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The COVID‐19 pandemic has highlighted the importance of childcare to national economies in general and women's economic participation in particular, spurring renewed interest in childcare policy in many countries that have implemented lockdowns. This paper adopts a circle of care framework to analyzes how COVID‐19 has affected paid childcare, unpaid childcare and other paid work, and the relationship between these sectors. Analysis is grounded in the lived experiences of parents and childcare educators, documented through 16 semi‐structured interviews during the initial lockdown (March–June 2020) in British Columbia, Canada. Experiences from educators suggest their safety was not prioritized, and that their contributions were undervalued and went unrecognized. Mothers, who provided the majority of unpaid care, not only lost income due to care demands, but struggled to access necessities, with some reporting increased personal insecurity. Those attempting to work from home also experienced feelings of guilt and distress as they tried to manage the triple burden. Similarities of experiences across the circle of care suggest the COVID‐19 childcare policy response in BC Canada downloaded care responsibilities on to women without corresponding recognition or support, causing women to absorb the costs of care work, with potential long‐term negative effects on women's careers and well‐being, as well as on the resilience of the circle of care. Pandemic recovery and preparedness policies that aim to promote gender equality must consider all sectors of the circle of care and the relationships between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Gender, Work & Organization is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2020, we were introduced to a new reality. Nobody could have predicted the scale of the global Covid-19 pandemic, with all the changes it entailed and the upheavals to not only the way we work, but the way in which we interact with each other. The pandemic has highlighted some key learning points about how to function as a team, not just in an increasingly virtual world, but in an ever-changing work environment. A year on from when the pandemic first hit, let's look at how we can apply these to our future ways of working, focusing on the aspects of the past year that have been good, bad and ugly.

In this new addition to the substantial literature on legal consciousness, Marc Hertogh seeks to chart out an alternative approach to the dominant course set by Ewick and Silbey in their seminal work The Common Place of Law and subsequently in Silbey’s article 'After Legal Consciousness.' Hertogh proposes a 'secular' approach to legal consciousness that contrasts in several important respects from what he refers to as the dominant 'critical' approach. The overall aim of this 'secular approach' is to understand 'why people—because of their strong criticism about the justice system—turn their back to law'(p. 6).

A recent BMJ Editorial (“Getting it right in the pandemic”) has discussed examples of countries that have done better than others in responding to COVID‐19 pandemic and, conversely, those policymakers and health systems that got it wrong. (Loder, 2020) There is little doubt that, when facing a pandemic with a high speed of onset and transmission, “nobody should be surprised that errors were made” (Adebowale et al, 2020) and “what it was done some weeks ago is not what we would do today”.

Physical activity is beneficial for mental health, but people with mental health issues are less likely to be physically active than the general population. Socially prescribed programmes of activity are rarely adhered to, with high levels of drop out, and the proportion of people who continue after programmes have finished is even smaller. Lasting change therefore needs a fundamental change in behaviour, so an intervention grounded in behaviour change theory may be more likely to succeed. The aim of this original study was to understand the facilitators and barriers to participation and adherence to a supportive, personalised, physical activity programme for patients with mental health conditions. The intervention entailed a sixteen-week programme of activity, tailored to individual capability, supported by a dedicated ‘behaviour change’ practitioner trained in motivational interviewing. Fourteen people who had completed the intervention were interviewed in three focus groups in 2018. Data were transcribed verbatim then analysed for barriers and facilitators using Framework Analysis and the Theoretical Domains Framework. Twenty-five overarching themes were identified, which mapped onto eleven domains from the framework. Ten themes were barriers and fifteen facilitators. Barriers included stigma, negative self-beliefs and difficulty trusting others. The facilitators reframed these negative attributes. For example, participants described feeling confident as a function of achieving personalised goals and learning something new. The intervention changed the way participants thought and acted. This original intervention has succeeded where many have failed, as it changed the way these participants with mental health conditions thought about physical activity. By reframing it as personally achievable and physically beneficial, participants’ attitudes and behaviour changed as well, making it more likely they would sustain physical activity in future. These unique findings are likely to translate internationally due to the simplicity of the intervention, and the potential to improve lives of the most vulnerable.

