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Can governments make courts politically compliant without undermining public confidence in the judicial system? Many studies show a positive relationship between judicial independence and citizens' trust in courts. However, most of them have shown static cross-sectional correlations rather than actual effects of court curbing on trust. Factors such as citizens' level of education and political preferences may also play a role in moderating reactions to court curbing. We analyse how assaults on judicial independence by populist governments in Turkey, Hungary, and Poland affected judicial trust, using a difference-in-differences approach to Eurobarometer data. While we find evidence that court curbing has an adverse effect on judicial trust, this effect is much clearer among citizens who are ideologically distant from their governments. These findings coincide with experimental evidence indicating how citizens tolerate democratic backsliding, suggesting that, for many, trust in the judicial system can subsist even when courts are made politically subservient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on perceptions of corruption have grown in recent years but are still struggling with several conceptual and measurement issues. This scoping review provides an analysis of the peer-reviewed literature on perception-based corruption. From a total of 1,374 articles surveyed, 90 ultimately met inclusion criteria. We found two main quantifiable trends when exploring our sample: publications in high-impact journals were slow in addressing perception-based corruption, and perceptions of corruption are of interest not only to political science and sociology but to other disciplinary traditions. In more qualitative terms, we observe that the explicit or implicit definitions of "corruption" behind these studies tend to fall into two categories: corruption as a "Deviant Process" or as a "Deviant Outcome," while measurements can be typified in a two-dimensional scheme: "Sociotropic" vs. "Egocentric" and "Generic" vs. "Specific." Most measurement approaches surveyed tend to use a "deviant process" definition, whereas the measurement of corruption as a "deviant outcome" still lacks development. This might represent a challenge for future research focusing on the social understanding of corruption in various contexts (administrative, organizational, political, economic, legal, etc.). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National Health Service use the Community Mental Health Service User Questionnaire (NHS-CMH) to assess care quality. However, its reliability and internal validity is uncertain. To test the NHS-CMH structure, reliability and item-level characteristics. We used data from 11,373 participants who answered the 2017 NHS-CMH survey. First, we estimated the NHS-CMH structure using Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) in half of the dataset. Second, we tested the best EFA-derived model with Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA). We tested the internal validity, construct reliability (omega – ω), explained common variance of each factor (ECV), and item thresholds. EFA suggested a 4-factor solution. The structure derived from the EFA was confirmed, demonstrating good reliability for the four correlated dimensions: "Relationship with Staff" (ω = 0.952, ECV = 40.1%), "Organizing Care" (ω = 0.855, ECV = 21.4%), "Medication and Treatments" (ω = 0.837, ECV = 13.3%), and "Support and Well-being" (ω = 0.928, ECV = 25.3%). A second-order model with a high-order domain of "Quality of Care" is also supported. The NHS-CMH can be used to reliably assess four user-informed dimensions of mental health care quality. This model offers an alternative for its current use (item-level and untested sum scores analysis). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the role played by the concept of nation in the interwar writings of Carl Schmitt (1888–1985) and Eric Voegelin (1901–1985). It contends that, although these conservative thinkers were drawn in different ways to the anti-progressive potential of nationalist ideas, the centre of their political and theoretical horizons in that period is occupied by the problems of political unity and authority. Therefore, their nationalism is fundamentally determined by, and instrumental to, their adherence to a monistic and authoritarian conception of the state. This, in turn, leads them to embrace, though not without some reservations, the solutions put forward by the emergent far-right 'strongmen' to the interwar crisis of liberal democracy. Each author tested in his own way the porous borders between conservatism, nationalism, and fascism – a topic whose scholarly and political relevance is far from being exhausted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2019 Portuguese general elections have led to the formation of another minority government of the Socialist Party. Right-wing parties suffered a resounding defeat. The election had two key consequences. First, after four years of contract parliamentarism with an extreme-left party, the Socialists returned to their historical position of pivotal party in the system. Socialist leader Costa refused to replicate alliances with parties to his left. Second, the 2019 election witnessed the emergence of three new parties, Chega, Iniciativa Liberal and Livre. The election of Chega marks a watershed moment in Portuguese democratic history, as for the first time an extreme-right populist party has gained representation in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two findings stand out in the literature on public attitudes vis-à-vis courts. The first is that judicial independence increases public trust. The second is that 'to know courts is to love them'. In this study, these stylised facts are used as a starting point to ask three questions. First, is there also a role for judicial accountability in fostering public trust, above and beyond that played by independence? Second, could it be that only the most aware citizens are sensitive to such properties of the judicial system? Third, is the notion that 'to know courts is to love them' limited to systems with high levels of judicial independence and accountability? Using recently available macro-level indicators of judicial independence and accountability and the high-quality survey data collected by the European Social Survey in 32 countries throughout more than a decade, this study provides evidence that the answers to these questions are