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The article seeks to contribute to the interdisciplinary literature on South–South cooperation (SSC) promoted by Brazil. By delving into both quantitative and qualitative data, the article presents an outlook on the last 20 years of Brazilian SSC projects and addresses the role of some domestic factors in this process. Data analysis reveals that presidential leadership and institutional-bureaucratic factors are important for a more comprehensive understanding of past and present trends. As indicated by the previous literature, Lula's leadership was an important factor in the spike in SSC initiatives during the later years of his administration. Additionally, one should consider the role of federal institutions and their bureaucracies in sustaining momentum when the leadership driver is either absent or working against SSC, as is the case in the Bolsonaro administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the political-diplomatic estrangement between Israel and Brazil during Lula da Silva period (2003–10). Despite a productive bilateral commercial relationship, the same couldn't be said of the political dimension, where relations were particularly strained due to Brazil's stance regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its role as an interlocutor in the Iranian nuclear programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Brazil's democratic erosion over the last four years, under President Michel Temer's reign. Topics discussed include the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff in August 2016, Temer's decision to lower the minimum wage for 2018, and similar reversals that occurred in gender equality, health, and education. Also discussed is the imprisonment of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in 2018, despite the absence of material evidence against him.

Created under the government of Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in 2009, the National Policy for the Inclusion of Homeless People in Brazil was implemented at a time of unprecedented federal political concern on the public debate of homelessness. In 2012, Federal District (Brasilia) was the first unit in the federation to formally join this National Policy. In this paper, with theoretical basis in the version of critical discourse analysis initially formulated by Fairclough, we focus on the uses of language in an inter-sectorial and paritary committee (in terms of, respectively, the participation of (a) different sectors of government and (b) government and civil society) created in this context. The committee was formed in order to track and monitor the Policy for the Inclusion of Homeless People in the Federal District. Articulating the concept of public sphere by Habermas, we discuss the 2013 implementation of the Inter-Sectorial Committee for Monitoring the Policy for the Inclusion of Homeless People in the Federal District. In the Brazilian case, one can say we are facing a favorable occasion for the consolidation of public sphere in the debate over homelessness, and for establishing public policies confronting it. The problem here is the difficulty to maintain, given the peculiarities of people who have dealt with homelessness and their previous relationships with government institutions, an effective dialogue, without which the public sphere is put at risk. This problem has discursive facets: even though parity committees are formed, how does one ensure the effective participation of people in homelessness in these discussions? What discursive barriers could there be to an effective public sphere in this case? Discussing this conjuncture and the particular practice it promotes in the Federal District, we reflect on the implications of power relations, discursively performed, on the effectiveness of the public sphere in this arena. Since we participate in the committee as representatives of the Permanent Forum of the Homeless Population in the Federal District, we take three committee meetings , held in 2013, to analyze discursive strategies, reflecting upon how they restrict the dialogic potential of the committee through instantiated genres, discourses and styles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the life and works of the twentieth century educationist Paulo Freire and his views on Utopian education. Topics discussed include his innovative approach to adult literacy education, his first book "Education: The Practice of Freedom," and his contribution to the Brazilian politics, supporting the Workers' Party and the leadership of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.

