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Yeung H. W.-C. Regional development and the competitive dynamics of global production networks: an East Asian perspective, Regional Studies. The debate on the nature and dynamics of regional development in both academic and policy circles has now moved on from the earlier focus on endogenous regional assets to analysing the complex relationship between globalization and regional change. This position paper attempts to engage with this debate through the experience of regional development in East Asia. The paper shows that regional development cannot be understood independently of the changing dynamics of global production networks. While the existing literature on East Asia tends to focus on the state as the key driver of economic development at the national and regional levels, it is argued that the developmental state is a necessary but not sufficient condition for regional development to take place. Instead, one needs to study the complex strategic coupling of those economic actors, particularly large business firms, operating in specific regions in Asia with their lead firm counterparts orchestrating production networks on a global basis... [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the changing governance of economic development in a globalizing era in relation to the dynamics of global value chains and global production networks. Based on recent development in such East Asian economies as South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore, I examine how, since the 1990s, the embedded relation between one variant of state institutions, known as the developmental state, and national firms, well integrated into global chains and networks spanning different territories and regions, has evolved. Because of the deepening strategic coupling of these national firms with lead firms in global industries, the developmental state's attempt to govern the market and to steer industrial transformation through direct policy interventions has become increasingly difficult and problematic. Through this process of strategic coupling, national firms have been gradually disembedded from state apparatuses and re-embedded in different global production networks that are governed by competitive inter-firm dynamics. While the state in these East Asian economies has actively repositioned its role in this changing governance, it can no longer be conceived as the dominant actor in steering domestic firms and industrial transformation. The developmental trajectory of these national economies becomes equally, if not more, dependent on the successful articulation of their domestic firms in global production networks spearheaded by lead firms. In short, inter-firm dynamics in global production networks tend to trump state-led initiatives as one of the most critical conditions for economic development. This paper theorizes further this significant role of global value chains and global production networks in the changing international political economy of development. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Over the past decade the world economy has been characterized by escalating global current account imbalances between the United States and East Asian states. This paper argues that US structural power in the global monetary system allowed the consolidation of a finance-led growth regime in the US based on massive capital inflows, asset inflation and consumption growth while inducing East Asian emerging market economies to establish export-led growth regimes. The global credit crisis has clearly uncovered the boundaries of US monetary hegemony, imposing severe adjustment throughout the global political economy. I analyse the political economy of global economic adjustment and argue that the crisis of US monetary hegemony is based domestically on the crisis of the finance-led growth regime and globally on the shortage of global demand. On the basis of an analysis of the impact of the crisis on the models of capitalism of the US, the Eurozone, and China, this paper shows that global demand deficiency will persist in the short to medium term. Durante la última década, la economía mundial se ha caracterizado por el aumento de los desequilibrios de cuentas corrientes globales entre los Estados Unidos y los estados del Asia oriental. Este artículo sostiene que el poder estructural estadounidense en el sistema monetario global permitió la consolidación de un régimen de crecimiento impulsado por las finanzas en Estados Unidos, en base a las entradas masivas de capital, inflación de los activos y crecimiento de consumo, mientras inducían a las economías de mercado emergente de Asia oriental, a establecer regímenes de crecimiento impulsado por las exportaciones. La crisis de crédito global ha puesto claramente al descubierto los límites de la hegemonía monetaria estadounidense, imponiendo un ajuste severo a través de la economía política global. Analizo la economía política del ajuste económico global y sostengo que la crisis de la hegemonía monetaria estadounidense está basada – domésticamente – en la crisis del crecimiento del régimen impulsado por las finanzas y – globalmente – en la escasez de la demanda global. En base a un análisis del impacto de la crisis en los modelos del capitalismo de los Estados Unidos, la Eurozona y la China, este artículo muestra que la insuficiencia en la demanda global persistirá en el corto y mediano plazo. 过去的十年，世界经济的一个特征一直是不断升高的美国与东亚国家之间的全球经常账户不平衡。本文认为美国在全球货币体系中的结构性权力使得美国基于大规模资本流动、资产膨胀、消费增长的金融业领导的增长机制得到巩固，同时诱使东亚新兴市场经济建立出口领导的增长机制。全球信贷危机已经清楚地揭示了美国金融霸权的范围，这一霸权通过全球政治经济强加严酷的调整。笔者分析全球经济调整的政治经济学，并且认为美国货币霸权的危机在国内是因为金融业领导的增长机制的危机，而在全球（国际）则是因为全球需求的短缺。基于危机对美国、欧元区和中国的资本主义模式的冲击的分析，本文认为，全球需求不足将在近中期持续。 اتسم الاقتصاد العالمي على مدى العقد الماضي بتصاعد أشكال الاختلال في الحسابات المالية الجارية على المستوى العالمي بين الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية ودول شرق آسيا. وترى هذه الدراسة أن النفوذ الهيكلي للولايات المتحدة في النظام النقدي العالمي قد أتاح ترسيخ نظام نمو ترتكز على العنصر المالي في الولايات المتحدة، وهو يقوم على أساس من التدفق الكبير لرؤوس الأموال، وتضخم الأصول ونمو الاستهلاك، بينما يغري اقتصاديات السوق الناشئة في شرق آسيا بإقامة أنظمة نمو ترتكز على التصدير. وقد كشفت الأزمة المالية العالمية بوضوح حدود الهيمنة النقدية للولايات المتحدة، والتي تفرض تكيّفاً شديداً في مجمل الاقتصادر السياسي العالمي. وتحلل الدراسة الاقتصاد السياسي للتكيّف الاقتصادي العالم&#x6 지난 십여 년에 걸쳐 세계경제는 미국과 동아시아 간에 확대되는 지구적 무역 불균형에 의해서 특징지어진다. 