positive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trauma pathology is not only a sum of risk factors, but emerges as a result of complex causal interaction. The case presented here illustrates the pathway from suicide exposure to the development of fully-fledged treatment-resistant posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), demonstrating how recognized risk factors can act in tandem to generate a difficult to treat syndrome. From a clinical perspective, bottom-up approaches that take into account real coping experiences of people bereaved by suicide are more effective to facilitate recovery and prevent adverse outcomes. Finally, even though treatment is often implemented, the diagnosis can be missed further complicating coping and treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2015, for the first time in the history of Portuguese democracy, radical left parties relinquished their status as outsiders and lent their support to a Socialist Party cabinet. Defying the expectations of many, this government survived its first years. In fact, it did more than survive: while largely fulfilling the interparty agreements that originated it, the government has presided over positive economic developments and even managed to abide by EU budgetary rules. How was this possible? We show that the political solution found, as well as the policies and practices that sustain it, involve a form of a 'contract parliamentarism'. This solution has allowed the parties to the left of the Socialists to obtain policy benefits without compromising their core identity or significantly hindering the support of their constituents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background:Hypertension affects African–American adults more than any other ethnic group in the US. However, some of the black populations living outside Africa are well adapted to food and lifestyle. We aimed to describe the clinical characteristics underlying the gender-specific determinants of BP and the risk of hypertension in public-sector workers living in Angola. Materials and methods:609 volunteers (48% men) were included in this cross-sectional and descriptive study. Demographic, socioeconomic and life style data were collected during an interview. Systolic BP (SBP) and diastolic BP (DBP) were measured, along with some anthropometric and clinical variables. Results:The prevalence of hypertension is 45.2% without difference between genders. Obesity was more prevalent in women (29.2%vs.8.9%,p < 0.05). The age-related increment in SBP is higher in women (14.2 ± 1.1vs9.5 ± 1.3 mmHg/decade,p < 0.05). In men, age, BMI, cholesterol and LDLc/HDLc explained 21, 4, 2.5 and 2.9% of SBP variability, respectively. In women, age, BMI and HC explain 27, 2 and 1% of SBP variability, respectively. The risk for hypertension is 5 × high among men aged ≥45 years, and 3.5× in those having BMI ≥25. Women aged 45 years or older have 8 × risk of hypertension and 2× the risk by having BMI ≥25. Conclusions:We found that advanced age (≥45) and overweight/obesity (BMI ≥25) are the main risk factors for hypertension in adults from Angola. However, our data suggest that age and BMI may have different influence on increasing BP in men and women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Renal tract malformations (RTMs) are congenital anomalies of the kidneys and urinary tract, which are the major cause of end-stage renal disease in children. Using immunoassay-based approaches (ELISA, western blot), individual urinary proteins including transforming growth factor β, tumor necrosis factor and monocyte attractant proteins 1 were found to be associated to RTMs. However, only mass spectrometry (MS) based methods leading to the identification of panels of protein-based markers composed of fragments of the extracellular matrix allowed the prediction of progression of RTMs and its complications. Areas covered: In this review, we summarized relevant studies identified in “Pubmed” using the keywords “urinary biomarkers” and “proteomics” and “renal tract malformations” or “hydronephrosis” or “ureteropelvic junction obstruction” or “posterior urethral valves” or “vesicoureteral reflux”. These publications represent studies on potential protein-based biomarkers, either individually or combined in panels, of RTMs in human and animal models. Expert commentary: Successful use in the clinic of these protein-based biomarkers will need to involve larger scale studies to reach sufficient power. Improved performance will potentially come from combining immunoassay- and MS-based markers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Objectives: Benign paroxysmal positioning vertigo (BPPV) has significant recurrence rates, mainly in older patients. The etiopathology of recurrent BPPV is possibly related to low serum vitamin D levels. Finding a therapeutic weapon will help with these complicated cases, reducing disability, falling risk and also health care costs. Study design:Clinical trial: one-year duration. Setting: Ten patients with diagnosis of BPPV made by history and physical examination and at least two episodes of documented BPPV in the previous two years and chronic complaints of dizziness. Neurologic and other otological diseases were excluded for these patients. Subjects and methods: Vitamin D was evaluated by measuring serum 25-hydroxyvitamin D (25-OHD). Levels below 20 ng/mL were considered deficiency and levels between 20 and 30 ng/mL were considered insufficiency. Half of the patients (treatment group) started a treatment with cholecalciferol while the remaining patients were the control group. All of the patients were reevaluated every three months. Results: All patients of the treatment group did not have any subsequent episode of positional vertigo, dizziness complaints or nystagmus evoked by provocative manoeuvers. At reevaluations, the mean value of serum 25-OHD for the treatment group had increased noticeably. It was also significantly higher than the mean value of control group. All patients of control group had positional vertigo episodes, as well as positional nystagmus at office reevaluations. Conclusion: These results support the need to systematically measure and correct vitamin D levels in patients with recurrent BPPV. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the fortieth anniversary of the Carnation Revolution, it is pertinent to ask how Portuguese citizens understand their transition to democracy. In this article, some of the main findings concerning the meanings and legacies of 25 April 1974 are presented, drawing on the findings of two surveys focusing on Portuguese attitudes towards 25 April and fielded in 2004 and 2014, respectively, to a representative sample of the Portuguese population. Here we focus on the degree to which the transition is viewed positively and its social and economic legacies. In the final sections, the main findings of the articles in this special issue are discussed through a presentation of the main questions they answer and the new ones they raise. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Context: The labdenic diterpene labd-8(17)-en-15-oic acid (labd-8) isolated from a methanolic extract of Moldenhawera nutans Queiroz & Alkin (Leguminosae) has hypotensive and tachycardiac properties in normotensive rats. A part of the hypotensive effect was due to a reduction in the sympathetic nerve drive to vessels, an event admittedly enhanced in spontaneously hypertensive rats (SHRs). Objectives: We assessed whether the cardiovascular effects induced by labd-8 could be enhanced in SHRs. Materials and methods: For in vivo experiments, arterial and venous catheters were implanted under anesthesia for blood pressure recording and drug administration, respectively. For in vitro experiments, thoracic aorta rings were suspended in organ baths containing warm (37 °C) perfusion medium that was continuously bubbled with carbogen. Results: Intravenous injection of labd-8 (1, 3, 5, and 10 mg/kg) induced similar dose-dependent hypotension and tachycardia in both SHRs and Wistar-Kyoto rats (WKY). In SHRs, only the tachycardia response to labd-8 was significantly reduced by pretreatment with methylatropine or propranolol. However, both cardiovascular effects of labd-8 were reduced by hexamethonium while remained unchanged by l-NAME. In isolated aortic preparations from SHRs, labd-8 (1-1000 µg/mL) relaxed potassium-induced contractions with an IC50 (geometric mean [95% confidence interval]) value (536.5 [441.0-631.9] µg/mL) significantly greater than that (157.6 [99.1-250.5] µg/mL) obtained in preparations from WKY rats. Conclusion: In SHRs, the hypotension induced by labd-8 is associated with a reflex tachycardia and seems mediated partly through withdrawal of sympathetic vasomotor tone and partly through an active vasorelaxation. Its magnitude was not enhanced when compared with WKY rats likely because of impaired vasorelaxant effects of labd-8 in preparations from SHRs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the basic patterns of voting behaviour in the most recent elections in Portugal. These elections were fought under one of the most profound economic crises in the country's four decades of democracy, after a bailout agreement with the EU and the IMF, and under an unusually high level of campaign polarization around the issues of economic austerity and liberalization. First, the article examines whether this context ended up being favourable to “performance” voting or, instead, to an enhanced importance of position issues, particularly those related to the role of the state in the economy and welfare provision. Second, it examines how the context of the Great Recession and the European sovereign debt crisis created opportunities for incumbents to use blame-shifting and blame-sharing strategies, and the extent to which voters' ambivalence about who to hold responsible for the sorry state of the economy was consequential for vote choices, either by directly affecting them or by moderating the relationship between economic perceptions and the vote. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper approaches euroscepticism from the perspective of party positions and mass-level attitudes. It documents the nature and evolution of party euroscepticism from 1976 to 2005. Although the poles of party-based euroscepticism can be found, predictably, at the extremes of the party system, there is also a dynamic and contingent element to party positions that can only be accounted for on the basis of a strategic explanation. It also shows that, whenever parties attempted to mobilise voters on the basis of a eurosceptic discourse, voters responded to such attempts. Under those conditions, citizens' attitudes vis-a-vis the EC/EU, in terms of both the economic and the political consequences of integration, emerged as a relevant electoral cleavage in Portuguese politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Initially, the seeds of Baccharis dracunculifolia were collected from populations of 10 different regions, and the cultivation experiment was carried out in an experimental area of 1,800 m² by cultivating 100 individuals of each population. The essential oil analyses were performed on both GC-FID and GC/MS, which allowed the identification of 14 compounds. The oil yield varied from 0.31% to 0.70% among populations and season. The major oxygenated sesquiterpenes in the cultivated experiment were (E)-nerolidol (32%) and spathulenol (17%). The mean concentration in the plant of (E)-nerolidol was five times higher in March (136.53 mg/100 g of plant) than it was in July (25.03 mg/100 g of plant). The mean concentration of spathulenol increased about three fold from July (16.25 mg/100 g of plant) to April (47.50 mg/100 g of plant). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective. While there is a recommendation to screen for postpartum depression (PPD), there are worries about the validity of instruments other than the Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale; little is known about the construct validity of one of the most used screening instruments, the Beck Depression Inventory, in this period. Methods. This study evaluated the validity and reliability of the BDI in a population-based sample of women and their spouses (n=772) in the postpartum. Additionally, we compared factor scores within the couple. Results. Exploratory factor analysis demonstrated a two-factor solution (depressive symptoms and somatic symptoms), accounting for 44.01% of the total variance. Internal consistency was good (Cronbach's α=0.90). Women had higher scores than their partners in both factors (P<0.001), but not a higher proportion of the total score attributable to somatic symptoms. Conclusion. With little factor variance between women and men, and a similar proportion of somatic symptoms, these results should be taken to reinforce the validity of the BDI in the postpartum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed to evaluate the chemical composition of Baccharis dracunculifolia essential oil and the water soluble oil obtained by steam distillation that were analyzed by GC and GC/MS. In the first hour of distillation, B. dracunculifolia aerial parts yielded 0.08% oil and in the second hour, 0.27%. The oil recovered from the distillate water yielded 0.18 g/L in the first hour and 0.44 g/L in the second hour of distillation. The main volatile compounds identified in the distillate water were aromatic compounds and sesquiterpene alcohols. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines what has driven voters' choices in the 2006 presidential election in Portugal. Electing a semipresidential head of state has often been treated either as a "popularity contest" or as a full-fledged "first-order" election, depending on the particular national political system in which those elections were studied. Using data from a panel survey conducted following the 2005 legislative and 2006 presidential elections, this article suggests that, in a "premier-presidentialist" system such as Portugal - where presidents are neither the heads of the executive nor mere figureheads - voters are unlikely to be oblivious to the conventional partisan and ideological cues provided by campaigns, but also unlikely to see these elections as a mechanism with which to hold government accountable. Instead, patterns of defection from the government party seem to conform to theoretical expectations derived from the notion that presidential elections in such cases can be conceived as "less important", but where parties and voters remain aware of the connections between what is at stake in different electoral arenas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Family-related factors play a crucial role in the onset, development, and maintenance of drug misuse and addiction. To investigate the hypothesis that families with a cocaine addicted son display more dysfunction than control families, we applied the Personal Authority in the Family System and the Self-Report Measure of Family Functioning to 67 case triads (child–father–mother) in which the son was an inpatient with a primary diagnosis of cocaine abuse or dependence and to 67 matched control triads from the community (Pelotas, Brazil) in 2000. Case children, mothers, and fathers were significantly more likely to present nuclear family triangulation than their matched control subjects. In addition, case triads had a significantly greater chance of perceiving family functioning as enmeshment. These results suggest both structural and functional differences in these families. We argue for the need of interventions in the family as a whole and for further research in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three decades after the fall of the Portuguese authoritarian regime, support for democracy has become widespread among the mass public. However, similarities between Portugal and other more established democracies should not be overestimated. In most of the latter, several studies have found increasing political and civic activism on the part of pro-democratic and politically sophisticated citizens, who are nevertheless increasingly dissatisfied with democratic performance. However, the most prevalent and consequential attitudinal-behavioural syndrome in Portugal is less one of ‘democratic dissatisfaction’ than one of ‘democratic disaffection’, entailing low levels of political engagement and participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This report analyses the 2001 local elections and the 2002 legislative elections in Portugal. The results of the local elections were not an objective disaster for the Socialists. However, due to deteriorating political and economic circumstances, Prime Minister Guterres tendered his resignation. The legislative elections which ensued spelled the end of Socialist Party rule, and the victory, albeit without an absolute majority, of the centre-right party, the PSD. The elections also led to the formation of a coalition government, after 15 years of single-party government. Nevertheless, the alternation in power, as well as the change in government type, did not represent a fundamental shift in voting behaviour, as indicated by national and district party results. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Explains the transformation of Portuguese social democratic politics in 1970s, 1980s and 1990s and its relation to European integration. Importance of European integration on Socialist Party's development; Results of the Socialist Party's pursuit of European Monetary Union and introduction of the integration agenda.

Multibody simulations are widely used for the dynamic analysis of railway vehicles, including the acceptance of vehicle running behaviour. Among these, the freight vehicles have, generally, friction damped suspensions for which numerical modelling is particularly challenging due to the contacting geometries, the intermittent contact, and the frequent stick-slip transitions. The impact of modelling decisions of friction-damped suspensions on the acceptance quantities for vehicle behaviour is the focus of this work. The selection of friction models and tuning of their parameters is challenging. In particular, the selection of friction coefficients is not straight forward, as friction conditions vary during operation and over time. This work aims to address both problems. A model of a friction-damped freight locomotive is used to simulate the dynamic response of the vehicle under realistic operation conditions and assess the impact of the friction modelling decisions. The results show that the use of different friction models provides similar results if the parameters are appropriately tuned. In contrast, the selection of friction coefficients significantly impacts the acceptance quantities, with emphasis on the wheel-rail forces at small radius curve transitions. The results recommend that the standard should include variations of the friction coefficients used for the friction-damped suspensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although scholars emphasise the contentious relationship of populist forces to (liberal) democracy, less attention has been paid to whether this extends to those who support or oppose populist parties. This article utilises a public opinion dataset from ten Western European countries to analyse how citizens' conceptions of democracy relate to the behavioural intention to vote for or against populist parties. The empirical analysis shows that positive and negative identification with populist parties is driven by different understandings of democracy: While individuals who are less inclined to liberal democracy but more to direct democracy and authoritarian forms of rule are more likely