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As homophobia, transphobia and biphobia continue to permeate local and global contexts, the role of allies has been recognized as beneficial in supporting equity for LGBTQI+ communities. The concept of LGBTQA+ allyship has also been controversial, with some stakeholders disagreeing about who is an ally and what this role entails. In the academic literature, there is also a scarcity of knowledge examining the interrelation between LGBTQA+ allyship and activism. This paper focuses on deepening historical and cultural understandings regarding the nexus between LGBTQA+ allyship and activism. Underpinned by queer, trans, feminist and intersectional lenses, the paper delineates the LGBTQA+ ally movement and the importance of moving beyond reductionist paradigms to adopt a systemic approach to inclusion, especially in school communities. The paper unpacks diverse definitions of allyship, from those associated with mobilizing the power and privilege of straight, cisgender individuals, to the concept of allyship which includes resilient leadership within LGBTQA+ communities, as well as those, which negotiate and transform fixed and reductive boundaries of gender and sexuality. Recommendations are made for developing LGBTQA+ ally intersectional programmes, characterized by collaborative, expansive and affirmative work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to show that the Allies of the Second World War formed a major, yet largely overlooked site of mid-twentieth-century internationalism. Historians have tended to tell national stories about this coalition, built around its leaders and their bilateral relationships and conflicts, such as the 'special' Anglo-American relationship between Churchill, Roosevelt and their generals. The present study, by contrast, foregrounds the military and civilian planners working underneath them, as well as the inter-Allied institutions that facilitated their cooperation. This is a half-forgotten chapter of the war's history: a series of technical, so-called 'combined' organs designed to plan Allied grand strategy and operations, pool their productive resources, and unify their theatre-level military commands, set up by Great Britain and the United States after the latter's formal entry into the war in December 1941. The planners serving on these boards and committees, the paper furthermore shows, described their work in explicitly internationalist terms. 'Combination', as these insiders called it, meant putting the objective needs of Allied strategy ahead of narrow national interests. Its history is more than merely Anglo-American: involving Canadian, French and other European actors, it encompassed the wider trans-Atlantic and foreshadowed the later Atlantic alliance. Indeed, since several key shapers of post-war European integration, notably Jean Monnet, were closely involved in the combined experiment, this paper shines new light on a warlike root of European cooperation. Thus, it opens a dialogue between the history of war, internationalism and Europeanisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sport is a breeding ground for exclusionary gendered discourses and this trend is evident within the coaching cultures of numerous national sports organisations in New Zealand. Drawing on an organisational case study of a New Zealand national sports organisation (NSO) data were collected through thirteen semi-structured interviews and observations with coaches and staff in the NSO. Engaging in a critical feminist approach, this paper explores the various ways in which women’s exclusion from high-performance coaching roles was maintained, reflecting critically on the extent to which hegemonic masculinity was reproduced within the organisation’s coaching history and culture. Specifically, we illustrate the ‘felt’ dimensions of gender exclusion, highlighting how women’s absence from coaching is not through choice but is reflective of the gendered power dynamics of coaching. Together, the analysis demonstrates the institutionalisation of hegemonic masculinity and the mechanisms through which this is maintained, solidified and undermined. This study, while focusing on a particular NSO, offers insights that extend to male-dominated sporting systems across New Zealand, bringing to light the challenges encountered by women coaches within high-performance sport. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent reconceptualization of national and/or defense strategies, hangovers from the sovereign debt crisis, and the impact of the pandemic-induced recession in four of the most powerful European countries – France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom – will have profound implications for the United States. Through Republican and Democratic administrations, most American political leaders, experts in academia and think tanks, and other opinion leaders in the media and elsewhere have consistently held that Europe is vital to American national security. This is particularly true during an era of great power competition, as the United States works to prevent China's authoritarian governance system and its statist economic model from becoming dominant. Given recent changes in the grand strategies of America's most important European allies and their shifting abilities to fulfill those strategies, Washington will have an increasingly difficult time fulfilling its own goals and objectives. American strategy relies on European allies for competition with near-peers as well as defense of the global commons and projection of hard and soft power overseas to favorably influence events. Shifting capabilities, capacity, and will within Europe – all framed within evolving European strategies – will make it difficult for Washington to rely on its allies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Review