이 논문은 지구적 금융체계 내에서 동아시아 신흥 시장경제가 수출주도형 성장체제를 확립하게 하면서, 미국의 구조적 권력이 대규모 자본 유입, 자산 인플레와 소비 증가에 기초한 미국의 금융 주도 성장체제를 공고하게 했다는 것을 주장한다. 세계 금융위기는 분명히 전지구적 정치경제를 통해서 커다란 조정을 강요하면서 미국의 금융 헤게모니의 경제를 드러내게 했다. 나는 지구적 경제조정의 정치경제를 분석하여 미국의 금융 헤게모니가 국내적으로는 금융 주도 성장체제의 위기에 근거하고 있고, 지구적으로는 지구적 수요부족에 근거하고 있다고 주장한다. 위기가 미국, 유럽과 중국 자본주의 모델에 가한 충격 분석에 근거하여, 이 글은 지구적 수요 부족이 중단기적으로 지속될 것이라는 것을 보여준다. В прошлое десятилетие мировая экономика была охарактеризована эскалацией глобального дисбаланса текущего счета между государствами Восточной Азии и Соединенными Штатами. В данной статье утверждается, что американские власти, в структуре мировой валютной системы, позволили консолидацию финансово-экономического режима роста в США на основе массивного притока капитала, инфляции активов и роста потребления, вызывая в Восточной Азии, с формирующейся рыночной экономикой, создание экспортно-ориентированного режима роста. Глобальный кредитный кризис ясно показал границы американской валютной гегемонии, вводящей жесткое регулирование во всей глоб& [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Taiwan has been referred to by the World Bank as one of the East Asia's "economic miracles". Many quantitative models on Taiwan's economic growth have been conducted by neo-classical mainstream economists. However, none of them investigates in detail the thinking of those policy-makers who work behind the economic success of Taiwan. Li Kuo-Ting is generally regarded as the architect of Taiwan's economic "miracle". In this paper, an evolutionary perspective has been used to understand the economic management of Li Kuo-Ting in particular and the learning government in Taiwan in general. It will be argued that a policy change is a matter of learning, experimenting, and a process of trial and error, involving subjective aspects such as the policy-makers' perception, vision and experiences, and objective factors such as environmental, geographical or international constraints. Furthermore, Taiwan has been able to succeed because its policy-makers are willing to learn and unlearn. Though the right policy has not always been adopted, Taiwan's policy-makers are willing to experiment with a new policy in a pragmatic way. Policies that did not work were either modified or abandoned. Policies that did work were adopted. This paper concludes that Taiwan's economic "miracle" has been the result of a long-term evolutionary process of entrepreneurial vision by the government, careful policy experimentation and market selection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper assesses the relative merits and demerits of different East Asian models by placing them in a historical perspective. It re-interprets Gerschenkron's model of late industrialization, and extends it to compare East Asian economies in view of substituting and complementing models, ft then explains divergent performances among East Asian economics from the late 1990s by examining the different Challenges they faced as their economies became mature and more fully open to forces of globalization. fn conclusion, the paper discusses the applicability of the East Asian models for today's developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large-scale foreign investment in Africa's abundant but largely underutilized arable land has been criticised by international NGOs and social movements as ‘land grabbing’, which limits access of smallholder farmers to land, deprives local people of their livelihoods and threatens local and national food security across the continent. By way of contrast, many host governments and some leading international development agencies regard land-based investments as beneficial for development in terms of providing the necessary capital and technological know-how for modernising the region's neglected agriculture including take-off in agribusiness and agro-industrialisation, which is vital to much needed economic diversification in many African countries. East Asia's participation in the global land rush on Africa is examined from the standpoint of these two different perspectives: while China's growing presence and involvement in trade and investment in mining, energy and infrastructure in Africa is well known, less recognised is its involvement and those of other East Asian countries such as South Korea, Malaysia, Singapore and Vietnam in agriculture through large-scale land acquisitions. The development consequences and policy implications of these foreign land-based investments are analysed from a political economy perspective, which identifies motives, interests and benefits of the different actors and addresses the question of governance in terms of transparency and appropriate institutional arrangements to safeguard land rights and food security. In the bigger picture, the paper argues that the negative consequences of land grab has to be seen alongside the benefits flowing to Africa from growing economic relations with China and other dynamic East Asian economies and learning from the development experiences of those countries. African countries however need to re-assess the current approach and relationship with foreign land-based investors and decide how best this trend can be used to forward their economic and social agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper argues that to understand the relevance of developmental states in East Asia and elsewhere, we need to focus on the changing development agenda in the early twenty-first century, especially how this connects with the global challenge of climate change and thereby sustainable, low-carbon development. It combines theories on state capacity and ecological modernisation to form the 'new developmentalism' concept. This is applied to study revitalised and refocused forms of state capacity aimed