to sympathise with populist parties, the opposite understanding of democracy predicts opposition to both left-wing and right-wing populists. These findings demonstrate that citizens with positive and negative partisanship towards populist parties are divided in their interpretations about both the conceptual meaning and the normative functioning of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do dominant parties continue to win elections despite significant governance failures? Scholars of one party democracies tend to locate explanations at the macro-level: manipulation of rules, control over state media, or selective distribution of benefits to supporters. Other scholars emphasize ethnic or religious identities which trump consideration of policy and performance. We employ a multinomial regression model of voter decisions in South Africa's 2019 general election to explore how the ruling African National Congress managed to secure 58% of the vote amidst a massive corruption scandal and waning public services. We find that dissatisfied government supporters do not ignore poor performance, but must perceive a legitimate alternative amongst the opposition before they switch their vote. Otherwise, they exit the electorate. This allows the governing party to win significant proportions of a diminishing electorate. Thus, decisions about whether to vote are not just a result of resources, mobilization or efficacy, but are also rooted in perceptions of governing and opposition parties. Voter turnout and vote choice are intimately linked, rather than separate causal processes. Moreover, continued one-party dominance may be as much a function of opposition party failure as it is of government control over rules, rents or resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public opinion polls conducted over the past five years point to a downward trend in African citizens' support for civil society and media freedoms. This is despite the flourishing of civil society and media actors as well as the expansion of democracy on the continent in the post-Cold War period. What explains this downward trend in public support? We use cross-national polling data from the Afrobarometer survey to examine the decline in public support for freedoms of association and media between 2011 and 2018 in the African context, a continent that has experienced decades of democratization waves and pressure. Using a multilevel statistical modelling approach, we analyse the influence of government repression of civil society and media actors on citizen support for enhanced government control over freedoms of association and the media. Our study shows that the government's repressive actions against civil society and media actors increases the probability that citizens will support control over association and media freedoms. Concerningly, this suggests government clampdowns on democratic rights influences the African publics to support such clampdowns, potentially legitimizing them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Great Recession, European democracies underwent major political changes, from the spread of institutional discontent to the rise of radical populist parties. The erosion of democratic satisfaction in EU member states after the exogenous shock of the economic crisis is a significant phenomenon that requires innovative analysis and explanation. This article develops a new conceptual and empirical framework that examines how democracies are affected by exogenous shocks and the determinants of resilient democracies. The study explores the notion of democratic resilience, conceptualized as democratic resilience as the system characteristics which successfully adapt to or overcome democratic delegitimization processes after a shock. The analysis provides a classification of democracies by trajectory, distinguishing between preventive, recovered, and damaged democracies, and identifies which political characteristics have successfully increased or decreased democratic resilience. External political efficacy and economic satisfaction are highlighted as indispensable components and mediators of political and economic contextual features for a more resilient and stable political system during economic crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a response to the COVID-19 pandemic, governments even in consolidated democracies have adopted drastic measures, temporarily constraining individual freedoms and expanding executive political decision making. In light of this trade-off between public health measures and democratic norms, it becomes crucial to assess the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic on public support for democratic versus authoritarian regimes. Following insights of the affective intelligence theory, emotions, and not only rational considerations, are key to understanding behavioural and attitudinal responses to crises. In the article it is argued that the pandemic threat of COVID-19 affects regime preferences by evoking distinct negative emotions, in particular anger and fear. Using original survey data in six European countries, it is shown that COVID-19-induced anger and fear have divergent effects on regime preferences. While democratic regime preference has declined for angry respondents, there is also a message of hope: fearful respondents display increased support for a democratic regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Si plays a fundamental role in cotton fibers quality (Boylston et al. [11]), thus, increases in cotton fibers quality, observed in the current research may be associated not only with improvements in physiological attributes and tolerance to stresses but also to the expression of Si transporter genes (Ma et al. [31]) that may have helped its flow for fibers formation and development. Keywords: Gossypium hirsutum; Colored cotton; Potassium silicate; Cotton yield; Fiber technologies; Plant ecophysiology EN Gossypium hirsutum Colored cotton Potassium silicate Cotton yield Fiber technologies Plant ecophysiology 8286 8296 11 11/21/22 20221220 NES 221220 Introduction World's population will be over nine billion people by the year 2050, this prediction indicates a high demand for food, fiber, and energy, which creates a challenge to humanity because climate change causes abiotic stresses and induces several morphophysiological changes, biochemical and molecular factors that reduce the growth, development, and production of plants used for food and bioenergy worldwide (Tahmasebi et al. [43]). Silicon (Si) alleviates cotton (Gossypium hirsutum L.) from zinc (Zn) toxicity stress by limiting Zn uptake and oxidative damage. [Extracted from the article]