This paper explores the Workers’ Party government's attempt to use anti-poverty policy to disrupt rural patronage, and the implications of this effort for theories of patronage. I argue that state officials and race-based activists implementing President Lula's flagship ‘Zero Hunger Program’ (2003–2005) turned mundane program exercises into pilgrimage rites in an effort to build lateral solidarities among Afro-Brazilians and undermine their vertical patronage alliances. The partial success of such efforts suggests that there are circumstances in which vertical and horizontal alliances are compatible, and that investigating this compatibility entails consideration of local categories of exchange. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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This article looks at the convergence of history and nation in the documentary Metalworkers/Peões (Eduardo Coutinho, 2004). The catalyst for Coutinho's project was Brazil's 2002 presidential race and the candidacy of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, a former lathe operator and labor leader who was elected president toward the end of that same year. Metalworkers, however, does not focus on the presidential candidate and his campaign. Instead, it seeks out the past by means of a series of interviews with those who participated, under Lula's leadership, in the labor movement that surged in the late 1970s and challenged the country's military regime at the time. Inspired by performance-oriented theories, the article proposes that the film's particular encounter with the past offers an alternative to conventional representations of the nation and its history. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study examines how Brazil operationalised a renewed developmentalist project during the democratic period, and especially during the presidency of Lula da Silva. We use an original data set of 2,115 loans made by the Brazilian National Development Bank (BNDES) between 2002 and 2011 to show elements of both change and continuity with Brazil’s developmentalist past. Large loans continued to flow to many of Brazil’s historic large firms and industrial sectors – as reported widely – but the data also show significant numbers of smaller loans to firms in all sectors, as well as renewed support for internationalisation and innovation. We conclude that BNDES’s lending reflects less a wholly new model of developmentalism than it does a developmentalist strategy that has been renewed and updated for the challenges and opportunities of a more market-oriented economy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Under the Cardoso presidency (1995–2002), Brazil adopted a reactive and defensive posture on trade liberalization. However, when Lula da Silva came into power in 2003, Brazil took a more offensive and proactive position on the issue in creating the G-20 and putting forward proposals of its own. How can this shift in the Brazilian negotiating position be explained? The main argument is that under the Lula da Silva administration, Brazil's position in the Doha round primarily reflected domestic political constraints on multilateral trade cooperation. Three domestic dynamics shaped the national preference for Brazil: a heterogeneous governing coalition with a high number of veto players, divisions within the Workers’ Party, and the demands of interest groups. This explanation is discussed on the basis of Brazil's negotiating position in WTO negotiations from 2003 to 2006. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses Brazil's growing role in external development assistance. During Lula da Silva's presidency, cooperation with developing countries grew dramatically. While the official position is that Brazilian development assistance is moved not by national economic or political interests, but by international 'solidarity', and does not reproduce the North-South traditional aid relations, we suggest that it is not completely divorced from national, sub-national or sectoral interests and cannot be viewed apart from Brazil's broader foreign policy objectives. Brazil does pursue political, economic and commercial interests and, concomitantly, has made a positive difference in the recipient countries. However, more empirical research and field investigation are needed to better gauge the impact of Brazil's assistance initiatives and their contributions to South-South cooperation more broadly. During Lula' s terms (2003-2010), Brazil could be classified as a 'Southern donor', which expresses the country's own novelties, and tensions, of simultaneously being a donor and a developing country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2009, Brazil won the right to host the 2016 Olympic and Paralympic Games. International media coverage of the bid process revealed the involvement of the then Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva in the project application. To further understand the government's involvement in Brazilian Olympic sport, we undertook an analysis of federal investment in sport between 2004 and 2009. We reviewed both quantitative and qualitative data showing Brazil's public investment in Olympic sport by analysing official information available through the federal government. Noting that sports, especially Olympic sports, were the recipient of federal funds, we critique the rationale underlying the government's interest in providing financial support to this elite sport. Our analysis shows that federal funding for sports goes disproportionately to elite training and support for mega-events, despite constitutional guidelines to the contrary. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Brazil's influence is rising quickly in international affairs. Unlike those of China and India, its foreign policy relies heavily on non-military power—a characteristic of Brazil since at least the early 20th century. A mainstay of this policy has been the pursuit of ‘development’ for Brazil and the global South, with domestic discourse on the need to ‘develop’ buttressing this approach. Foreign policy under President Lula (2003–10) did this explicitly; President Rousseff (2011–) shows no signs of changing course. This article analyses three foreign policy issues—South–South cooperation, health, and environment—to demonstrate the use and assess the value of this strategy. Not only is the strategy serving Brazil's national interests well, the analysis reveals, but it is also benefitting other developing countries (albeit asymmetrically), reinforcing Brazil's capacity to influence international affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Together, we the authors, wonder, write, imagine, suffer, and criticize the support of the Belo Monte Monster Dam in the Rio Xingu, in the heart of the Amazon, by two of our personal heroes and fellow Brazilians: Lula, former president and iconic founder of the Workers’ Party, and, Dilma Rousseff, our presidenta guerilheira. Using our autoethnographic reflections, memories, street poetry, and decolonizing wanderings, we try to make sense of this persistent disconnect between the “discovery” of Brazil by the Portuguese in 1500 and the brutal social injustices of our everyday life. And we bring constructions of childhood and history right into the center of this critique. Throughout, we invite the reader to imagine new ways of seeing and teaching children, and thus ourselves as educators and parents, to interrupt the avoidance approach to questions of inequalities in favor of decolonizing versions of history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the 1990s marked the rise of left-wing governments in Latin America. Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva in Brazil, Nestor Kirchner in Argentina, Evo Morales in Bolivia, among others, swept into power, in most cases in landslide victories at the polls, only to encounter almost immediately afterwards a forceful opposition from the mainstream and privately owned commercial news media. Evidence of this can be seen in the active role played by these news media outlets in the rapid overthrow of President Hugo Chavez in April 2002 and in the quasi-antagonistic relations between the media and the government in places such as Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil and Nicaragua. We argue that at the centre of this struggle is an appropriation of history by journalists and news editors which serves to contextualise and frame political news stories so as to provide specific meanings to current accounts and narratives. This, we argue, is in itself a crucial aspect of political power relationships during a period when the armed forces and traditional political parties no longer have the leverage they once had. This article assesses the extent to which journalists and news editors have been using history to frame the accounts and narratives in their news stories as a way of providing legitimacy to their political allies while undermining that of their foes. In so doing, it looks at specific cases in the region, while analysing news content during key events in recent years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the administration of President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, the Brazilian state has advocated the use of Free/Livre and Open Source Software (FLOSS) throughout the public sector. How did FLOSS adoption gain traction as a developmental strategy across a large federal bureaucracy that had embraced information technology policies supporting export-oriented growth and market liberalization during the 1990s? In a historical case study, I argue that the FLOSS agenda emerged as a result of the actions of a network of insurgent experts working within elite political, technical, and educational institutions. I trace the history of this mobilization and show how a dedicated network of experts brought about conditions for institutional transformation that contradicted prevailing neoliberal policy proscriptions. The Brazilian FLOSS insurgency offers insights into the means by which a group of elites endeavored to reframe debates about technology-driven economic growth around questions of state-led access to source code and knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the introduction of affirmative action (AA) policies in higher education under the government of Former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (Lula), which included the country's racial issues in public debate. The author said Lula took on Brazil's examples of racial inequality, which in 2000 showed 42% of population of color without schooling, compared with 23% of the whites. In Lula's presidency, AA programs reportedly thrived and provided higher education to people who would otherwise remain excluded from universities.