at realising the transformative economic objectives associated with sustainable development. New developmentalism helps us understand not only current state capacity practice in a climate challenged world but also how we have moved beyond original conceptions of developmental statism. It may be understood in the wider context of the sustainable development agenda and climate interventionism. As is argued, new developmentalism is most clearly evident in East Asia but can be applied in a wider geographic sense where strong forms of developmental state capacity are exercised towards meeting transformative sustainable development goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All economies experience peaks and troughs in their business cycles. This paper examines eight East Asian economies, employing a Bayesian dynamic factor model that allows the decomposition of aggregate shocks into country-specific, regional and world common business cycles. It therefore allows the identification of causes for major events experienced by these countries. Empirical evidences show that country-specific factors are the most important in determining the major events for all the countries examined here, implying the need for each country to rely more heavily on its own independent counter-cyclical policies. Although the regional factor plays a less important role than the country-specific factor, it accounts for a sizeable share in the output fluctuation of the region. The regional factor is most prevalent for Singapore, Korea, Malaysia and Thailand, indicating that a regional coordinated policy is rather more effective for these economies to respond to disturbances. The world factor explains only around 7% of the output variation in East Asia, which might explain why the East Asian economies are relatively insulated from the recent global financial crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper empirically examines the role of financial sector development in influencing the impact of exchange rate volatility on the exports of five emerging East Asian countries - China, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand - using a GMM-IV estimation method. The results indicate that the effect of exchange rate volatility on exports is conditional on the level of financial sector development. The less financially developed an economy, the more its exports are adversely affected by exchange rate volatility. In addition, a stable exchange rate seems to be a necessary condition to achieve export promotion via a currency depreciation in these economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to investigate the relationship between energy consumption and economic growth for 11 East Asian countries over the period 1971-2005 by taking into account their strong relationships. Based on fully modified ordinary least squares (FMOLS) and dynamic OLS (DOLS) approaches, while there exists a strong relation running from economic growth to energy consumption, it is observed that the strong relationship which runs from energy consumption to economic growth is overwhelmingly rejected for all cases except Indonesia and the Philippines. Moreover the inverse relation between two variables is observed for these two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this paper is to determine the relative position (distances) of East Asian countries (including South East Asia) within their own geographical area and in relation to the rest of the world. For this purpose, Balassa's (1965) 'revealed comparative advantage' (RCA) in exports will be used to assess trade performance and economic growth. We use multidimensional scaling to ascertain our contentions. First, East Asian countries are forming a 'flying geese' formation whose leader is Japan followed by Korea and Taiwan and further behind China and the ASEAN countries. Second, this flying geese flock in terms of RCA ranks is paralleled with a similar flying geese formation in terms of economic development. Furthermore the mapping of 100 countries (and a close-up of 45 countries) tell us as to how all relevant countries are positioned in terms of 14 industrial sectors (here we also used factor analysis to classify these sectors). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the stability of the steady-state growth process in East Asian region using a novel panel stationarity test, which allows us to control for (a) unobserved heterogeneity in form and date of potential structural breaks in a trend function, (b) the cross-sectional dependence among countries in the panel bootstrapping methods, and (c) the serially correlated errors. Evidence shows that a large majority of countries exhibit slowdowns in economic growth after their structural breaks and thus could not recover from negative shocks and return original balanced growth path. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most striking features of the economic development that has occurred in the East Asian region has been the influential role of the state in directing its course. Vietnam is also following this well-worn path of state-led developmentalism. The principal contribution of this paper is two-fold. First, we place the Vietnamese experience in comparative historical and conceptual perspective. It is suggested that the structure of the Vietnamese state itself and the distinctive nature of the policies it has undertaken are reflections of the country's traumatic recent history and the fact that its leadership is notionally “communist.” Our second contribution is to detail some of the more important aspects of this process. We provide two case studies which focus on the role of state-owned enterprises and decentralisation initiatives which demonstrate that, despite the frequently ad hoc and contingent nature of the developmental project and an absence of the sort of state capacity that distinguished the likes of Japan in its heyday, the Vietnamese government is overseeing economic development in creative and surprisingly effective ways. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This introductory paper briefly outlines some of the major developments that are shaping the political-economy of the East Asian region. The implications of the rise of China and the possible decline of the US are considered, before introducing the individual contributions to this special issue. Este articulo de presentacion resalta brevemente algunos de los mayores desarrollos que estan dando forma a la economia politica de la region del Asia oriental. Antes de presentar las contribuciones individuales a este numero especial, se han considerado las implicaciones del ascenso de la China y el posible descenso de los Estados Unidos. [image omitted] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite diversity in market and policy frameworks, late twentieth century housing systems across industrialised economies in East Asia became increasingly focused on facilitating home ownership. Governments became characteristically interventionist in the housing sector, which was assumed to play broad economic, political and welfare roles. Despite the influence of the public sector, housing provision was largely commodified rather than de-commodified. Home ownership was perceived to enhance economic development, social solidarity and the asset base of family centred welfare provision. This view was bolstered by house price increases during an era of rapid economic growth. Expanding owner-occupied housing sectors ostensibly offset underdeveloped citizenship rights and public spending, and stimulated increases in middle-class home-owning households, who were provided an economic stake in 'developmentalist' government objectives. The Asian Economic Crisis of 1997/98 however, strongly impacted on property markets across the region leading to increasing divergence in approaches to home ownership and welfare provision. This paper examines housing systems and policy regimes in Japan, Singapore and Hong Kong to illustrate new strategies that have emerged in the twenty-first century that reflect diversifying orientations towards housing policies and property-based welfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article challenges the view that democratisation is a recipe for regional disorder in East Asia. This view is not supported by evidence. Critics of democratisation fail to consider a number of mitigating factors that may check the destabilising consequences of democratisation while accentuating its peace-causing effects. These factors are not necessarily other liberal forces, like economic interdependence, or regional institutions, although these do matter. Certain dynamics associated with democratisation, such as focus on economic rebuilding for regime legitimation, positive nationalism ('democratic pride'), involvement of civil society, etc., may lessen the potential for inter-state conflict. These mitigating factors do not necessarily correspond with the normative and institutionalist logic underpinning the democratic peace theory, and they have been largely overlooked by the critics of that theory. After identifying them, this paper shows that the East Asian experience does not show that democratisation leads to greater conflict between states. On the contrary, democratisation might create better prospects for cooperative peace in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts an analytical framework centred on the relationship between the concept of viability and choice of development strategy. On the basis of a critical review on the mainstream literature in economic development, it presents the conceptual framework with an emphasis on elaborating the dichotomy of 'comparative advantage defying (CAD) strategy' versus 'comparative advantage following (CAF) strategy'. Empirical experiences of economic development in China and other East Asian economies in the contemporary era are discussed in the context of the conceptual framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Asian Development Bank (adb) has made increasingly important contributions to Asia's (and particularly East Asia's) regionalism over recent years, and especially since Haruhiko Kuroda became the Bank's president in February 2005. This paper argues that the adb's role here has become more significant because of the strong 'developmental' characteristics of East Asia's new regionalism. This is not least because, as a regional development bank, the adb has a predilection for linking development, regionalism and capacity-building together when promoting regional co-operation and integration (rci) in Asia. We may refer to this as 'developmental regionalism', where rci activities are particularly orientated to enhancing the economic capacity and prospects of less developed countries with the view of strengthening their integration into the regional economy, and thereby bringing greater coherence to regional community building overall. This analysis is partly based on field research undertaken by the author involving a series of research interviews conducted amongst adb officials and with outside analysts of the organisation. It first examines the evolution of the Bank's stance and policies on rci, and the impact made by President Kuroda and the newly formed Office of Regional Integration (orei) in this regard. The main developments of East Asia's new regionalism are then outlined from finance and trade perspectives. Thereafter, an evaluation is made of the adb's contributions toward the emerging developmental regionalism in East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japanese foreign policy six decades after the end of World War II stands at a crossroads. The forces of globalization and the rise of the BRIC nations (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) seem to herald the end of the unipolar post-Cold War international system and the emergence of a new era defined by multi-polarity and multilateralism. Such global trends are manifest most clearly in Japan's own backyard, where phenomenal region-wide economic growth, a gradual redistribution of power (in particular the rise of China and India), and the increasingly important role of multilateral cooperation and regional institutions are dramatically transforming East Asia. This