Public resources are often allocated neither effectively nor equitably, and they serve as a tool for securing re-election. Despite compelling evidence for pork-barrel politics, little is known about voters' perceptions of this practice. Moreover, limited findings from Western countries are also contradictory – voters perceive such a strategy both positively and negatively. To contribute with findings from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), we conducted two survey experiments – in Czechia and Slovakia – which randomized people's exposure to fairness of the distribution and profit for the respondent's country. Our results suggest that once voters realize their profit from pork-barrel politics, they are less critical of unfair distributions of resources and the responsible decision-maker. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese herbs were widely proposed as a novel approach for renal fibrosis. Icariin has been reported to be involved in a variety of diseases. Unilateral ureteral obstruction (UUO) is a popular experimental model of renal injury, which is often used in the study of renal fibrosis. A UUO mouse model was successfully constructed, and tubular injury and renal fibrosis were observed. Icariin treatment attenuated tubular injury and renal fibrosis in UUO mice. In addition, treatment with Icariin reduced the fibronectin, type I collagen and α-SMA levels in UUO mice. Furthermore, in a transforming growth factor (TGF)-β1-induced renal fibrosis cell model, icariin treatment also decreased fibronectin, type I collagen and α-SMA expression. Icariin treatment also reversed the enhanced migration of TGF-β1-induced HK-2 cells. These data indicated that icariin suppressed renal fibrosis in vivo and in vitro. Additionally, icariin treatment suppressed the Notch2/Hes-1 pathway in UUO mice and TGF-β1-treated HK-2 cells. In summary, this study found that icariin reduced renal fibrosis in vivo and in vitro by inhibiting the Notch2/Hes-1 pathway, which might help to improve therapies for renal fibrosis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because of a perceived (and real) risk of repressive action, some survey questions are sensitive in more autocratic countries while less so in more democratic countries. Yet, survey data on potentially sensitive topics are frequently used in comparative research despite concerns about comparability. To examine the comparability of politically sensitive questions, I employ a multilevel analysis with more than 228,000 respondents in 37 African countries to test for systematic bias when the survey respondents believe (fear) that the government, rather than an independent research institute, has commissioned the survey. The findings indicate that fear of the government induces a substantial and significant bias on questions regarding trust, approval and corruption perceptions in more autocratic countries, but not in more democratic countries. In contrast, innocuous, apolitical questions are not systematically influenced by regime type. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The wild dioecious plant Corema album, endemic to the Atlantic coast of the Iberian Peninsula, has potential to become a new crop and to integrate the berry fruit market. Due to its potential, the aim of this study was to propose a BBCH (Biologische Bundesanstalt, Bundessortenamt and CHemical Industry) scale for the species. Based on field observation, the principal growth stages were described and sequentially established. Photographs and stereomicroscope acquisition software were used to illustrate the phenological stages of male and female plants. The scale includes seven principal stages starting with bud development (stage 0), followed by leaf development (Stage 1), main stem elongation (Stage 3), inflorescence emergence (Stage 5), flowering (Stage 6), fruit development (Stage 7) and ending with fruit maturation (stage 8), with mesostages for male and female inflorescence (stage 5) and flower development (stage 6). Through field observations carried out in plants in different growth conditions, the proposition of this extended BBCH scale was made, to have a standardized system for Corema album phenological stages. This study will have an application especially in fields of agronomy and plant breeding and will also be a stepping stone for the inclusion of this species as a novelty crop in a nearby future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years several European countries have experienced a significant decrease in turnout, even as the level of campaign professionalisation has been increasing. Since scholars have recognised mobilisation as a key aspect in determining turnout, this article aims to disentangle the effects of mobilisation on electoral participation. It will do this by focussing on the 2013 Parliamentary Election in Austria, which saw the lowest turnout rate ever recorded in that country. The data used are taken from the Austrian National Election Study Rolling Cross-Section Panel 2013. This data source allows for the dynamic analysis of campaign effects through LOWESS estimations of the daily means of the measures of interest. Moreover, its panel structure permits us to take under control the individual likelihood to turn out before the elections whilst studying the effects of various forms of party contact on self-reported turnout. The findings show that only personal forms of party contact significantly increase electoral participation. Furthermore, these forms are more effective in increasing the turnout among low-propensity voters. Overall, one of the main contributions of the work is to provide differentiated estimations of the effects of various forms of party contact on turnout, computed on the same sample and concerning the same electoral context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Party competition over European integration is structured by two main dimensions of political conflict: a socio-economic dimension (market liberalisation vs. a more regulated economy) and a socio-cultural dimension (libertarian, cosmopolitan values vs. authoritarian, nationalist values). This article investigates the relationship between these conflict dimensions and parties' positions towards EU issues across time and space, in particular focussing on two 'critical junctures' in the European unification process. For this purpose, analysis is made of the election manifestos of parties competing in European Parliament