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"What explains the feeling of being disempowered? The literature on aspirations suggests subjectively deprived people may feel disempowered because they consider that any improvement to their lot is simply out of their reach. The present paper provides original and robust evidence that, alongside the well-known objective capabilities related to skills, assets and opportunities, psychological capabilities linked to aspirations also matter. Based on a Central African household survey and tackling endogeneity issues, we show that: (i) feeling subjectively more deprived decreases the probability of reporting a high level of empowerment, defined as power from within, that is the power to change one's life; (ii) the probability of reporting empowerment decreases with the size of the aspirations gap, defined as the negative gap between one's level of subjective wealth and the locality's mean level; (iii) the capability framework is a relevant one to address the complex links between aspirations and empowerment." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the uneven geography of foreign direct investment in Africa, this article examines political, demographic and infrastructural factors that have led six countries – Burundi, Central African Republic, Comoros, the Gambia, Guinea Bissau and São Tomé and Príncipe – to be the least attractive territories to the external capital. This paper investigates the extent to which political stability, qualification of labor, potential consumer market, regional integration, and infrastructure play a central role in attracting investments. It also debates Geography's role in investigating African countries' particularities to avoid common generalizations, which are still disseminated by Afro-Optimism and Afro-Pessimist perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion of 'stability' and the practice of 'stability operations' experienced a revival in the last decade. The paper shows how different actors (UN, NATO, US and European countries) have been using the concept 'stability' in their recent doctrines. It then shows how as a multi-faceted notion stability can benefit from methodological pluralism, how actors adopt different and even conflicting meanings across a range of different cases and stability operations seem to carry troubling political and normative implications. In sum, this introductory essay specifies how the present collection contributes to the literature and the ongoing policy debate by dissecting the notions of stability and stability operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the fringes of the unprecedented medication scale-up in the treatment of HIV, many African countries have experienced dramatic antiretroviral drug stock-outs. Usually considered the result of irrational decisions on behalf of local politicians, programme managers and even patients (who are stigmatised as immoral), these problems seem not to be so exceptional. However, ethnographic attention to the social consequences of the presence and absence of antiretroviral drugs in the Central African Republic (CAR) suggests that these stock-outs entail far more than logistical failures. In 2010 and 2011 in the CAR, major antiretroviral treatment (ARV) stock-outs resulted in the renewal of ‘therapeutic’ social ties and also significant social resistance and defiance. While this paper explores reasons for the shortage, its focus is on subsequent popular reactions to it, particularly among people who are HIV-positive and dependent on ARVs. The exceptional and ambiguous consequences of these drug stock-outs raise new concerns relevant to the politics of global public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the declining HIV/AIDS prevalence globally, nearly half of all new HIV infections still occur among youth, especially in sub-Saharan Africa. While determinants of risky sexual behaviour have received copious attention in the literature, we still lack multi-country studies that track regional changes in sexual risk among youth in sub-Saharan Africa. This study seeks to fill part of this gap by identifying the determinants of risky sexual behaviours among adolescents in Ghana, Central African Republic (CAR) and Eswatini (formerly Swaziland). We used nationally representative sample data from the Multi Indicator Cluster survey, round four (MICS4). Results of the descriptive analysis show that overall consistent condom use is still extremely low in sub-Saharan Africa. In Ghana, only 8.5% of male youth and 7% of female youth consistently use condoms. In CAR this figure is 8% and 4% in male youth and female youth respectively. In Eswatini, with one of highest HIV prevalence in the world, the prevalence of consistent condom use is at 29% in males and 20% in females, higher than both in Ghana and CAR. Results of hierarchical models show that age at first sex does not predict risky sexual behaviour in Ghana, but it does predict risky sexual behaviour in CAR although only among young males. In Swaziland, age at first sex predicts risky sexual behaviour in both male and female youth but the relationship is not in the expected direction. Low socio-economic status predicts inconsistent condom use in all the three countries, but only among young females. This paper provides relevant policy lessons and recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In June 2015, the South African Parliament passed the long-awaited