This paper studies a resource allocation problem in which each individual is responsible but in general only partially for his initial endowment. We consider pure-exchange economies with initial endowments but we do not assume the individual rationality axiom, taking the society to consist of citizens who cannot opt out of it. We characterize a class of allocation rules which are parametrized by income redistribution codes. In particular, we characterize a one-parameter family of income redistribution codes, in which one extreme corresponds to the case where everybody is 100% responsible for his initial endowment and the other extreme corresponds to the case where nobody is responsible for his endowment at all.

The parable of the prodigal son is the most popular repentance narrative in early modern drama, yet the authenticity of these prodigals’ repentances is frequently disputed. The truly repentant prodigal and posturing sinner are functionally identical on the early modern stage, and the parable was so renowned that the prodigal’s repentance and forgiveness could not only be predicted, but expected and engineered. This essay compares prodigals’ repentances across Eastward Ho, The London Prodigal, 2 If You Know Not Me You Know Nobody, and the Henry IVs. It argues that these plays exhibit discomfort with the outward display of repentance, the irrelevance of sincerity, and the viability of the parable as a repentance narrative. While some of these repentances have been discussed in isolation, their comparison allows for the examination of ambiguous repentances not as isolated incidents but a discernible trend in early modern culture, born from anxieties regarding the indistinguishability of feigned and ‘true’ performances of inward spiritual change. The authenticity of repentance, it emerges, cannot be determined, but repentance also need not be sincere to be accepted by a plays’ community. The authenticity of repentance proves not only impossible to identify, but ultimately irrelevant to these plays’ social worlds.

In the 21st century, our students increasingly communicate, connect, collaborate, and interact with diverse cultures and traditions around the world, so they need to develop global literacy. This department column highlights research and research-to-practice at the international level to bring global best teaching practices to the forefront. Topics include international literacy instruction, international professional development, global literacy initiatives, global partnership and collaborative projects between schools and educators, best practices in literacy globally, and advocacy.

In a social choice context, we ask whether there exists a rule in which nobody loses under trade liberalization. We consider a resource allocation problem in which the traded commodities vary. We propose an axiom stating that enlarging the set of tradable commodities hurts nobody. We show that if a rule satisfies this axiom, together with an allocative efficiency axiom and an institutional constraint axiom stating that only preferences over tradable commodities matter, gains from trade can be given to only one individual in the first step of liberalization.

At the height of the ‘refugee crisis’ in Europe, right‐wing critics challenged refugees’ rights to asylum. One of the ways they did this was by predicting chaotic, doom‐laden futures. In reality, nobody – neither the communities hosting the refugees, nor the refugees themselves – knew what the post‐crisis future would bring. Anthropologists are in a position to consider that future ethnographically. This article discusses the emerging future expectations of one Afghan family in the German post‐industrial city of Bremerhaven. It attends to the local production of representations of the future during the aftermath of the crisis. The author uses this material to literally look ahead with ethnography and to thereby intervene in the broader context of the politics of expectations. He argues that the earlier we anthropologists can provide detailed accounts of how the future is starting to take shape in our fieldsites, the more efficiently we can stop further fearmongering and the deprivation of human rights. These ‘ethnographic prospects’ may allow us to ask different questions and offer different imaginations of the future.

This Virtual Issue of the International Journal of Eating Disorders (IJED)marks the 51st Annual Convention of the Association for Behavioraland Cognitive Therapies (ABCT), held in San Diego in November 2017.It consists of a set of recent papers published in IJED, providing keyevidence about the current status of cognitive behavior therapy foreating disorders (CBT-ED)We hope that such access will support ABCT members in puttingthe San Diego meeting material into context. We also hope that beingbrought up to date via both the conference and the Virtual Issue willencourage you to develop your own thoughts and experiences intoresearch of your own, and that you will submit your research to IJEDto add to that evidence base. Nobody can pretend that CBT-ED isperfect, despite its strong standing in the field. We need a multitude ofperspectives, new ideas, and a willingness to grow the field, and weknow that ABCT is a perfect organization for advancing our evidencebase for CBT-ED.

