the experience of the female philanthropist and understand her motivations. The focus of the paper is a new theoretical approach to women's citizenship in the early 20th century. Using Michel Foucault's concept of biopolitics, or life politics, the paper reconceptualises women's social work as a form of biopolitical patriotism that was the basis of a scalar claim to citizenship. This historical evidence from Bolton reveals that biopolitical action was not solely the preserve of the state. Women claimed fitness for citizenship and the vote by nation-building, carrying out work that shaped children into the citizens of the future and safeguarded the moral and physical health of the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During China's one‐child policy era (1979–2015), birth tourism in Hong Kong (HK) became a way for Chinese parents who wanted more children to avoid the regulations. From 2003 to 2012, about 200,000 babies were born in HK to mainland Chinese parents. This paper explores how the one‐child policy, migration regulations, and welfare provision jointly influence family practices of mainland parents who gave birth in HK. Data are drawn from ethnographic research conducted with 45 mothers staying in HK on temporary visas to look after their HK‐born children. Research findings show these parents need to negotiate with the following contradictory circumstances: a one‐child policy that disregarded cultural preference for sons; migration regimes that separated parent from child and thus challenged the cultural ideal of an intact family; and welfare policies that stigmatized the parents as irresponsible in a context where families are widely regarded as care providers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agamben's work on bare life, sovereignty and spaces of exception is widely drawn upon by those seeking to understand the topologies of abandonment within contemporary society. While the majority of work has focused on the spectacular forms of violence and extraordinary spaces of exception, neoliberal ideology has been germinating a new version of biopolitics and as such creating new sacred populations, new camps and new sovereign powers. This paper brings Agamben out from the battlefield, to employ his thinking as a means to understand the systemic violence conducted through a biopolitical regime increasingly governed by the logic of profit accumulation. Focusing on vector-borne diseases, the paper demonstrates a perpetual devaluation of lives within a prevailing economic system that searches out, and targets, 'profitable' populations, as exemplified by the current pharmaceutical industry and supporting apparatus that pursues the protection of profits over the preservation of lives. This abandonment within economic markets has spilled over into the arena of global health where equity is increasingly superseded by a goal of efficiency. Through a critique of the disability-adjusted life year ( DALY) measurement (a calculation drawn upon to justify interventions, and frequently invoked under the rubric of 'cost-effectiveness'), this paper argues that DALYs are symptomatic of a wider shift within global health governance and constitutive of a new biopolitical regime - where the body is incorporated within political and economic systems - by judging an individual's 'worth' through their economic productivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Antipode is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper I document links between the racialised biopolitics that characterised the US government interventions in the US South in the early 20th century, and the USA's and the UK's late colonial and early development strategies in Africa. I do so by interrogating why Thomas Campbell, the United States Department of Agriculture's (USDA) head of African‐American agricultural extension, was chosen by US philanthropic elites and approved by the UK's Colonial Office to co‐direct a 1944–1945 survey of educational facilities in Africa. I show that it was Campbell's experiences and expertise with “improving” rural life through strategies of self‐help and character‐ and community‐building – key markers of a liberal way of development – that made his presence on the survey seem essential to both the USA and UK elites. By so doing, this paper documents the importance of the USDA's biopolitical interventions in the US South for understanding the historical geography of late colonialism and liberal forms of development, thus contributing to critical geographies of development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While bioethicist Arthur Caplan claims that "The Nazi analogy is equivalent to dropping a nuclear bomb in ethical battles about science and medicine", we claim that such total exclusion of this analogy is equally problematic. Our analysis builds on Roberto Esposito's conceptualization of immunitas and communitas as key elements of biopolitics. Within public health theories and practices there is an inherent tension between exclusion (immunitas) and inclusion (communitas) forces. Taking the immunitas logic to the extreme, as National Socialist medicine did in the name of securing the German race, is a constant danger that needs to be taken seriously into consideration when discussing public health policies. The tension between the silencing of the Holocaust in bioethical debates on one side, and the persistent use of National Socialist medicine metaphors, on the other hand, is the focus of this paper. By delving into the meanings and the implications of this two‐edged discourse, we argue that comparing post‐war bioethics with pre‐war medical practices from a biopolitical perspective has the potential to depict a more nuanced account of continuities and discontinuities in bioethics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID‐19 is highlighting and exposing how public health and geopolitics intersect across spaces, scales, and settings. Existing literature focuses on the geopolitical determinants of health such as the allocation of foreign health‐related assistance in postcolonial spaces and the relationship between