defence review (DR2015). The aim of the review was to stop the decline of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) and to create an economical and sustainable force structure capable of continuing to fulfil its constitutional obligations and to support the country's foreign policy, primarily in relation to Africa. However, implementation of the DR2015 has turned out to be difficult. The major claim of this article is that the processes of demilitarisation and transition since the end of apartheid, combined with years of underfunding and the lack of a priority given to the SANDF has reduced the latter's professional military capabilities to such an extent that in the future it will find it difficult to function in the active international role it has played since the end of the 1990s. The reduced role of the SANDF is also an illustration of South Africa in general prioritising domestic developmental and security challenges, as well as its footstep in Africa. The study is based on extensive empirical data collection in South Africa and the Democratic Republic of Congo in the form of a string of semi-structured qualitative interviews, primary documentary research and an extensive academic literature review conducted from 2000 to 2017. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A new Afrotropical genus (Ifrika gen. n.) and three new species (Ifrika mnyamasp. n., Ifrika nyigusp. n. and Ifrika wadudusp. n.) are described and illustrated. A fourth species, Ifrika pauculihirtacomb. n., is transferred from Dissomphalus. The males of this genus are easily recognised among the other genera of Pristocerinae by having the following combination of characteristics: the median clypeal lobe indistinct from the lateral ones, the dorsal pronotal area very short, the hypopygium with an inner membrane and a posterior margin deeply excavated, the genitalia with the harpe strongly incurved, almost fully divided, the aedeagus with a basal cover plate, the mediodorsal fold, and the median projection ventrally curved and apodeme dorsally curved. A key to all species and some comments on the Afrotropical Bethylidae fauna are also provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Heavy episodic drinking (HED) is associated with negative health consequences. The goal of the study was to assess HED among the general adult population in Central African Republic (CAR). In a cross-sectional survey in CAR (Bangui city and Ombella M'Poko region), 3 301 people (range = 25 - 64 years) completed structured interview questions, including on alcohol use, and anthropometric and blood pressure measurements were taken. Logistic regression was used to assess associations between sociodemographic indicators, health factors, and past-month HED. Results indicated that 33.0% of participants reported HED (26.4% in women and 44.4% in men), and among past 12-month drinkers 63.1% reported HED. In the final logistic regression model, male sex, aged 35 to 44 years, ten or more years of education, current tobacco smoking, current smokeless tobacco use, second-hand smoke exposure, and having four or more meals outside the home in the past week increased the odds of HED. One-third of the study population reported HED, suggesting a need for population-level interventions to reduce HED. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Leaving no one behind" (LNOB) constitutes one of the core principles underpinning the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. We propose a complementary fuzzy logic approach to identify countries left behind in human development and each of its dimensions. We find that the countries left furthest behind at the beginning of the century were those that most reduced gaps with respect to better performing countries after two decades. Nevertheless, we cannot clearly speak of convergence in human development. There are notable exceptions, such as the Central African Republic, Liberia, Yemen, Haiti or Venezuela, which despite the improvement in their Human Development Index worryingly increased their gaps in human development dimensions relative to the rest of the world. Our analysis highlights significant advantages of using the proposed fuzzy-based LNOB approach to incorporate the moral imperative of leaving no country behind in the measurement of human development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rebel governance assumes a symbiotic relationship between coercion and public goods provision. However, in the rebel-held town of Ndélé, Central African Republic, we find that governance happens in rebel-held territory, but rarely by rebels. Rebels allowed other actors to provide services for the people only when this did not hinder rebels extracting political clout and economic benefit from the people and their lands. We show how rebels' extractive ambitions and governance discourses evolved during successive stages of rebellion through a diachronic comparison rooted in multimethod fieldwork from 2018 to 2022. We ask, why were rebel groups able to set up their rule, then rule for seven years, before ultimately losing power? Rebels evoked public goods at the onset of rebellion to justify the use of coercive means. After rebel rule was established, rebels outsourced public goods to international and state actors allowing for governance in rebel-held territory while focussing their own efforts on extraction. When their rule was challenged, rebels targeted governance actors and spaces in their territory in pursuit of economic gain and political dominance. Our findings call for a re-evaluation of existing rebel governance studies and the ways in which rebel groups are engaged with. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article evaluates the military operation of the European Union in Chad and the Central African Republic in 2008-09. Despite a promising conceptual approach and close cooperation with the United Nations (UN), the operation created significant political problems between member states. It led to a split - France arguing that it carried too much of the burden and Germany and the United Kingdom sensing that they were sponsoring a pet project. When the UN failed to achieve its ambitious promises to establish a parallel presence and follow-on force, tensions arose with the UN as well. This type of operation is therefore unlikely to be repeated in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critiques the prescription of joint security units called for by civil war peace agreements as a means to integrate armed forces previously in conflict. Drawing on cases from Sudan, South Sudan, and the Central African Republic, this article offers a comparative assessment of the joint security units attempted in each country. As negotiators and mediators often employ templates from other contexts, the deficits exemplified by these cases call for rethinking the practice of establishing joint units in the doctrine of military integration, as well as in the wider practice of negotiating security arrangements in peace processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims at investigating how do mechanisms of bureaucratic politics contribute to the decision of deploying troops and in so doing to mold the national motivations underscoring the deployment. The text takes Brazil as a case and researches the decision-making process in the country, using past cases of deployments that actually happened. The bulk of the analysis, however, is dedicated to the negative case where Brazil decided not to contribute to the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA). The analysis provides a breakdown of the 2017–2018 domestic political and bureaucratic decision-making process in Brazil as regards the possibility of deploying troops to MINUSCA and traces the mechanisms in action that resulted in the negative decision by the government. Based on the case of Brazil, considerations are made on the importance of investigating negative scenarios to better understanding how developing countries, such as the BRICS, value the motivations and ultimately decide to contribute to a UN mission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks narrowly at whether a 'human security' approach can be seen in a UN peace operation that pursues stabilization, namely the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA). The UN's interpretation of stabilization has not been expressly set out, but stabilization missions typically work alongside the host state to extend state authority and use robust force to counter spoilers. Human security is a concept which is rights-based, promotes the 'vital core', has a concern for vulnerability, utilizes preventative protection methods, and empowers local persons to have agency in the peace process. Attempts have been made to institutionalize and mainstream human security practices within the UN. An analytical framework of human security is outlined in this article and used to assess to what extent the mandate of MINUSCA pursues human security-based goals. An extensive review of UN documentation looks at the mandate and practice of MINUSCA and it is argued that the mission does seek to empower local people, engage in a bottom-up manner and entrench the rule of law. The analytical framework also casts light on aspects of the stabilization mandate which are problematic such as militarization and cooperation with the host state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although historically a contested concept, it has been argued that civil society has become a victim of its own ubiquity in development; its potential for radicalism and innovation blunted by donor-driven narratives and the unquestioning acceptance of those narratives by donor-dependent NGOs. Donor influence is charged with weakening civil society as an arena for political debate and citizen-driven change. This article presents findings from qualitative research undertaken with forest sector civil society organisations in the Central African Republic. It unearths and examines perceptions of the roles and values of civil society among practitioners themselves and the underlying drivers of consensual or contested understandings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Central African region remains one of the most chaotic parts of Africa. Countries in the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) region have taken steps to address the security crisis regionally. Although the regional security mechanisms put in place have been tested significantly only in the Central African Republic (CAR), they have failed to deliver security and address the growing humanitarian crisis in this country. The approach adopted has been statist, focusing on the state apparatus and the interests of its managers over those of the economic classes and civil society. This case study uses a qualitative research strategy. Data for the study was obtained from secondary