Diamonds, daisies, snowflakes - THAT GIRL!Chestnuts, rainbows, springtime... is THAT GIRL!She's tinsel on a tree...She's everything that every girl should be!At times, the theme song for That Girl feels like a random conglomeration of words-albeit, a happy, glittery, random bunch of words.1 And yet, those simple words are apt descriptors of the perky sitcom that aired on ABC from 1966-1971 and made actress Mario Thomas a household name. She was the girl described in the song and the girl that everyone wanted to be, down to her perfect hair, eyelashes, stockings, and broaches. The show revolved around the independent Ann Marie, played deftly by Thomas, who moved to New York City by herself and maintained close ties to her parents. In typical sitcom fashion, the budding actress got herself into awkward, harebrained situations: temporary gigs as a speaking mop or dancing chicken, jamming her big toe in a bowling ball, trapping herself in a fold-up bed, and even working for the mob-in a position where she starts as a coat-checker dressed as a cave girl who finds herself arrested after hiding inside a fake cake.While the show is often saccharine, That Girl deserves serious reconsideration, particularly in light of Mario Thomas' little-acknowledged role as creator and producer. That Girl led the way for The Mary Tyler Moore Show (CBS, 1970-1977), Laveme & Shirley (CBS, 1976-1983), Kate & Allie (CBS, 1984-1989), Murphy Brown (CBS, 1988-1998), among others. Further, following the show, Thomas capitalized on her celebrity, publishing the powerful Free to Be... books and albums, starring in made-for-TV films that addressed timely and necessary topical themes like domestic abuse {Nobody's Child, CBS, 1986) and homophobia {Consenting Adult, ABC, 1985). Outside of her television and film career, Thomas advocated for various important political causes, like the Equal Rights Amendment, and worked with Gloria Steinern and others to found the Ms. Foundation for Women, a nonprofit organization with the goal of helping women and girls throughout the country.Besides Thomas' important career and activism, That Girl needs to be seen as more than just the sweet little sitcom; it should be recognized for its willingness to take chances and start conversations, even within its conventional sitcom premise. The show dealt with the lead characters' sexuality repeatedly and distinctly, and there was increasing pressure for Ann and her boyfriend Donald to get not only engaged but married, which Thomas strongly resisted. It was her producing role that allowed Thomas so much control over the program and helped provide a space for women in television to do more than just appear or even star on a program, which is evident in the success of women like Mary Tyler Moore, Tracey Ullman, Sarah Jessica Parker, Zooey Deschanel, and, perhaps most significantly, Lena Dunham. In comparing the increasingly visible and powerful career of Dunham, the parallels between Thomas and the young ingenue become clear: supportive and artistic parents, commitment to their craft, devotion to their creative process, producing and running their series, supporting charitable causes close to their hearts, and using their visibility and celebrity to champion politics and politicians aligned with their values. When one looks back on Mario Thomas and That Girl, it becomes clear that the show was a pivotal moment in television and women's history, one that marked a meaningful change in the roles women were able to play on television, but perhaps more pointedly, the behind-the-scenes positions that women were able to take.That Girl could never have had happened without the powerhouse that is Mario Thomas. Born Margaret Thomas in Detroit in 1937, she grew up primarily in Beverly Hills. Her father, Danny Thomas (1912-1991), was a traveling comedian and actor, as seen in Make Room For Daddy (which later became The Danny Thomas Show, ABC, 1953-1965). …

Prior research reveals that many police engage in victim blaming, skeptical reactions to adult sexual assault survivors. However, little is known about adolescent survivors’ experiences with police. To address this gap, qualitative interviews were conducted with 20 adolescent rape survivors to understand adolescents’ perceptions of their interactions with the police (specifically the messages the officers conveyed about the assault and the victims themselves). Positive perceptions occurred when the adolescents perceived police behavior as indications of believing their story, validating their decision to report, and refraining from judgment of their behavior. On the other hand, negative perceptions were associated with behaviors that were viewed as indications of skepticism, blame, or judgment. Specific behaviors that were associated with each of these themes are discussed. Interactions with the police influenced survivors’ emotional well-being and their hope for their case's success. Implications for improving interactions between police and adolescent sexual assault victims are discussed.