elections (Euromanifestos) from 1979 to 2014. First, it is found that the key moment of the Maastricht treaty significantly reshaped party competition over Europe. After Maastricht, positions towards European integration have become less connected to the economic dimension and much more related to the cultural dimension in Western Europe. Second, it is contended that the Euro crisis has not dramatically restructured political conflict over European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We aimed to assess if the relationship between VPA and bone health is simultaneously mediated by PF and fat mass in adolescents. Bone health was assessed by quantitative ultrasound (QUS) in 412 participants (221 girls) aged 10–18 years. VPA was assessed by accelerometry and PF was measured using specific protocols from FITescola®. Fat mass (%) was assessed using two skinfolds (triceps and calf). Parallel mediation analysis was performed by Hayes' PROCESS (V.3.3-model 4) for SPSS. We observed that in boys, handgrip mediated the associations of VPA with speed of sound on the third distal radius (R-SoS). While, speed at 20 m and handgrip mediated the relationship of VPA with speed of sound on the tibial midshaft (T-SoS). Body fat (%) only acted as a mediator when handgrip integrates the mediation model. For girls, the only mediating variable for the relationship between VPA and R-SoS or T-SoS was the PACER test. Handgrip, speed and fat mass (%) in boys, and cardiorespiratory fitness in girls mediates the relationships between VPA and bone health assessed by QUS. Promoting muscular fitness and cardiorespiratory fitness and decrease of fat mass through VPA in adolescents may be an important strategy to improve bone health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What happened to citizens' support for democracy after the Arab Uprisings? Did the support increase, stay the same, or actually decrease after all the protests, regime changes, and reforms? Which theories of citizens' political attitudes best explain these dynamics? Analysing two waves of the Arab Barometer surveys and employing an item-response method that offers methodological improvements compared to previous studies, this article finds that support for democracy actually decreased in countries that successfully overthrew their dictators during the Uprisings. Following the arguments that emphasize the rational evaluations of citizens, it argues that in countries that had an experience with a freer political system, such as Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen, challenges of democratization and the poor political and economic performances of the governments left citizens disappointed. Despite the hopes that people had at the onset of the Uprisings, the disappointments generated by the unmet expectations eventually led to a decline in support for democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do voters punish governments more severely during international economic crises or do they discount exogenous shocks as they recognize the government's limited "room of manoeuvre"? The current literature provides conflicting answers to this question. This study argues that in such contexts citizens' economic perceptions are less likely to predict their sanctioning behavior but that, nonetheless, governments experience a higher cost of ruling. We show that in the paradigmatic case of Italy, government popularity during the Great Recession, while being hardly explained by economic evaluations, suffers a stronger decline as a function of time in office. We account for this increased cost of ruling by economic policy debates and other political events, such as cabinet crises and large-scale scandals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the Economic Adjustment Programmes (EAPs) for Eurozone crisis countries has so far acknowledged the role of creditor countries and Troika institutions or has examined the economic effects or structural determinants of domestic implementation processes. The role of borrower governments as strategic actors within the 'Troika complex' has been neglected. Taking Cyprus and Portugal as cases in point, the article shows how reform-oriented borrower governments used the interaction with the Troika to overcome veto player opposition to programme implementation. Drawing on the two-level game and on negotiation theory, the study discusses borrower strategies in response to opposition from the court or parliament, and the costs of no agreement. Reform-oriented governments mostly used commitments to the international level or Troika pressure to pursue coercive strategies vis-à-vis domestic opponents. High costs of no agreement seem to be a necessary means to pass on political and market pressure through coercion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Satisfaction with democracy (SWD) is a commonly used indicator, and its determinants have been analysed extensively. But what does dissatisfaction with democracy substantially mean? This paper tests if satisfaction is actually a coherent consequence of citizens considering democratic supply and demand. It starts from the simple idea that satisfaction can be explained by the distance between what "should be" and what "is"; between democratic expectations and reality. I capture this idea in a spatial model of democratic support, where size and direction of the gap between citizens' expectations and evaluations of democracy determine levels of satisfaction. I use data for 26 countries from the European Social Survey. Taking into account both expectation-surplus and evaluations-surplus gaps, I find that satisfaction is affected by both the size and the direction of the distance between expectations and evaluations. The main finding is that liberal criteria of democratic quality are generally agreed upon amongst citizens, and that a perceived lack of their realization is the strongest predictor of dissatisfaction. Democratic input dimensions like direct participation and output criteria like social justice are more disputed, and create dissatisfaction amongst those wanting more of them as well as those wanting less. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International legal scholars have identified and argued for and against new forms of non-consent-based international law. We study variation in Brazilian public opinion about adherence to international law created in three different ways: through a consent-based multilateral treaty, by the U.N. Security Council with the participation of Brazil, and by the U.N. Security Council without the participation of Brazil. Information that Brazil has participated in creating the international legal obligation through a multilateral treaty or membership on the Security Council yields levels of support for adherence to the legal obligation that are similar to those found when the origins of the legal obligation are generic. Information that the international legal obligation was created without Brazil’s participation, on the other hand, results in reduced support for compliance. This difference, which is particularly concentrated among highly educated respondents, is not driven by reduced concerns about reputational consequences or sanctions. Our results suggest that the increased use of non-consent-based forms of international law might be challenged by a lack of public support for compliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although emigrants represent an increasing share of the electoral population in many democracies, not much is known about their participation in home country elections. With the purpose of contributing to fill such gap, this article develops a longitudinal and exploratory analysis of the contextual factors of emigrants’ participation in national elections in the case of Portugal (1976-2015), a country with one of the highest emigration rates of the EU today. It begins by presenting a longitudinal analysis of the electoral participation of Portuguese emigrants. Afterwards, the conditions underlying levels of participation are examined. Using aggregate data covering the main 15 destination countries, this study compares institutional, socio-economic and political contextual factors for voting. Findings indicate that the lack of political participation of emigrants is first demonstrated by the very low registration rates, although it varies according to the country, and that voting methods and socio-economic factors in the destination country are the most relevant to explain voting in home country elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has shown that voters’ perception of electoral fairness has an impact on their attitudes and behaviors. However, less research has attempted to link objective measurements of electoral integrity on voters’ attitudes about the democratic process. Drawing on data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and the Quality of Elections Data, we investigate whether cross-national differences in electoral integrity have significant influences on citizens’ level of satisfaction with democracy. We hypothesize that higher levels of observed electoral fraud will have a negative impact on evaluations of the democratic process, and that this effect will be mediated by a respondent’s status as a winner or loser of an election. The article’s main finding is that high levels of electoral fraud are indeed linked to less satisfaction with democracy. However, we show that winning only matters in elections that are conducted in an impartial way. The moment elections start to display the telltale signs of manipulation and malpractice, winning and losing no longer have different effects on voter’s levels of satisfaction with democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Voters typically observe macroeconomic outcomes in order to evaluate government performance. However, during crises, when the clarity of economic responsibility is poor and the economy is in recession, citizens need additional sources of information in order to form a reasoned opinion. Government policy response is one such source. This study shows on a sample of 24 European nations from 2004, 2009 and 2014 that in the post-crisis period, economic policies have emerged as one of the key predictors of vote choice, with government decisions to pursue fiscal austerity leading to significantly lower levels of incumbent support. Furthermore, the paper tests the possibility that the effect of austerity is conditioned by the clarity of responsibility. In multilevel systems, where policies are externally imposed, voters could be expected to hold incumbents less accountable for unpopular measures. The analysis, however, provides no evidence that policy effects depend on the extent to which national governments share policy responsibilities with supranational and intergovernmental institutions. Accountability for policy actions is primarily attributed at the domestic level as voters are able to identify the decisional role of national governments. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The study of the impact of the economic crisis on attitudes toward democracy tends to be focused on satisfaction with specific democratic institutions. This article expands upon previous research to explore how the current economic crisis can affect core support for democracy as a regime. Based on European Social Survey data for the Eurozone countries, the findings are twofold. It is shown, firstly, that perceptions of the state of the economy have an impact both on satisfaction with and support for democracy, and, secondly, that citizens’ support for democracy is greater in bailed-out countries. In countries that have experienced intervention, the more critical citizens and those less satisfied with the outputs of democracy are the stronger advocates of democracy. The article argues that this is connected with the tendency of critical citizens in bailed-out countries to blame external agents for the economic situation while increasing the saliency of democratic rules as a reaction to the imposition of unpopular measures. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Anti-austerity mobilisations in Southern Europe since 2010 have been widely debated in recent times. Commentators have emphasised the emergence of new political subjects such as the ‘precariat’ organised into loose, IT-connected movements. To what extent do these portrayals reflect the underlying dynamics of this protest cycle, and how do these movements interact with traditional political actors? Using Portugal as a case study, this article maps the cycle of anti-austerity contention between 2010 and 2013 to reveal a more complex picture, where traditional actors, including labour unions and left-wing political parties, emerge as key actors, facilitating and sustaining the discontinuous mobilisation of new forms of activism, while seeking to gain access to new constituencies through them. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Reviewers that the author would like to thank for their contribution to the "Journal of Mental Health" are mentioned including Monica Aas, Abiodun Adewuya and Patrick Callaghan.