of History is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After 15 years of war in Afghanistan and Iraq, many now see ‘small-footprint’ security force assistance (SFA) – training, advising and equipping allied militaries – as an alternative to large US ground-force commitments. Yet, its actual military efficacy has been little studied. This paper seeks to fill this gap. We find important limitations on SFA’s military utility, stemming from agency problems arising from systematic interest misalignment between the US and its typical partners. SFA’s achievable upper bound is modest and attainable only if US policy is intrusive and conditional, which it rarely is. For SFA, small footprints will usually mean small payoffs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper analyses whether the victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India’s 2014 general election in which it won a majority of seats after seven successive elections from 1989 to 2009 that resulted in hung parliaments and minority governments, mostly minority coalitions, means the end of the coalition era in Indian politics and the beginning of a new era of one-party majority dominated by the BJP, reminiscent of the Congress-dominated one-party majorities that prevailed during the pre-1989 period. It argues that for a variety of mutually reinforcing reasons, including the dependence of the BJP’s majority on pre-electoral coalitions, its need for such coalitions for winning state assembly elections and expanding its base for the next general election, and its need for allies in the Rajya Sabha for passing legislation, that the era of coalition politics will continue, though with some changes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

When Italy surrendered to the Allies in 1943, Giacomo Matteotti's memory burst back into public space after almost twenty years of clandestine commemoration. This article focuses on the uses of Matteotti's memory during the Resistance and the transition to a new democratic Republic. It argues that Matteotti was both Italian and reformist, not revolutionary, and thus his memory appealed to partisans as a symbol of national anti-Fascism and to the Allies because he represented parliamentary democracy. The article begins by establishing the qualities of Matteotti's commemoration after his death in 1924, before examining the daily uses of that memory by those involved in Italy's fight for liberation from 1943. Finally, it identifies how representatives of Italy's new democratic institutions transposed the language of sacrifice used to remember Matteotti onto the Italian people during the construction of the Republic, representing Italians as victims, rather than perpetrators, of Fascism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social work in Australia requires educators to teach skills, knowledge, and Aboriginal ways of knowing, doing, and being to ensure graduates are culturally responsive and potential allies when working with Aboriginal peoples and communities. This education should include an accurate teaching of Australian Aboriginal history and sharing of Aboriginal knowledge. Currently, non-Aboriginal educators are more likely to teach Aboriginal content, which can foreclose opportunities for Aboriginal educators. On the surface this appears to be a continuation of colonialism where white privileged groups speak for, speak about, and occupy, in this instance, the educational spaces related to Australian Aboriginal peoples and other minority racial groups. This occupation of the educational space in social work is an interesting predicament when considering whether social work educators are allies to the processes of decolonisation. This article explores the experiences of non-Aboriginal educators and asks the question—how do we decolonise social work to create culturally responsive practitioners? IMPLICATIONS Universities need to be aware of and address the continuation of colonising practices in teaching Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander content. There is the potential to create a transformative future in social work education with the sharing of two world views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many accounts of the formation of American and British grand strategy during World War II between the fall of France and the Pearl Harbor attacks stress the differences between the two sides' strategic thinking. These accounts argue that while the Americans favored a 'direct' Germany-first approach to defeating the Axis powers, the British preferred the 'indirect' or 'peripheral' method. However, a review of Anglo-American strategic planning in this period shows that before official U.S. wartime entry, both sides largely agreed the British 'peripheral' approach was the wisest grand strategy for winning the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There remains a significant knowledge gap in HRM regarding the inclusion of transgender (henceforth 'trans') workers. We examine and apply the emerging concept of allyship (a specific form of active support and advocacy for minority groups) to trans workers, and in doing so we advance a new model of allyship intentions and perceptions. We test our model across two studies. The first extends theorising on perceived diversity and inclusion climate (PDIC) and social dominance orientation (SDO) to explain how non-trans workers can exhibit trans allyship intentions. When non-trans workers were presented with a scenario of a co-worker disclosing their trans identity, we find that SDO is negatively related with allyship intentions, yet PDIC moderates this relationship, such that the negative impact of SDO is buffered by the positive influence of PDIC. The second study builds upon theorising on psychological safety and authenticity to explain