This essay tells the story of a collaboration between an English education professor in a large urban university and a high school English teacher working in a school whose population consists almost entirely of new immigrants. The English education professor serves as a visiting teaching artist, introducing the students to studies of works of art, and collaborates with their teacher on developing the students' responses to these works and collecting the students' own poetry and collages into an anthology. The experience of discussing works of art and writing poetry had a significant impact on the students' academic performance in other areas, especially in regard to their sense of efficacy and their self-images as students. Most striking was the fact that there were no extrinsic incentives for participation in creating the anthology. Rather than working for grades, promotion, or credit toward graduation, the students were intrinsically motivated to participate in writing these poems, spending considerable amounts of time on many rounds of revisions because the work was valuable to them personally. The students' poems are breathtakingly beautiful and honest in their telling of the stories of their homes prior to coming to the United States and their adjustment to their new lives as Americans and New Yorkers.

Does intellectual property satisfy the requirements of the Lockean proviso, that the appropriator leave “enough and as good” or that he at least not “deprive others”? If an author’s appropriation of a work he has just created is analogous to a drinker “taking a good draught” in the flow of an inexhaustible river, or to someone magically “causing springs of water to flow in the desert,” how could it not satisfy the Lockean proviso? An influential attempt to justify intellectual property contends that nobody can reasonably object to such a regime because it will necessarily satisfy the Lockean proviso. This paper discusses two versions of this argument in the context of copyright law, reconstructed from insights from Justin Hughes, Adam Moore and Robert Nozick. In essence, these two arguments support that intellectual appropriators necessarily satisfy the Lockean proviso because they deprive nobody, just like someone drinking from a river, or somewhat creating magical springs of water in the desert. I argue that despite their intuitive appeals, these arguments either fail or lead to very weak conclusions. This in turn affects the plausibility of other proprietarian justifications for intellectual property which also require that the Lockean proviso be satisfied.

A personal journey and a scientific challenge, this is an autoethnographic study about my own family's secrecy. I knew my grandfather had been a German prisoner of war during World War II. We all knew. But nobody talked about it. Then one day I decided I wanted to do systematic research on the issue of family secrecy around my grandfather's war experiences. Researching one's own family can be called autoethnography. It could be said that autoethnography is an approach to research that aims to describe and systemically analyze (graphy) personal experience (auto) to understand social and cultural phenomena (ethno). This scientific approach is quite new in the field of family therapy. This study has been an important personal quest, but it also led to important reflections on silences in families, on my own professional development, and on methodological issues concerning autoethnographical research. For one thing, it highlights some of the positive aspects of family secrecy and silences, and invites us-when confronted with family secrecy in clinical practice-to carefully consider the potential destructive and life-giving aspects of the silence.

Secondary analysis of a qualitative data set of perceived workplace ill-treatment suggests that human resource and occupational health professionals play too subordinate, belated and haphazard a role, compared to ill-equipped line managers, in the de-escalation and resolution of ill-treatment experienced by disabled and ill employees.

This article develops an analysis of diversity in two ways. We start with a theoretical discussion of the ways in which diversity has been approached within psychology, showing the competing arguments that have been developed that connect diversity, community, and multiculturalism. We show that not only are there psychological consequences to contemporary experiences of increased diversity but also that fundamental psychological capacities—such as self-consciousness, identity, and dialogue—actually stem from the experience of diversity. This has important implications for diversity management policies. The second part of the article gives an empirical illustration of how diversity is experienced in schools across England drawing on 13 interviews with senior staff and 11 focus groups with pupils aged between 12 and 14 years old. We discuss three themes related to experiences of diversity: (1) from difference to diversity, (2) real and imagined mobility across communities, and (3) collaborative practices, projects, and knowledge. What the empirical examples show is that critically engaging with diversity can be a more productive project than practices which construct diversity in terms of distinct groups that need respect and tolerance. Hence we argue approaches that promote engaging with diversity rather than traditional diversity management are more in line with foundational psychological insights as well as empirical research findings.

The present study examined the interactive effects of school norms, peer norms, and accountability on children's intergroup attitudes. Participants (n = 229) aged 5-11 years, in a between-subjects design, were randomly assigned to a peer group with an inclusion or exclusion norm, learned their school either had an inclusion norm or not, and were accountable to either their peer group, teachers, or nobody. Findings indicated, irrespective of age, that an inclusive school norm was less effective when the peer group had an exclusive norm and children were held accountable to their peers or teachers. These findings support social identity development theory (D. Nesdale, 2004, 2007), which expects both the in-group peer and school norm to influence children's intergroup attitudes.