trend shows no signs of slowing down, much less reversing itself; nor would it be in Japan's interest to pursue any policy that seeks to do so. Nevertheless, the transformation itself remains almost on auto-pilot, lacking a clear long-term guiding vision. After presenting a brief overview of Japan's past policy toward the region, the goal of this paper will be to articulate such a vision through a series of policy proposals through which to ensure future peace, stability, and prosperity in East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of FDI from the United States in the economic performance of East Asian NICs for 1966-2000. To this end, we draw our argument of the role of FDI from the modernization-dependency debate. Then, we test the economic effects of U.S. direct investment on economic growth in East Asian NICs using a neoclassical production function model that captures the economic impacts of both foreign and domestic investment on economic growth. Our empirical results show that U.S. direct investment has a positive and significant effect on economic growth in East Asian NICs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies a stochastic frontier production model to the data from Penn World Table's 49 countries over the period 1965 to 1990, to decompose total factor productivity growth into technical change and technical efficiency change. Empirical results show East Asian countries led the world in productivity growth, mainly because their technical efficiency gain was so much faster than that of other countries. East Asian countries also registered rapid technical change, which was comparable to that of the G6 countries after the late 1980s. The results provide evidence that negate the hypothesis that East Asian growth was mostly input-driven and unsustainable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper classifies East Asian countries on an amenity-productivity map based on environmental quality and income differentials. This classification is useful because it provides information about the relative attractiveness to consumers and producers of the total bundle of environmental and other attributes indigenous to each region. It also assists policymakers to formulate the most suitable regional and environmental policies. Our findings suggest that the notion of sustainable development is best suited for low productivity countries such as Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Malaysia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sets out to examine the unique industrial relations systems of East Asian developing countries with special reference to Korea. Following the presentation of a framework of analysis, there is an assessment of environmental conditions, the strategy of the main actors and the changes to them arising from the progress of industrialization. Trade union organizations and collective bargaining in Korea are then examined. This involves special reference to an account of major differences between the Korean system and that of Japan. Outcomes of industrial relations and their recent changes are next discussed. Finally, the analysis is concluded with a review of prospects for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an introduction to this special issue of the "Journal of the Asia Pacific Economy" that focuses on economic development and industrial upgrading in East Asia and China.

In the last 40 years, "developmentalism with Chinese characteristics" has creatively combined the main dimensions that in the postwar era spurred the industrialization process in East Asia, where the State, through planning and control mechanisms, governed the markets, leading economic growth, and the process of structural change. The main characteristic that distinguishes the Chinese experience is the structure of its political power formed by a party-state that has great political autonomy and strong penetration in economic power. This power structure helped China to persevere its state-led national development strategy at a time when most national economies adhered to global neoliberalism, giving up such coordination in favor of an accumulation regime led by private corporations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is argued that the way to bring about development in the Northeast is by economically integrating the region with the vibrant markets of Southeast Asia and East Asia through the Act East Policy. Accordingly, a number of projects have been initiated to improve connectivity between the Northeast and the neighbouring countries. It is believed that connectivity projects will act as growth corridors resulting in economic development of the region. However, to effectively implement the policy and to reap its benefits, it is imperative to overcome challenges such as adverse security situations, bad governance, lack of entrepreneurial skills, absence of markets, and reluctant neighbours. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines current debates over the future direction of the reform agenda in post-crisis East Asia and sets them in the broader context of the global debate on the role of ideas and ideology in shaping economic policy-making. It argues that the contest of ideas in economic policy-making can evolve independently of their intellectual merit and empirical credibility and political interests play an important role. In the case of post-crisis East Asia, re-igniting the 'economic miracle' of the pre-crisis era does not stem from a politically neutral, dispassionate and intellectually rigorous analysis of what went wrong in the recession-inducing 1997 financial crisis that engulfed the region. It represents an attempt to reinvent orthodoxy in the domain of economic ideas and ideology by the global policy community that is in turn influenced by US-centric institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents information on a study which surveyed the total factor productivity (TFP) growth in East Asia. Background of the study; Debate on the factors that propelled the productivity growth; How the TFP is estimated; Evaluation of the work on productivity growth.