The article looks at the Workers Party (PT) after Former Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. It cites among others PT's big-monthly-payment scandal of the mid-2005 and Lula's highly successful second term that helped PT recover. Bernardo Cotrim, director of political education of the Rio de Janeiro, Brazil State PT, says there is more space for dialogue and blending inside PT now than before. Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff's current standing and the waning importance of the "núcleos de base" are among topics discussed.

The article reports on the three key social policies of Former Brazilian President Luiz Anácio Lula da Silva's administration, namely aid to small farmers, labor and pension reforms, and the cash-transfer programs to the poor (CTPP). CTPP or Bolsa Familia (Family Stipend) stretched an already existing welfare system and reached about a quarter of Brazil's population by 2006, and reduced extreme poverty in Brazil by 19% and moderate poverty by 12%. The author describes Lula's left-wing neoliberalism as a qualified form of progressivism.

The article looks at Former Brazilian President Luiz Anácio Lula da Silva's (Lula) view of agrarian reform (AR), not as part of a fight for socialism, but as an essential economic development policy. The author says when Lula became president, AR became stripped of its political content and became subordinated to economic objectives. He says it became a contributor to a developmental model that integrated small family farming in big-picture economic planning, which inclusion made AR one such reform without necessarily redistributing land.

The article recalls Former Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's (Lula) economic policies. The author cites Lula's belief that while it was important to save banks or insurance companies to protect deposits and social security, it was more important to protect jobs and stimulate production. He says Lula's initiative to invest locally and once more raising the minimum wage speedily lifted Brazil out of the 2007-2009 recession. Political dispute over Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff government's economic agenda direction is reported.