Extreme-case formulations (ECFs) are semantically extreme formulations that invoke the maximal or minimal properties of events or objects, such as “everyone,” “nobody,” “always,” “never,” “completely,” “nothing,” and so on. This article reviews seminal work on ECFs, identifying their key features and interactional uses. These include their uses in defending against, or countering challenges to, the legitimacy of complaints, accusations, justifications and defenses; in proposing the objective (rather than circumstantial) nature of a phenomenon; in proposing that some behavior is right or wrong by virtue of being widespread; and in producing designedly nonliteral (and thus not accountably accurate) descriptions that display various kinds of investment on the part of speaker. In addition, the article describes some of the applied interactional research in which ECFs have been shown to be an important resource for participants, and thus for analysts. Keywords: Agreement, disagreement; argument and persuasion; argument discourse; conversation analysis; discursive psychology; formulations; language and social interaction; rhetoric; ideology in discourse; language and social interaction; rhetorical devices; stance-taking; strategic maneuvering

The present study examined whether having a positive reputation to maintain makes young children less likely to cheat. Cheating was assessed through a temptation resistance paradigm in which participants were instructed not to cheat in a guessing game. Across three studies (total N = 361), preschool-aged participants were randomly assigned to either a reputation condition, in which an experimenter told them that she had learned of their positive reputation from classmates, or to a control condition in which they received no such information. By age 5, children in the reputation condition cheated less often than those in the control condition even though nobody was watching and choosing not to cheat conflicted with their personal interest. These findings are the first to show that informing children that they have a positive reputation to maintain can influence their moral behavior.

Recent arguments on the ethics of stem cell research have taken a novel approach to the question of the moral status of the embryo. One influential argument focuses on a property that the embryo is said to possess—namely, the property of being an entity with a rational nature or, less controversially, an entity that has the potential to acquire a rational nature—and claims that this property is also possessed by a somatic cell. Since nobody seriously thinks that we have a duty to preserve the countless such cells we wash off our body every day in the shower, the argument is intended as a reductio ad absurdum of the claim that the embryo should be afforded the same moral status as a fully developed human being. This article argues that this argument is not successful and that it consequently plays into the hands of those who oppose embryonic stem cell research. It is therefore better to abandon this argument and focus instead on the different argument that potentiality, as such, is not a sufficient ground for the creation of moral obligations towards the embryo.

Summary An index measuring interaction importance (Iimp) was proposed in a paper published on 2010 by the Journal of Ecology. This index, now widely used by researchers, has been claimed to symmetrically range in the interval (−1, 1), with negative values for competition and positive values for facilitation. Here, the index properties are carefully analysed, and it is demonstrated that Iimp can never exceed the value of 0.5 in facilitation. Several years have passed since its publication, yet nobody has corrected the inexact index range, and several researchers continue to inaccurately refer to it. Overlooking this lack of symmetry could potentially lead to biased conclusions. Synthesis. Iimp cannot be treated as a symmetric index for negative and positive interactions. This is only the last of several concerns discussed in literature: current approaches to measuring interaction importance still need to be debated and analysed in depth.

This paper develops the normative concept of “regulatory capabilities.” It asserts that nobody – individuals, groups, or entities – should be subjected to a regulatory regime without some freedom to determine its nature. Self-determination in this context means the ability to accept or reject a regulatory regime imposed by others or to develop viable alternative approaches. We use the term “regulatory capabilities” to capture the importance of enabling conditions for regulatory self-determination. This is particularly important in the transnational context where private, hybrid public–private, and public actors compete for influence, shape domestic regulation, and, in doing so, limit the scope for democratic self-governance. In short, this paper seeks to contribute to the general debate on the normative foundations of and the requisite conditions for transnational regulation and governance.

Our objective was to explore the ways in which displaced Karen mothers expressed emotions in narrative accounts of motherhood and displacement. We contextualized and analyzed interview data from an ethnographic study of birth and emotions among 15 displaced Karen mothers in Australia. We found that women shared a common symbolic language to describe emotions centered on the heart, which was also associated with heart "problems." This, along with hypertension, collapsing, or a feeling of surrender were associated responses to extremely adverse events experienced as displaced peoples. A metaphoric schema of emotional terms centered on the heart was connected to embodied expressions of emotion related to illness of the heart. This and other embodied responses were reactions to overwhelming difficulties and fear women endured due to their exposure to political conflict and global inequity.