This current study of 12 countries in the East and Southeast Asian region aims to provide a framework of analysis built upon a wild-geese-flying (WGF) pattern of development in order to evaluate the potential for a region-wide development scheme by looking at the implications of trade flows over the last two decades. The empirical methodology involves searching for WGF consistent shifts in the trade structure of countries considered over the period of 1995 to 2014. We also investigate China's changing role within the region's division of labor and implications of this for the slower-growing nations in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, China has experienced one of the most dramatic and sustained periods of economic growth in world history. China's use of economic statecraft provides an important venue in which to examine the role of unacknowledged ‘coercive diplomacy’ within the context of China's ‘peaceful rise discourse.’ In contrast to Western countries, which have overtly used sanctions and other forms of economic coercion, China has publicly denied any such policies while at the same time quietly pursuing them. China's denial of using coercive economic statecraft has muted the reactions of neighboring publics and government, but it cannot entirely forestall them. Without seriously undermining China's ‘peaceful-rising’ image, a more explicit statement from Beijing regarding its coercive economic measure could provide deterrence and assurance to China's neighbors in resolving the disputes. This article first surveys existing literature on economic statecraft focusing on the coercive aspects of such strategies. Second, it presents an in-depth case study on how China uses economic leverages over its neighbors in East Asia: North Korea, Japan, and the Philippines. Finally, it highlights the limits of China's economic statecraft within the constraints of China's ‘peaceful rise’ discourse. It concludes with implications for Asian politics and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines contemporary trends in the socioeconomic development of the Far East that arise from territorial imbalances, along with possible scenarios for future processes and their consequences. It is necessary to strengthen government support of the region through new forms of international cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although many previous studies have investigated the economic growth of East Asian countries from the perspective of productivity growth, they have adopted a limited focus only on the national level or on the aggregated level and have overlooked the heterogeneity at the disaggregated level. Furthermore, only a few studies have examined the sources of the remarkable growth and trade performance of the Korean machinery and equipment industry, despite its importance for sustainable growth of national economy. Therefore, we investigated the Total Factor Productivity Growth (TFPG) of the Korean machinery and equipment industry and its 12 sub-sectors from 1970 to 2012 using the stochastic frontier production approach. As a result, we found that the industry has achieved labour input-driven TFPG largely due to technical progress. This is contrary to the previous result that East Asia has expanded the production frontier by capital accumulation. In contrast, in some sub-sectors, scale effect and allocation efficiency have driven TFPG. We also found distinctive patterns of TFPG across different sub-sectors from the perspectives of the effect of input factors and the pattern of technical progress. These results imply that policy makers should consider industry-specific policy designs that incorporate the specific characteristics of individual sub-sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

If the assessment of ASEAN's success in the past is difficult, speculations on whether ASEAN will be a success will be close to impossibility. Yet this is what is intended in this article. However, this is done by first defining robust criteria of success of conflict prevention. Conflict prevention is successful if conflicts and battle deaths can be avoided, either by means of conflict resolution or transformation, or simply by means of conflict avoidance. By starting with this criterion the article will argue that ASEAN peacefulness cannot be explained by durable objective conditions. Instead, it is built on imagined realities. The imagined realities of the ASEAN Way are getting more difficult to sustain due to their interaction with material and normative/institutional developments. Many of the constructed foundations of the ASEAN Way are unsustainable in the new realities where communication has become easy and uncontrollable, and societies have become wealthier and more democratized. However, the article will show that evidence of existing conflict violence suggests that ASEAN has started to reformulate its approach to conflict prevention and that this has largely been successful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic growth and a resultant rise in energy demand in China and other East Asian countries have attracted academic interests in energy security and energy cooperation. This article examines the nuanced development of institutions to realise Sino-Japanese energy cooperation at the bilateral and regional levels. It highlights the objective and process of cooperative engagements in terms of relative gain concern and the involvement of non-state actors. The arguments that this article advances are three-fold. First, the Japanese government has pushed forwards multilateral energy cooperation in East Asia and bilateral cooperation for energy conservation with China, which would produce both economic and political gains. Second, the Chinese government has adopted a cautious approach to Japan's energy engagements largely because it took into account the relative political gains of committing to such engagements in addition to the economic gains produced by them. Third, the involvement of non-state actors in cooperative projects and their meaningful roles in forging cross-border linkages could play a catalytic role in advancing cooperative processes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article analyzes the content and first results of implementation of the Program for Cooperation Between Regions of the Far East and Northeast China. It shows that this program is a rather loose document for execution that is only a package of bilateral investment proposals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