This article analyzes Brazilian grand strategy under President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. During Lula's eight years in office, he pursued a multitiered grand strategy aimed at hastening the transition from U.S. and Western hegemony to a multipolar order more favorable to Brazilian interests. Lula did so by emphasizing three diplomatic strategies: soft balancing, coalition building, and seeking to position Brazil as the leader of a more united South America. During Lula's time in office, this strategy successfully raised Brazil's profile and increased its diplomatic flexibility, but the country still faces several potent strategic dilemmas that could complicate or undermine its geopolitical ascent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the positions held by Brazil under the administration of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (2003-present) on nuclear nonproliferation, arms control, and disarmament regimes and on contentious issues in those areas. Under Lula's government, Brazil has wanted to mediate between nuclear weapon and non-nuclear weapon states to consolidate its position as a strong negotiator and to benefit from the possible gains of this position in terms of greater participation in international institutions. It has also wanted to pressure nuclear weapon states to fulfill their disarmament obligations in order to reduce asymmetries in its relations with powerful nuclear weapon countries. At the same time, Brazil has tried to preserve its autonomy and flexibility to protect commercial secrets and preserve national security in relation to its own nuclear program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the case of the indigenous peoples and the Belo Monte hydroelectric dam in Brazil. It reports on the growth of Brazil's economy under the leadership of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The Belo Monte dam is the flagship project of the Lula government's Accelerated Growth Program (PAC). The article examines the environmental and social impact of the Belo Monte dam project, particularly on the indigenous peoples of Brazil.

Following a period of some distancing through the 1980s and 1990s, Brazil has made a concerted effort to engage with Africa. Today, under the leadership of President Lula, Africa is clearly a priority, especially as Brazil emerges as a global economic power and leader of the developing South. Yet, relatively little is written of Brazil's engagement with Africa and the rationale behind the political and economic drive toward the continent. What is clear is that Brazil's engagement with Africa, viewed in the historical context, maintains its underlying foreign policy principles of economic development on the one hand and the preservation of autonomy in an asymmetric world on the other. Brazil's engagement with Africa has taken on a three-pronged approach of political diplomacy, commercial engagement and development co-operation. This is indicative of a new era of Brazilian foreign policy and Brazil's process of internationalisation in general. This is a complex and inter-related process that Brazil seems to have managed well through a high degree of diplomatic sophistication and open cooperation between the political, commercial and various development entities. Africa displays one of the best contextual examples of Brazil's delicate balancing act between commercial and strategic interests and external development assistance. The way Brazil manages this and builds on its positive image in Africa is indicative of its role and approach as a new and emerging power on the international stage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I examine free and open source software as a unique terrain of struggle over the politics of globalization, focusing on the Brazilian government's software strategy under the Lula administration. First, I locate this strategy in the historical context of the Brazilian government struggles for technological development and autonomy. I highlight how the Brazilian government used its power as a hierarchical organization to take advantage of the distinctive, networked political economy of free and open source software. I employ a post-structural political economy perspective to analyze the key role of discourse within the Brazilian software strategy. Second, I explore two ways that the Lula administration pursued its strategy of digital inclusion through an innovative approach to the politics of consumption. It used the power of government purchases to shift to free and open source systems, as well as pursuing a more ambitious project to democratize consumption of computers, free software and the Internet among Brazil's poor. I conclude by examining the implications of this software strategy for understanding and developing a political economy of digital inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the academic and public debate on the politics of Latin America's twenty-first century turn towards the left. It rejects dichotomous categorisations of 'social democratic' and 'populist' lefts as a disciplinary move by neoliberals that appeals to entrenched liberal predispositions. It suggests that such classificatory taxonomies are directly linked to an impoverished notion of the political, in which a politics of exalted expertise and enlightenment, based on reason, rationality and objectivity is juxtaposed against a lesser sphere of emotion, passion and 'personalism'. This underlying dualism, which permeates academic disciplines and crosses lines of ideology, tracks established markers of hierarchical distinction in societies profoundly divided along multiple lines of class and cultural capital. This is explored through an analysis of the discourse of Chavez vis-a-vis Lula, while offering an appreciation of the subaltern origin of Lula's distinctive style of political leadership, from trade unionism to the presidency, based upon the creation of spaces of convergence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to analyse the changes brought about by the foreign policy of Lula's first administration (2003 - 06). To discuss the topic, we will make use of three notions: autonomy through distance, autonomy through participation and autonomy through diversification. These notions explain the main changes occurring in Brazilian foreign policy from 1980 to the mid-2000s. We will conclude by demonstrating how the autonomy through diversification notion best applies to the 2003 - 06 period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The election of Lula (Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva) as president of Brazil in October 2002 broke new ground: for the first time in Latin America a working man was directly elected as president of the Republic. Lula also came to power as leader of the Partido dos Trabalhadores, the Workers' Party, with its close links to ‘new unionism’, ‘liberation theology’ and mass social movements. The possibility of his election caused strong market reaction but, by the start of 2005, Lula and his government had reassured their critics on the right. They had also dismayed many supporters on the left, including members of the pt, by failing to tackle urgent social problems. Even so, on the basis of a strong economic performance and support in the polls, Lula seemed assured of re-election in October 2006. Suddenly, in May 2005, came the first revelations of a corruption scandal, leading to a crisis described as ‘the most extensive in the whole history of the Brazilian republic’. Lula lost some of his closest ministerial colleagues, and the pt most of its senior officers, with the threat of impeachment for Lula himself. That crisis is still unresolved, but has already severely damaged the pt, virtually paralysed government and made Lula's re-election seem ever more unlikely. This paper seeks to set the current crisis in wider political perspective and to reflect on its possible impact on a political system which in 2002, and even in 2004, gave evidence of supporting a robust and stable democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the effects of the slow reforms of Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva on the democracy of the country. Strongest factor behind the potential of the leftist Workers' Party as a source of dissent; Number of landless workers who brought the issue of land reform to Lula in Brasília in May 2005; Information on the progressive reform in Brazil under Lula.