population health and the health impacts of exploiting resources for economic benefit. How populist nationalism shapes public reactions to disease has also been documented. There is a popular geopolitical dimension to how COVID‐19 is portrayed—with expertise questioned, conspiracies circulated, lockdowns contested, and mask‐wearing ridiculed. Calls to keep "foreign" pathogens and viruses out of national territory carry with them possibilities for exceptional measures, xenophobic politics, and heightened surveillance on the border and beyond. The place of the World Health Organization (WHO) within global health security remains complicated by the intersection of public health and geopolitical contexts. By using three themes, within and beyond the WHO, we explore how COVID‐19 has been productive of three geopolitical narratives: public health as emblematic of great power rivalries, the bordering of the virus, and the (surgical) facemask as power projection. Our paper concludes with an assessment of how important it is to track and trace the relationship between health and geopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Set within a discourse of biosecurity and biopolitics, and noting the rise of neoliberal approaches in food safety governance processes, this paper examines the landscape of Irish food risk governance 10 years on from the formation of the Food Safety Authority of Ireland (FSAI). Utilising a theoretical lens predicated on the interplay between neoliberal and biosecurity ideals and empirical data from qualitative research conducted with food industry stakeholders, the role, motivations, impact and performance of this institution of security are interrogated and assessed. Adding an institutional dimension to broader environmental security debates, this focus on the FSAI also allows the exploration of a complex geography of power and constraints through a discussion of the Authority's scalar relations to other actors in the food risk arena. Expanding existing FSA literature from a focus on establishment to a qualitative evaluation of FSA operating logics, performance and impact, the FSAI appears to represent an institution that is neither wholly neoliberal in its approach nor solely preoccupied with biosecurity concerns. Instead, findings suggest an institution that operates at the interface of these ideals, demonstrating (and fluctuating between) characteristics of both security logics. The paper concludes outlining the need for further comparative research regarding the conditions under which different security logics are employed in (and impact on) food safety securitisation regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Body Mass Index (BMI) is the dominant means of defining and diagnosing obesity in national and international public health policy. This paper draws on geographical engagements with Foucault's work on biopower and governmentality to question the power afforded the BMI in obesity policy. With reference to a UK public health intervention involving the measurement of children's bodies within schools, the paper questions the multiple materialities and spatialities of the BMI with reference to both its role in the construction of geographies of obesity and its (in)ability to capture the fleshy, material, and experiential bodies of those individuals involved in the process of measurement. The paper contributes to poststructuralist health geographies through writing fleshy, active bodies into a Foucauldian reading of health and illness, thus questioning the justifications and implications of an obesity politics focussed on the BMI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how lives have been valued (or not) in the US federal compensation programs set up in the wake of 9/11. The Victim Compensation Fund (VCF), implemented within days of the attacks, provided unlimited funds to the victims. In contrast, many first responders who developed illnesses later have had access to limited support. Only in 2011 was the Zadroga Act signed into place, which extends compensation to these workers and others. This paper compares and contrasts the two programs to make two points. One, the debates around compensation lay bare the differential values that are ascribed to life, and how biopower not only fosters life but abandons some to the point of death. Two, despite the controversies around extending compensation, the Zadroga Act was eventually enacted. Our second point is thus that war is not just destructive, but can be used to reconstitute the social and political in unanticipated ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peak oil has acquired prominence in the political lexicon of an increasing number of critical and radical perspectives during the ongoing ecological and economic crisis. By examining examples within academia as well as initiatives such as the Degrowth Movement and the Transition Network, this paper documents how a series of red-green discourses and movements mobilise the narrative of peak oil as an alarm bell that signals the inevitability of the present ecological crises and of the coming collapse of the fossil-fuel economy. The paper, developing an analysis on two levels, argues that the 'red-green' mobilisation of peak oil is problematic. First, a close reading of red-green discourses shows how the weaknesses of the narrative highlighted in the literature (such as a naturalising and de-politicising understanding of the materiality and finitude of oil) are reproduced by the red-greens. Second, building on discourse and political theory, the paper highlights that red-green interpellations of peak oil fail to transcend hegemonic discursive structurations in the field of environmental and energy security, where geopolitical apocalyptic imaginaries and biopolitical forms of securitisation are linked in reproducing post-politicisation processes. Hence, the paper insists that the invocation of peak oil forecloses the possibilities for radical alternatives to the present socio-ecological regime of accumulation and circulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientific research on the microbiome offers an