how perceived allyship facilitates the wellbeing of trans workers. We find, in a survey of trans workers, that perceived allyship is positively associated with psychological safety and authenticity at work; and is indirectly related to work engagement via the former and to life satisfaction via the latter. We provide critical insights into how allyship can be advanced to understand and support trans inclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the 19th century drew to a close, an alliance between the USA and the British Empire dominated the thinking of a political elite in the UK. Milner's ‘Kindergarten’ was attracted to the idea of the USA as a potential ally with whom Britain could establish an Anglo-American world hegemony, and during World War I, Philip Kerr, first editor of The Round Table , was in the vanguard of efforts to make this vision reality. Later, as ambassador to the USA, Kerr was at the centre of efforts to bring the USA into World War II and to ensure its continuing involvement in international affairs once fighting had ended. This outcome owed much to moves during and between both world wars by influential British figures and institutions, including Kerr and The Round Table , to persuade the American elite that their country should take on a far greater international role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While values often evoke noble aims, groups of countries sometimes use statements about the values they share to coerce others. Allies coordinate around their shared values talk to apply reputational pressure on adversaries. Examples include attempts by the United States and its liberal democratic allies in Asia to coerce China and by EU and NATO members to coerce Russia. Shared values talk can also be used to discipline wayward allies who are supposed to be committed to the political principles in question. EU leaders and some of Washington's NATO allies have sought to place such pressure on the Trump Administration. Participating in shared values talk may also be self-coercive. But if values talk is to be an effective form of coercion, it must impose costs that the target deems important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Review of History is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study, educators, LGBTQ (gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, or questioning their sexuality) students, and their allies in a southwestern Pennsylvania sample reported their perceptions of bullying of LGBTQ youth and school climate and awareness of anti-bullying laws and policies within their school systems. Results indicate differences in students’ and educators’ perceptions of the frequency of bullying of LGBTQ students and support for LGBTQ students. LGBTQ students report significantly more bullying of LGBTQ students than their straight allies as well as educators for all forms of bullying assessed. Additionally, educators perceive higher levels of support for students from school personnel and students than reported by students. The importance of educator understanding and intervention in the bullying experiences of LGBTQ students is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Gender & Development is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

MacCurtain addresses the role of Russian classical music in brokering popular American perceptions of the Soviet Union during the Second World War. With the launch of Operation Barbarossa on 22 June 1941, the United States entered into an unprecedented wartime alliance with the Soviet Union, a state that had long conjured up domestic American anxieties, and was only recognized by the FDR administration in 1933. Specifically, MacCurtain examines how the composition and transport of Shostakovich's Symphony No. 7 to the United States in 1942 bolstered domestic commitment towards the wartime alliance with Stalin. By examining and comparing the critical and popular reception of Shostakovich's work in the United States, he found that the music possessed a populist appeal to the domestic audience that was seemingly capable of transcending the rhetoric and fear that previously defined the American image of the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The lives of ten eminent Australian women across seven talent domains were explored for factors that contributed to the development of their talent. Nine themes and related sub-themes emerged that were linked to the Model of Adult Female Talent Development (MAFTD) developed by Noble, Subotnik & Arnold (1996, 1999). Results provided support for this MAFTD as an appropriate representation or framework of talent development for gifted females. In addition, these themes expand and elucidate elements of this MAFTD thereby adding a depth of knowledge based on the lives of eminent Australian women. This is the first study to investigate the talent development of Australian women from a feminist perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the first months of the Italian Campaign, partisans' activity was isolated and spasmodic, and Allied support was minimal. In fact, it took the Allies nine months to consider the Italian partisans not so much as a threat as a potential opportunity. This article seeks to explain the Allies' attitude toward the Italian partisans. Relations among the Allies, the Italian government and the partisans involved a combination of military and political problems. The Allies' weak support for Italian partisans was in fact the by-product of an overall strategic plan in which means were limited and priorities had naturally to be established in a context of world war. It also revealed their fears: the common suspicion toward irregular fighters, the growing fear of communists and the fear of possible Italian post-war demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]