“Development” involves increases in human and physical capital, plus institutional changes, that are characteristic of whole societies, not just particular sectors. Such changes are not necessarily well-reflected in GDP figures at the time that these changes are occurring – even assuming that we can measure GDP in historical societies with sufficient accuracy. Consequently, types of largely narrative long-run history focused on one or a few case studies are a vital supplement to more econometric and formally-modeled studies. They are particularly useful as correctives to historical work that aims at finding a single variable or event separating cases of developmental “success” and “failure.” However, the claims that emerge from such case studies are quite hard to verify. The article uses examples drawn from East Asia at certain moments a possible example of “failure,” but more recently assumed to be an example of “success” – to both identify historical findings that might have implications for contemporary development choices and to explore why such inferences are necessarily very fragile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Olympic Games has always been given much attention by international society, with its impact extending well beyond the field of sports to that of international politics, economy and society. The three East Asian Olympic Games hosted by Japan, South Korea and China have promoted their socio-economic development with great local, regional and global implications. This essay will first analyze the Olympic impact in terms of urban transformation and nation building for each host city and country and then critically assess the significance and controversies of the Olympic impact of the Beijing Games. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although many countries in East Asia have achieved high growth rates since the middle of the 20th century, former French colonies in the region have struggled to attain comparable levels of economic development. This article is an attempt to explain this variation in development through a cross-national analysis of economic growth in East Asia for the period from 1970 to 2007. Results suggest that the underperformance of former French colonies is attributable to their inheritance of colonial institutions that have been unfavorable for domestic investment, international trade, and educational attainment. Overall, conclusions lend support for the idea that long-term economic development should be understood in terms of path dependence, and that sustained economic growth requires a concerted effort to restructure growth-adverse institutional arrangements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Criticism of the developmental state can be divided into two categories. One is the neoliberal position that criticizes the efficacy of the developmental state model itself. According to this view, the developmental state was not an important factor in East Asian development and the adoption of industrial policy would in fact be detrimental to developing countries. A second critical position concedes that a degree of achievement was indeed attained by the developmental state in the past, but argues that the developmental state model is no longer a viable option today. This position holds that the high level of government intervention in successful East Asian countries more or less contributed to their economic development, but that this policy is no longer feasible. While deepening globalization in the world economy is regarded as inimical to the developmental state, some also argue that the developmental state model could only have worked during the Cold War and could not function in today's international political and economic climate. Despite these negative observations, the purpose of this article is to demonstrate the viability of the developmental state model. First, the article supports the statist position by broadening the scope of the argument: developmental states exist not only in Northeast Asia, but also in Southeast Asia, and the East Asian authoritarian regimes had a role in economic development. Second, this article directly counters new criticism of the developmental state. It argues that the developmental state model is still an effective development strategy in the post-Cold War period and even in the era of globalization: the model was useful in East Asia, and could be useful beyond East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to explore how stable regional order under the possible community formation can be created in East Asia in moves towards China's ascendancy. For this objective, it takes advantage of a framework assuming that the development of an East Asian community would be possible under conditions that the states in the region develop common identity and norms, as well as multilateral institutions that guarantee the long-term interest. Moreover, the society needs to be involved in identity formation and institution-building. This article argues that China has been gradually embedded into formal multilateral institutions and less formal policy networks formed by state and non-state actors, which have been conducive to the creation of a regional community. However, both collective norms at the governmental level and shared cultural consciousness at the public level have not developed enough to have significant influences on directing China firmly to the formation of a regional community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most critics argue that ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Plus Three regional surveillance is limited by its peer review process because governments reject external interference in matters of domestic economic management. This article suggests that surveillance's limits also arise because of a more fundamental conflict over how financial/economic risk is problematised. The governmentality framework and the East Asian experience reveal how the process of constituting economic/financial risk using disciplinary knowledge is inherently subjective and, consequently, political and open to contestation. In addition to the contested nature of disciplinary knowledge, three other phenomena—the prevalence of imitative behaviour in markets, the value of practical knowledge for governance and the problem of 'ambiguous economics'—complicate surveillance and make it difficult for surveillance processes to deliver objective and neutral assessments, despite a genuine demand for them. In view of these realities, the ideal institutional form for surveillance appears to be a non-hierarchical setting in which dialogic interactions take centre stage, thereby allowing surveillance participants to debate assessments, offer reasons for adopting particular practices, exchange practical experiences and collectively work out responses to contested issues. However, these are precisely the features of the present surveillance structure that critics argue ought to be changed in favour of a more hierarchical mechanism. This article's analysis of surveillance using the governmentality framework leads to the counter-intuitive insight that surveillance is best structured as a form of Habermasian 'public sphere'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that better informed insights into the benefits and repercussions of the form of development of East Asian economies could be obtained when the theoretical perspectives from two different bodies of literature are employed collectively. If the concepts from the discipline of political economy - specifically the body of literature dealing with the developmental