ecological model of the human, comprised of myriad forms of microbial life. The composition and dynamics of this human microbiome are increasingly implicated in discussions of health. Attention has focused on missing microbes and their links to a range of inflammatory and autoimmune diseases. Pathological dysbiosis is understood to result from both the excessive presence and the absence of microbes. Microbial declines have been indexed to modern hygiene and healthcare practices and there is a growing interest in the therapeutic use of beneficial microbes. This reappraisal of the salutary potential of microbes challenges the negative associations prevalent in health geography and the field of global health. This paper develops relational and multispecies approaches to health geography to examine situations of microbial excess, absence and controlled reintroduction. The analysis focuses on human relations with hookworms. Hookworms are animal members of the microbiome. They co-evolved with humans, live in us and are understood to manage the human microbiome to enable immunological tolerance. Both the excessive presence and the absence of hookworms can be pathological. They are currently the subjects of concurrent, but spatially discrete, programmes to deworm and reworm a variegated world. Focusing on this seeming spatial paradox, the analysis examines three types of human-hookworm relation: the parasite, the ghost and the mutualist. The conclusion reflects on the implications of this analysis for the human and nonhuman subjects of global health and the microbiopolitics of prevalent forms of antibiotic and probiotic healthcare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates the multiple spatialities bound up with the consumption of units as the dominant means of diagnosing 'health-related' alcohol problems and measuring 'drunkenness' in international alcohol policy and research. In order to question the power afforded to units, we work at the intersection of theoretical debates concerning biopower and governmentality; emotional, embodied and affective geographies and actor network theory. Presenting empirical research from the UK we contribute to geographical agendas that seek to consider the ontological and epistemological understandings of alcohol, drinking and drunkenness. The paper concludes by calling for dialogue between social, health and medical scientists in order to develop more pertinent ways of understanding and representing the risks and benefits of alcohol consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussions of animal rights tend to naturalize rights discourse, while discussions of animal philosophy tend to naturalize self/other relationships. This paper argues that neither provide an adequate critique of the system of capitalism that shapes both. As ever-larger portions of the globe are subject to intensified capitalist exploitation and industrialization, labor becomes increasingly superfluous to the processes of production, leaving millions of human beings to live like animals outside of the space of production even as billions of animals are increasingly granted some measure of rights due to their place within production. Both the desire to define our relationship to other animals in the discourse of animal rights and the tendency to naturalize exploitation, sacrifice and sovereignty in poststructural philosophy are two sides of the same capitalist coin. Finally, this paper suggests that addressing the problems of dehumanization and the waste of human lives might require forming new ideas and new practices regarding our relationships with other animals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The terms biopower and biopolitics have been deployed in widely varying ways in recent critical political analyses. This essay seeks to rescue from the welter of its deployments a general understanding of biopower potentially useful to left political projects. First, recent iterations of the concept of biopower are surveyed. In the main body of the paper, a series of interventions in recent critical debates are used to trace out a critical re-mapping of the concept of 'life' that names the ends of biopower. Biopolitically relevant life is reconsidered in terms of its proper geographical scope, its gender, racial and ethnic specificities, its distinguishing vital qualities, and its relation to temporality (particularly the future). Through this exercise the notion of biopower is redefined so as to provide potential 'docking points' for Marxist, feminist and green discourses, and conceptual resources for left struggles against global injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impact of the concepts of identity and difference on demented persons (especially on persons with Alzheimer's disease). The diagnosis of dementia is often synonymous with the assertion that demented individuals are no longer capable of making reasonable decisions. But rationality is an important aspect of characterizing a person's identity. Hence, this prevailing image of dementia as a loss of self and a change of identity leads to the situation that demented persons represent difference and otherness. Here, the brain and the mind act as the source for difference. The paper discusses several identity concepts with regard to demented persons and the relationship between identity and difference in dementia. This analysis is accompanied by an examination of the current biopolitics of dementia and ageing as biopolitics constitutes the socio-political-medical understanding of dementia. Challenges and possibilities for dementia care will be explored in the context of this complex relationship between theoretical concepts and political, medical, and health-care practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a theoretical frame for analysing social movements in/and biomedicine. Drawing from work in social movement theory and science and technology studies, the paper describes the field of biotechnology as the material/imagined space of contemporary biopolitics in the contemporary United States. Interviews with activists from four social movements, websites