Lucy Dobree is a veterinary surgeon at Bicester Vets, Oxfordshire. A thank you card appeared in my pigeon hole at work this week. The card was from a couple who I had seen a few days earlier with their acutely unwell, elderly dog. They were having a particularly tough week for many reasons and, just to top it off, I had to tell them that their dog had a hopeless prognosis. She was only getting sicker and so we made the decision to euthanase her that afternoon. However, that particular afternoon was also an incredibly busy one. We had emergencies coming out of our ears, all the consults were booked up and the list of inpatients was full. Nobody had really stopped all day. The reception staff were fielding as many calls …

It is commonly assumed that ‘ought’ implies ‘can’, that is, that if we ought to do something, then it must be the case that we can do it. It is a frequent quip about this thesis that any account must specify three things: what is meant by the ‘ought’, what is meant by the ‘implies’, and what is meant by the ‘can’.1 Something is missed, though, when we state the thesis in its shortened, three-word form. We overlook what it means to do something. It is, I think, not mere coincidence that nobody has discussed this issue: It is very difficult to specify what it means to do something in the relevant sense. This paper is devoted to fleshing out one way of doing something that is a problem for the thesis.

Philip Kitcher recently argued for a reconstruction in philosophy. According to him, the contemporary mainstream of philosophy (in the English-speaking world, at least) has deteriorated into something that is of relevance only to a few specialists who communicate with each other in a language nobody else understands. Kitcher proposes to reconstruct philosophy along two axes: a knowledge axis (with a focus on the sciences) and a value axis. The present article discusses Kitcher's diagnosis as well as his proposal of a therapy. It argues that there are problems with both, and it ends with an alternative view of what some core problems of the profession currently are.