sources via desk research. Focusing on the core issues of societal security in the CAR, the study demonstrates that continued reliance on the statist approach explains why ECCAS has not been successful in addressing the crisis. It is recommended that efforts focus on developing resilient social structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What factors explain the institutional shape of military interventions spearheaded by France? This article suggests that Intervention Entrepreneurs are the deciding agents. To secure the viability of their intervention proposal, they select an intervention venue based on pragmatic grounds. Most importantly, they carefully study possible domestic and international opposition to their intervention plans and conceive institutional intervention choices accordingly. The result is an ad hoc selection of intervention venues with little impact of political ideology, norms, organisational interests, or historical learning. Moreover, on many occasions, little attention is paid to which intervention format would most benefit the peace and prosperity in the conflict theatre in the medium to long term. The article illustrates this argument by tracing French institutional decision-making for interventions in Chad/CAR, Mali, and Libya. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A new species of the genus Setelacher Bouček, S. lasalleisp. nov. Gumovsky and van Noort, is described from the Afrotropical region (Central African Republic, Gabon and Uganda). It confirms the presence of the genus in the region. The only described species of the genus, S. fasciatus Bouček, is of Australasian and Indo-Malayan distribution, and one undescribed species was previously recorded from South Africa. All images presented here are available on [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In ratifying the ILO Convention 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention (ILO 169) in 2010, the Central African Republic (CAR) became the first African country to join the Convention. Following the ratification of the Convention, the CAR has engaged in a process of integration of the Convention within its national political and legal system. However, due to the widespread conflicts that has marked the country since 2013, the process of implementation of the Convention and the rights of indigenous peoples have greatly suffered. The conflict has had seriously impact on indigenous peoples of the country who have been severely affected by the violence. With this in mind, the aim of this article is to offer an overview on some of the main issues faced by indigenous peoples in the country and to offer some analysis on the potential impact that the ILO 169 has had and could have in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the visit of Pope Francis to the Central African Republic (CAR) in November 2015 to help prevent and respond to gender-based violence (GBV) in the country. Topics mentioned include the visit shows the power and influence of faith leaders, the willingness of the government to partner with faith-based initiatives, and the effort of faith communities to prevent and respond to GBV.

Multi-actor peace operations have become the dominant mode of peace operations since the end of the cold war. This article uses the literature on institutional linkages and inter-organizational relations, thus far developed independently from the literature on such operations, to shed light on the relations between the organizations involved in them. The analysis of one specific case – the interactions between the United Nations, the African Union, the Economic Community of Central African States and the European Union in the Central African Republic – shows the usefulness of merging this body of theory with the primarily empirically driven research on peace operations and UN–regional collaboration. The findings of this study are meant to facilitate further research on multi-actor peace operations and serve as a building block for a theory explaining the emergence and configuration of such operations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The use of child soldiers in conflicts has received increasing academic attention in recent years. This article examines post-conflict periods to see whether the use of child soldiers mobilizes United Nations peacekeeping operations (UN PKO) in the aftermath of a conflict. Taking into consideration how child soldiers affect conflict and how important their reintegration is to sustainable peace and post-conflict development, we analyse whether the presence of child soldiers in a civil war increases the likelihood of the presence of a PKO. We argue that the UN deems a conflict with child soldiers as a difficult case for conflict resolution, necessitating a response from the international community. This is in line with our empirical results confirming that the use of child soldiers significantly increases the likelihood of peacekeeping. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses the European Union's (EU's) largest European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) military mission outside Europe to date; Eufor Tchad/RCA was a 3700-strong force involving personnel from 23 states, deployed to Chad and the Central African Republic for 12 months from March 2008. Far from this mission achieving EU 'supremacy' or projecting an 'imperial' reach, an evaluation of its objectives and achievements reveals acute limitations in the EU's ability to project power. The article analyses the context in which Eufor was conceived and deployed. It notes that the mission's weaknesses, like those of the United Nations mission to whom the EU transferred its security role in 2009, reflected its convoluted origins and objectives. Finally, the article examines whether the EU as a unitary actor has the desire or the ability to 'replace' individual European nations--in this case France--in their post-colonial military and 'humanitarian' roles in sub-Saharan Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following is a population-based survey of the Central African Republic (CAR) female refugee population displaced to rural Djohong District of Eastern Cameroon and associated female Cameroonian host population to characterise the prevalence and circumstances of sexual violence. A population-based, multistage, random cluster survey of 600 female heads of household was conducted during March 2010. Women heads of household were asked about demographics, household economy and assets, level of education and sexual violence experienced by the respondent only. The respondents were asked to describe the circumstances of their recent assault. The lifetime prevalence of sexual violence among Djohong district female heads of household is 35.2% (95% CI 28.7–42.2). Among heads of household who reported a lifetime incident of sexual violence, 64.0% (95% CI 54.3–72.5) suffered sexual violence perpetrated by their husband or partner. Among the host population, 3.9% (95% CI 1.4–10.5) reported sexual violence by armed groups compared to 39.0% (95% CI 25.6–54.2) of female refugee heads of household. Women who knew how to add and subtract were less likely to report sexual violence during their lifetime (OR 0.16, 95% CI 0.08–0.34). Sexual violence is common among refugees and host population in Eastern Cameroon. Most often, perpetrators are partners/husbands or armed groups. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses the ways in which rapidly emerging narratives of EU-UN cooperation in military crisis management are rewriting and re-authorizing European practices of military intervention in Africa. By problematizing the underlying assumptions, this article points to the increasing significance of uncertainties about the location of contemporary political life, the location of 'crisis management', and thus to the diverse effects of a crisis management approach to African conflicts. Hence, this article problematizes and challenges a range of powerful normative claims about 'EU crisis management'. The emerging narratives are practices of knowledge and space that shape EU-Africa relations and that create new spaces of intervention, thus establishing and enabling relations of authority and control. Last, the article discusses briefly how such practices worked in the case of EUFOR Tchad/RCA (European Forces in Chad and the Central African Republic). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Inter-African Mission to Monitor the Implementation of the Bangui Agreements is a peacekeeping operation independent of the United Nations. Its constitution, which was made possible by France, followed the request of the President of the Central African Republic to African Heads of State after the signature of the Bangui Agreements on 25 January 1997. However the intensification of the crisis and the inadequacy of the legal framework of MISAB s intervention required the is sue to be placed by the Security Council under Chapter VII of the UN Charter in order to address the events which threatened regional peace and security in Central Africa. It was made, at the request of the Central African authorities and the leaders of MISAB, consistent with Chapter VIII of the Charter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on African broadcasting pioneers and traces the origins of radio drama at Central African broadcasting services. Media imperialism hypothesis; Establishment of Central African broadcasting services; Growth of nationalism and reactions to the establishment of FBS; Playscript `Kazember and the Portuguese'; Origins of African language radio drama.

This is a study of women in the Central African Republic (CAR) whose first sexual encounter was the result of rape. The analyses presented here are based on a national HIV/AIDS survey conducted in 1989. Respondents were selected through multistage cluster sampling, where census districts and households within districts were randomly selected. A total of 1307 females responded to the question regarding the circumstances of their first intercourse. Nearly 22% of female respondents reported that their first experience with intercourse was rape. Bivariate analyses found that rape during first intercourse was significantly related to the following respondent characteristics at the time of the survey: age, marital status, having a child, education, occupation, urban versus rural living, ethnic group, age at first date, and consumption of alcohol. Rape was not significantly related to ability to read, religion, and years in current village or town. Rape during first intercourse was found in a stepwise logistic regression to be related to age, marital status, occupation, and ethnic group. These data indicate that the incidence of rape is higher than previously reported in Africa, there are specific risk factors, and there are serious negative consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]