and written material are examined, and two processes of knowledge construction were found to be central in constituting the field of biotechnology. These processes open up multiple sites for citizen participation in the construction of scientific knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent work in environmental politics has sought to expand the domain of 'the geopolitical' to include geologic transformation, bringing the human alteration of terrestrial, oceanic, and atmospheric forms into the political sphere. In line with this 'geologic turn', this paper examines China's recent land reclamation efforts in the South China Sea as a starting point for a broader conversation on the politics of geophysical change. With recent discussion of geoengineering to avert the consequences of climate change, we reaffirm calls to address questions of participation, equity and accountability in geoengineering, but also to challenge assumptions of what is being modified, by whom, and for whom. To that end, we argue that human modification of the geophysical environment is an expression not only of a geologic politics (of territory and resources), but of a biopolitics that seeks to reclaim and perfect populations: a politics of making life and letting die. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on a range of works that extend from gendered historical analyses of colonialism to critical histories of development, and based on archival research in Alabama, Arkansas, and Mississippi, I argue in this paper that what we now call international development-a form of hegemony different from but related to colonialism-needs to be understood not only as a geopolitical tool of the Cold War, but also as a technique of governance that took shape within the realm of the domestic and through a racialized gaze. I do so by tracing some of the key elements of the US international development practices in the postwar era to a different time and place: the American South, a region considered 'undeveloped' in the first decades of the twentieth century, and the agricultural extension practices that targeted the rural farm home and farm women, particularly African-American women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper unpacks a politics of life at the heart of community-based disaster management to advance a new understanding of resilience politics. Through an institutional ethnography of participatory resilience programming in Kingston, Jamaica, I explore how staff in Jamaica's national disaster management agency engaged with a qualitatively distinct form of collective life in Kingston's garrison districts. Garrison life has been shaped by the confluence of political economic, cultural, geopolitical force relations, which creates a hyper-adaptive life that exceeds the techniques and rationalities of neoliberal disaster resilience. I draw on autonomist Marxist and Deleuzian readings of biopolitics to identify a new subject of disaster politics that I call, after Deleuze and Guattari, 'adaptation machines', decentralized apparatuses of capture that are parasitically reliant on the population's immanent adaptive capacities. The concept of adaptation machines enables us to envision resilience politics as a struggle over how to appropriate vulnerable peoples' world-forming constituent power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents an alternative to scholarship on the distributional politics of finance that emphasizes citizenship-based claims to new financial rights. To compensate for the dominance of exclusion-based etiologies of financial marginality in financial geography, I reframe financial exclusion as a problem of financial government-that is, as a problem of conducting the conduct of risky populations without threatening the security and autonomy of financial markets. Drawing on Foucault's distinction between technologies of discipline and security, I describe how barriers to the extension of financial government create tiered processes of financial subject formation. The inchoate 'subprime' financial subject produced is the correlate of a specialized financial governmentality-a homo subprimicus eminently governable by financial means. I close by calling for greater attention to questions regarding the relationship between technologies for valorizing bare life, new systems of financially mediated value extraction, and emerging capitalist class processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While concepts of 'enclosure' and the 'commons' are becoming increasingly popular in critical geography, there have been few attempts to think them together. This paper sets out a dialectic of enclosure-commons as a means for thinking through contemporary processes of exclusion, violence and alterity. We examine what is at stake through a geographical reading of enclosure, that is, the processes through which neoliberalism works through-and summons into existence-certain forms of spatiality and subjectivity. In doing so we confront the spatialities of enclosure's 'other': strategies and practices of commoning which assemble more inclusive, just and sustainable spaces. We examine the materiality of enclosure across a range of sites, from processes of walling to a more substantial assessment of the diverse assemblage of materials and subjectivities drawn into modalities of enclosure. We go on to explore the inscription of enclosure on the human body through an examination of, first, law, and second, biopolitics. In conclusion, we explore the implications of this argument for critical geographical scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the biopolitical logics of current US counterinsurgency doctrine in the context of the multiple forms of biopower that make up the 'war on terror'. It argues that counterinsurgency doctrine aims to prevent spectral networked insurgencies by intervening on the 'environment' of insurgent formation-the relations between three different enactments of 'population' (species being, logistical life and ways of life) and a fourth-affectively imbued perception. Counterinsurgency is best characterised, then, as an 