Sass and Byrom (1) do a fine job in explaining the phenomenological approach to delusions, linking themes in phenomenological psychopathology to work on predictive coding, and emphasizing the heterogeneity of delusional experience. Delusions, they maintain, presuppose more enveloping changes in a person's sense of self, body, and world. In this commentary, I will address a theme that is not so prominent in their discussion of these changes but implicit throughout: the interpersonal aspect. In so doing, I seek to complement and elaborate upon their account, as well as point to some avenues for further enquiry. In General Psychopathology, Jaspers offers the following brief remarks about belief-formation and the social world: “Normal convictions are formed in a context of social living and common knowledge… The source for incorrigibility therefore is not to be found in any single phenomenon by itself but in the human situation as a whole, which nobody would surrender lightly. If socially accepted reality totters, people become adrift” (2), p. 104). We can distinguish two complementary themes here. First of all, our belief-formation processes depend upon our relations with other people. For example, I have argued elsewhere that a kind of non-localized trust has a central role to play. For our epistemic practices to be guided by others, those others must be regarded as epistemically competent and also well-meaning. This is not something we ordinarily accept in the form of a debatable proposition. Rather, our default way of experiencing and relating to other people involves, amongst other things, a kind of habitual trust (3). Second, the beliefs that we do form are embedded in a consensus world, in a taken-for-granted background of shared knowledge and practice. Hence belief-formation and belief-content are both shaped by a certain “style” or “form” of interpersonal experience and relatedness. However, this point is not specific to belief. How our surroundings appear to us similarly implicates our relations with specific individuals and with people in general. The phenomenologist and psychiatrist J.H. van den Berg notes how a situation can look quite different, depending on who we are with. We avoid certain people because we want to keep our surroundings “undamaged”, while the company of others is pleasant in that “the objects encountered come to no harm” ((4), p. 65). In fact, human experience is interpersonally regulated to such an extent that profound and prolonged social deprivation can erode the capacity to distinguish one's body from one's surroundings, imagining from perceiving, and wakefulness from dreaming (5). Pronounced alterations in the overall form of interpersonal experience, in how one encounters and relates to people in general, are thus inextricable from wider-ranging changes in the structure of experience and thought. The point can also be applied to predictive coding models: in addition to exploring how isolated organisms make predictions, detect errors, and compensate for those errors, we ought to consider the roles played by intersubjective regulatory processes. As Sass and Byrom observe, psychosis involves estrangement from the “commonsense” world. Once we emphasize that this world is essentially a public, consensus world, it becomes clearer why there is a change not just in the content of one's beliefs but also in the way in which one believes. Believing that p is the case and that q is not the case involves regarding p but not q as integral to the public world. However, if none of a person's beliefs are rooted in a public world, she cannot make sense of the contrast between p and q in that way. So, when she asserts that something “is the case” or “is not the case”, a different kind of conviction must be involved. Global social estrangement could take various different forms. For instance, R.D. Laing famously describes a predicament where others appear only in the guise of existential threat, thus cutting one off from kinds of interpersonal relation that are more usually implicated in the formation, sustenance, and revision of belief (6). But other changes in the structure of intersubjectivity that have the effect of cutting one off from other people in general would similarly impact upon the form of experience and belief. Interpersonal experience in psychosis is therefore potentially quite variable. As well as being inseparable from the structure of delusional experience, interpersonal processes plausibly have an important developmental role to play. It is increasingly acknowledged that there are significant links between trauma and psychosis. In particular, childhood trauma and abuse are claimed to increase vulnerability to psychosis, with some authors maintaining that up to 85% of adults with schizophrenia diagnoses have suffered childhood abuse (7,8). It is plausible to suggest that early attachment patterns, which nurture a kind of affective trust in others, have an important influence on how one later comes to experience and relate to the interpersonal world as a whole. These patterns can be derailed – to varying degrees – by childhood trauma. Associated epistemic biases in adulthood include an intolerance of ambiguity, inflexible and dogmatic thinking, and a tendency to make judgements based on insufficient information (something that may arise – in part – from a failure to treat others as reliable sources of information) (9). Amongst other things, diminished affective trust would interfere with what Csibra and Gergely call “natural pedagogy”, a process whereby ostensive cues from others foster credulity so as to facilitate the transmission of general information about the social world (10). Thus, without a certain way of relating to others, the sense of being rooted in a public world would be compromised from the outset, leading to epistemic dispositions and a more general way of finding oneself in the interpersonal world that could render one susceptible to further unpleasant social experiences and, ultimately, to psychosis. Of course, there may also be very different cases where an endogenous “delusional atmosphere” arises independently of interpersonal relations, with salience dysregulation then driving disruptions of intersubjectivity (7). But, even in this kind of scenario, how others respond could play various roles in determining outcome. Hence, a profound and pervasive estrangement from other people is central to many, perhaps all, variants of delusional experience. It sets one adrift from relations that regulate the form, as well as the content, of experience and belief. Furthermore, altered interpersonal experience is not merely integral to the kinds of experience that Sass and Byrom describe; it has important developmental roles to play too.

Konggap, sung melodic motifs that last only a few seconds embody the acoustic representation of a person among the Yupno people of Papua New Guinea and are a unique phenomenon in the Pacific. The konggap forms a very complex system of personal identification and expression of social relationships; at the same time it connects the singer to the ancestral world. Every person in Yupno society possesses his or her own konggap, and Yupno people are able to identify a large number of konggap, some men even up to three hundred. Nobody would sing his or her own konggap during the day. When crossing Yupno land, a person has to sing the konggap of the respective landowner to identify himself as an insider, a local person − unlike strangers (and possible enemies) who remain silent. But at nightly dances each dancer sings his own konggap and during mourning at funerals groups of women simultaneously sing the konggap of the deceased person. An interdisciplinary ethnographic-musicological-cognitive fieldwork study was conducted in order to find out how it is possible that the Yupno are able to identify and distinguish between this staggering amount of very short sung motifs.

Gypsies and Travellers are the unhealthiest group in British society, suffering from higher levels of physical and mental illness, lower life expectancy and with low levels of healthcare utilisation. They also continue to experience the highest level of prejudice and discrimination in society. While studies indicate that social networks play an important role in shaping health beliefs and the response to symptoms, evidence on the influence of networks on health is unclear and contradictory. This article draws on social network theory and research into the relation between discrimination and health to critically examine how networks mediate between collective experiences of racism and health-related behavior. Qualitative interviews with 39 adult Gypsies and Travellers were conducted in the South-East of England to explore the wider structural and institutional context and the influence those contexts play in shaping health beliefs and decisions whether to access formal health services. The findings indicate that the influence networks play in shaping health behaviour is dependent on the particular social context of the group and its status in relation to wider social structures, making generalization problematic.