state now commonly deployed in analyses of East Asian economies - are used in combination with concepts from the literature on business history based on the work of Alfred Chandler, the reasons for the rise and fall of major enterprises in East Asia can be better understood. A case study of enterprise and economic development in Malaysia is presented to substantiate this argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies on economic development in East Asia focus exclusively on the recent period (since the 1960s) and posit that East Asian “miracles” were largely a result of the state's exceptional capacity to implement consistent industrial policy. Yet, they neglect the question of the origins of the developmental state. To confront this neglect, this article makes a macro-historical comparison between Northeast and Southeast Asia, highlighting colonialism, the role of income inequality, and subsequent socio-economic transformations. It is argued that a crucial historical phase for new economic trajectory was the decolonisation period when East Asian countries had an opportunity to break away from negative colonial legacies. This article sheds new light on the ways in which colonialism shapes long-term economic development in East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's rise entails a potentially threatening increase in its political and military power. Adherents of 'democratic peace theory', however, see cause for optimism: the economic development accompanying China's ascendance might have a pacifying effect on Chinese foreign relations. Unfortunately, in China's case this hope is probably unfounded. Some of China's most prickly foreign policies, including its unwillingness to accept postwar Japan as a 'normal' nation and its insistence that Taiwan must eventually unify with China regardless of the wishes of Taiwan's inhabitants, are already 'democratic' in the sense that most of China's people endorse them. Chinese public opinion has become a powerful influence on foreign-policymaking, and one that sometimes pushes Beijing toward conflict even when China's leaders would prefer conciliation. Democratisation in China would not immediately remove the sources of tension between the Chinese and the other Asia-Pacific democracies, and China's neighbours must understand that on some issues the Chinese government must meet compelling domestic expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Developmental State (DS) has been central to East Asia's rapid economic development over the last three decades. This analysis reviews the origins of the concept of the DS, the broader theoretical battles that provide the context in which the concept has been used, and the conditions that facilitated the emergence of the DS itself. The way in which the changing events in East Asia have influenced analyses of the DS will also be addressed with special attention paid to the onset of globalization, the end of the Cold War, and the impact of the Asian financial crisis. Finally, an assessment is undertaken of analyses of the DS that have appeared in the pages of The Pacific Review over the last twenty years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay reviews some of the main interpretations in development studies on agriculture's contribution to economic development. It explores the relationship between agriculture and industry as well as between the rural and urban sectors in the process of development. These issues are discussed by analysing the so-called 'Soviet industrialisation debate', the 'urban bias' thesis, the development strategies pursued in East Asia and Latin America from a comparative perspective, the impact of neoliberal policies on rural-urban relations and the 'agriculture-for-development' proposal of the World Development Report 2008. The main argument arising from analysing these issues is that a development strategy which creates and enhances the synergies between agriculture and industry and goes beyond the rural-urban divide offers the best possibilities for generating a process of rural development able to eradicate rural poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on survey results of East Asian support for democracy. It states that overwhelming majorities in eight East Asian nations expressed a high desire for democracy, but that many East Asians did not feel their nation was ready for democracy. It mentions that most East Asians felt economic development was more important than democracy. It talked about the disillusionment with government of Japan's citizens, with non-government organizations and the mass media trusted considerably more than government organizations. It comments on Chinese support for both democracy and their government and mentions that many Chinese felt corruption was focused on the local level instead of the national level. It suggested that democracy needs better performance to gain citizen support.

The article focuses on developmental state concepts and its evolution into a working form. It states that developmental states were conceived as an interventionist state that achieved goals through tax credits and breaks, subsidies, export promotion, import controls and financial and credit policies. It presents a case study of the developmental state in Latin America, including the use of government intervention to build infrastructures such as railways and transport roads, promoting skilled labor immigration, and protecting export sectors. It comments on stages of development states in Latin America starting after Latin American nations gained their independence until the Great Depression and industrialization after the Great Depression until the 1960s.

The article explores the potential for economic development in Russia's Far East. The region's wealth of energy resources and relative proximity to East Asia are noted. The author argues that the successful development of Russia's Far East will be determined by a $3.9 billion infrastructure development project in the city of Vladivostok. Several other factors which could transform Vladivostok into a major municipal center including the government's choosing the city to be the location for the 2012 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit, making the city a terminus for a proposed Russian oil pipeline, or creation of a transportation and energy route from Russia to North Korea, are outlined. Ineffective governance in Vladivostok is also discussed.

The article examines the "Asian Culture/Asian Success" hypothesis, the framework which the rapid economic growth of East Asia has frequently been explained. In doing so, it examines the basis for this thinking from various disciplinary perspectives and raises questions about the information requirement to test such a framework at the macro and micro levels. Results show that macro level inference is not conclusive in view of the many factors operating: some economic, some historic, and some cultural, and the inability to replicate the relevant experiences over time. Micro level tests are challenging but more promising.