'environmentality' (Foucault M 2008 The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the Collége De France, 1978-1979. Translated by G Burchell. London: Palgrave Macmillan) that redeploys elements from other forms of biopolitics alongside an emphasis on network topologies, future-orientated action and affective perception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on the author's experiences teaching an undergraduate lecture course on the politics of obesity. The course involved a critical examination of the construction and representation of the so-called epidemic of obesity and the major causal explanations for the rise in obesity. Students were unusually discomfited by the course and invoked pedagogical concerns and instructor embodiments in expressing their reactions. Student responses demonstrate how obesity talk reflects and reinforces neoliberal rationalities of self-governance, particularly those that couple bodily control and deservingness and see fatness as weakening the health of the body politic. The course also animated many students to scrutinize more deeply their own diet and exercise practices. I argue that the intensity of reaction stems from the productive power of the discourse of obesity and considerable investment students had in their bodies as neoliberal subjects. Besides classroom observations, the data in this paper are taken from student journals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New genetic technologies promise to generate valuable insights into the aetiology of several psychiatric conditions, as well as a wider range of human and animal behaviours. Advances in the neurosciences and the application of new brain imaging techniques offer a way of integrating DNA analysis with studies that are looking at other biological markers of behaviour. While candidate ‘genes for’ certain conditions, including schizophrenia and bipolar disorders, are said to be ‘un-discovered’ at a faster rate than they are discovered, many studies are being conducted on personality traits such as aggressiveness and anti-social traits. The clinical applicability and implications of these studies are often discussed within the scientific community. However, little attention has so far been paid to their possible policy implications in relation to criminality management and to Criminal Law itself. Similarly, the related ethical issues arising in the field of crime control, and the tensions between enhancing security for society and protecting civil liberties, are currently under-explored. This paper investigates these ethical issues by focusing on the views of those professionals – including judges, lawyers, probation officers and social workers – who work with individuals ‘deemed at risk’ of violent and aggressive behaviours. It also discusses and problematizes mainstream rhetoric and arguments around the notion of ‘risky individuals’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how everyday encounters with kidney disease treatment in Sri Lanka's dry zone generate distinct space‐times of liminality. Building on work that explores the alternative coordinates of biopolitical intervention, I argue that health improvement schemes in the dry zone yield complex materialisations of "living death" in conditions of austerity, poverty, and aridity. Specifically, I illustrate how intervention reconfigures body‐ecologies, dismantles infrastructures of liveability, and re‐works relations between life and time in order to stabilise liminal forms of existence. Drawing on 15 months of ethnographic data, I describe two space‐times of liminality that emerge through experiences of treatment: the "zombie" and "life in the bubble". As part of my analysis, I document how these bodily states are ambiguously configured by experiences of care. Across these encounters, I illustrate how patients toggle back and forth between states of debility and capacity in ways that blur boundaries between life/death and bodies/environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Urban & Regional Research is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dominant and insurgent socio‐climatic imaginaries struggle for influence over how the future is envisioned. Africanfuturist imaginaries have huge potential to unsettle racialised and gendered climate narratives. In this article I use Nnedi Okorafor's novel Who Fears Death in order to challenge mainstream climate imaginaries and to imagine new forms of being and becoming in the context of climate change. Drawing on Achille Mbembe's concepts of biopolitics and necropolitics, as well as black feminist traditions of imagining new genres of the human, I argue that Okorafor's "wild necropolitics" illuminates how the forces of "wild nature" have become central features of the deployment of the means of destroying life, especially in the context of climate change. By examining the motifs of change, violence, wilderness and narration, I argue that reading and writing different stories about alternative climate futures is essential to the process of finding new ways of being and becoming human. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2014, the government of India mandated that India's largest companies devote 2% of their net profits to corporate social responsibility (CSR). Drawing on fieldwork on the CSR activities of Bangalore‐based Titan, a Tata Group company and India's largest watch producer, and Wipro, one of India's largest IT companies, this article contends that government‐mandated biopolitical engagements by Indian corporations forge new iterations of "the social" and are generative of spatially delimited and heterogeneous "corporate socials." Corporate socials can be situated within broader global shifts away from universal forms of social welfare. While these developments may represent the "death of the social," I contend that they are an emergent modality of government‐mandated service provision by private actors in India, one that is giving rise to a patchwork of plural socials, which proponents argue can also serve as engines of corporate‐led resource redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]