This article gives a concise introduction to the ‘tragedy of the anticommons.’ The anticommons thesis is simple: when too many people own pieces of one thing, nobody can use it. Usually, private ownership creates wealth. But too much ownership has the opposite effect – it leads to wasteful underuse. This is a free market paradox that shows up all across the global economy. If too many owners control a single resource, cooperation breaks down, wealth disappears, and everybody loses. Conceptually, underuse in an anticommons mirrors the familiar problem of overuse in a ‘tragedy of the commons.’ The field of anticommons studies is now well-established. Over a thousand scholars have detailed examples from across the innovation frontier, including drug patenting, telecom licensing, climate change, compulsory land purchase, oil field unitisation, music and art copyright, and post-socialist economic transition. Fixing anticommons tragedy is a key challenge for any legal system committed to innovation and economic growth.

PATENT RACES are important determinants of market structure. For a new firm, a patent can be an entry ticket into the market. For an incumbent firm already in the market, patents for related technologies can ensure that no new firm enters. In this spirit recent work has explored the implications of patenting for the persistence of monopoly (see, for example, Dasgupta [I982], Gilbert [I98I], Gilbert and Newbery [I982]). Much attention has been given to "pre-emptive patenting''-the strategic acquisition of patents by an incumbent firm solely to prevent potential rivals from entering the market. In this context it is important to distinguish between two kinds of patent race. A standard race is a competition in which a prize is awarded to the first player to reach the finishing line. An asymmetrical race is a competition in which one player loses something of value if one of his rivals reaches the finishing line (he is content if nobody wins), but a prize is won by the first of the other players to reach the finishing line, if any of them does so. A patent race in which an incumbent firm's sole concern is to prevent potential rivals from entering his market is an asymmetrical race and not a standard race. The distinction between the two kinds of race can be captured only in models with a sufficiently rich dynamic structure. This, and other, advantages of a properly dynamic model are explained in section II. A model of an asymmetrical race with two firms is presented in section III. In this model the "challenger" wins a prize, and the "incumbent" loses a prize, if the challenger is first to reach the finishing line. It is shown that the challenger is often automatically deterred from making any effort to win the race, because the strategic interactions between the players are such that the incumbent would outdo any reasonable effort made by the challenger in order to stop the challenger being first to reach the finishing line. Then the incumbent has no need to make any effort in the race in order to maintain his existing monopoly. The reason is that the incumbent-unlike the challenger-does not need to go all the way to the finishing line to achieve his objective. On the other hand, it may be truedepending on the parameters describing the firmsthat the challenger wins the patent, proceeding to the finishing line just as if he were the only contender for the patent. Of particular interest is the case in which the firms are identical

Using textual evidence, the author explores how contemporary notions about scenographic stage design might be applied to 17th century English theatrical practice. The scenographic use of portraits is examined in brief case studies of John Webster’s The White Devil, the second part of Thomas Heywood’s If You Know Not Me, You Know Nobody, and Aphra Behn’s The Rover. Using methodology suggested by Michael McKeon’s analysis of Behn’s Love-Letters between a Nobleman and his Sister, the author probes some of the evident and coded meanings of the famous portrait scene in Behn’s play.

Derek Parfit has argued that egalitarianism is exposed to a levelling down objection because it implies, implausibly, that a change, which consists only in the better-off sinking to the level of the worse-off, is in one respect better, though it is better for nobody. He claims that, in contrast, the prioritarian view that benefits to the worse-off have greater moral weight escapes this objection. This article contends, first, that prioritarianism is equally affected by the levelling down objection as is egalitarianism, but that this objection lacks force. Secondly, prioritarianism is less plausible than egalitarianism because it implies that lowering the level of equality by diffusing a quantity of welfare equally over as many recipients as possible is for the better all things considered, and that the outcome of such welfare diffusion would still be better in one respect, even if the quantity of welfare was radically reduced.