Presents information on the annual World Social Forum (WSF) which gathers activists around the world who are opposed to neoliberal corporate globalization promoted by international financial institutions and transnational corporations. Agendas of WSF; Reasons for selecting Porto Alegre, Brazil as site for the first three meetings of WSF; Participation of Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in the third WSF forum in 2003.

Discusses the affirmative action plan of the Brazilian government as of January 2005. Impact of the emergence of race-based issue network on social mobilization around race; Efforts of the administration of former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso and President Luis Lula da Silva to change the racial policy of the government; Information on the proposed specific public policies aimed at black Brazilians.

Discusses racism in Brazil. Social and economic conditions of the groups defined as black, brown and white in Brazil; Impact of the media on Brazilian society; Efforts of the Workers' Party government under President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva to address the problem of racial inequality in Brazil; Difference of race relations in Brazil from other countries; Suggestions for policymakers in Brazil.

Contrasts the reform movements in Brazil and Venezuela, led by presidents Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva and Hugo Chavez, respectively. Political ideologies of both leaders; Declaration of war against organized labor by President Chavez; Difference between the administrations of Lula and Chavez; Challenges faced by Lula administration; Commendation on both leaders' stand on globalization and on their socially progressive domestic programs.

The creation of hemispheric trading in the Americas has been a long-term dream. Market-oriented reforms implemented by Latin American economies in the 1990s, in addition to widespread democratic regimes in the region, have opened a window of opportunity for economic integration. In November of 2002, a new president, Luis Inacio da Silva, was elected in Brazil. The interaction between Luis Inacio da Silva (Lula) and George W. Bush will largely determine the format and timing of the hemispheric Free Trade Area for the Americas (FTAA), extending from the Yukon to Patagonia. This hemispheric economic integration initiative suggests a number of opportunities and challenges for the 34 countries involved in unifying markets across the Americas. Brazil and the U.S. will play a vital role in any attempt to integrate Latin American markets. The dynamics of the coexistence between these two countries will largely decide the future of the Free Trade Area for the Americas (FTAA) initiative.the Yukon to Patagonia. This hemispheric economic integration initiative suggests a number of opportunities and challenges for the 34 countries involved in unifying markets across the Americas. Brazil and the U.S. will play a vital role in any attempt to integrate Latin American markets. The dynamics of the coexistence between these two countries will largely decide the future of the Free Trade Area for the Americas (FTAA) initiative. the Yukon to Patagonia. This hemispheric economic integration initiative suggests a number of opportunities and challenges for the 34 countries involved in unifying markets across the Americas. Brazil and the U.S. will play a vital role in any attempt to integrate Latin American markets. The dynamics of the coexistence between these two countries will largely decide the future of the Free Trade Area for the Americas (FTAA) initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Examines the strategy and policies of Brazilian President Luiz Inacio "Lula" da Silva. Analysis of the combination of economic liberalization and political redemocratization and Third Way ideology as da Silva's framework to justify a market-led and imperial-centered model of capital accumulation; Impact of da Silva's embrace of the free market-International Monetary Fund structured adjustment policies on employment and real wages; Investigation of the political transformation of Lula; Examination of the changed nature of the party which supported Lula's rise to power, with particular reference to his agrarian reform program.

Assesses the legacy of Salvador Allende and the leftist renaissance with Brazilian President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva. Importance of Allende's legacy to political pragmatism for the left; Implication of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War to socio-political and economic conditions of Latin America; Relation between economic transformation and political democracy; Characteristics that distinguished the Ricardo Lagos' Concertacion and Lula's Workers' party from Allende's Popular unity.

Deals with the agrarian reform policy of the administration of Brazilian President Luis Lula da Silva. Purpose of the agrarian reform program; Plans of Lula da Silva for social reform; Reaction of the Landless Rural Worker's Movement to the initiative. INSETS: Portrait of an MST Settler: Romilda da Silva;Portrait of an MST Settler: Rita de Souza.

Discusses the significance of Luiz Lula da Silva's victory in Brazil's presidential elections in October 2002. Background on Lula da Silva's career in labor and politics; Stance of da Silva on the Free Trade Area of the Americas initiative; Perception of the public regarding his presidency; Challenges to the country's workforce to be addressed by the president.

Interviews Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, union activist and presidential candidate in Brazil. Background of his political career; Views regarding the Workers Party (PT); Relationship of several Brazilian presidency with PT; Information on the Landless People Movement (MST); Relationship of MST with PT; PT's stand in the presidency of Brazil.

The article discusses the first 100 days of Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff. The author sees those first days as unique because they are the continuation of a government and a leader of unprecedented success in Brazil. He points out, however, that the Rousseff government inherited not only a country in much better shape than what Former Brazilian President Luiz Anácio Lula da Silva did, but also a weakened, demoralized, and defeated right-wing, and that this is the context in which the Rousseff government must be assessed.

Explains the significance of the election of Luis Inacio Lula de Silva as president of Brazil in 2002. Popularity of Lula among Brazilians; Political agenda of Lula; Overview of the political condition in Brazil; Implications of Lula's victory for Latin America.

An interview with Brazilian presidential candidate Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva is presented. Topics of the interview include the position of his Workers Party (PT) regarding the economic plan of Brazil President Fernando Collor de Mello, the impact of the plan on workers and the middle class, as well as the prospects for joint action on Latin American debtors.

Discusses the possibility of the formation of an axis of evil in Latin America. Questions raised by Brazillian President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva on his country's adhering to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty; Contents of the letter written by Illinois Republican Congressman Henry Hyde to U.S. President George W. Bush; Remarks from Henrique Valle, Brazil's ambassador to Canada.

The article focuses on the politics in Brazil and Great Britain on the emergence of the precariats due to neoliberalism to oppose the repression by the government. It states that Brazil has witnessed the improvement of situation after the formation of Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) or the Worker's Party's government headed by Da Silva Lula, a blue collar worker. It discusses that in Great Britain the working class forming political party is not in sight.

An interview with Brazilian sociologist and political scientist Emir Sader is presented. On the most noteworthy characteristics of Former Brazilian President Luiz Anácio Lula da Silva's (Lula) foreign policy and how it differed from his predecessor's, Sader points at Lula's veto of the U.S.-sponsored Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), which veto he says allowed the emergence of new forms of integration and regional cooperation. He says Lula established a strong cooperation with Africa, which was rejected by Fernando Henrique Cardoso.

The article determines how much credit the 2003-2010 presidency of Brazil's Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva takes for Brazil's emergence as an economic and geopolitical power. It cites Lula's emergence in the 1970s as the leader of a labor-based movement that opposed the military dictatorship, and his having run a high budget surplus that paid Brazil's debt to the International Monetary Fund in full. The author says that while Lula fell short of the ambition of longtime militants of his Workers' Party (PT), he nevertheless accomplished a lot.

The article discusses the highlights of the 2009 World Social Forum held in Belém, Brazil. The event was attended by several presidents from Latin America, including Rafael Correa of Ecuador, Hugo Chávez of Venezuela, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil, Fernando Lugo of Paraguay, and Evo Morales of Bolivia. It relates why Lula did not attend the first meeting which brought together Chávez, Morales, Correa, and Lugo with representatives of La Vía Campesina, an international network of rural movements.

The article offers a look on the administration of Brazilian President Luis Lula da Silva, three years after taking power in 2003. The military overthrowing of João Goulan's government in 1964 has caused Lula to slip in his leadership role promoting the economic integration of South America. To gain the support of the mainstream media, Lula made an assurance that he would not change the neoliberal policies of the previous government. A scandal involving the Brazilian Workers' Party erupted in May 2005.