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Copyright of Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology & Society is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper empirically investigates the leadership implications of adopting the European Smart Specialisation Strategies (S3) in a non-European context. A multiple case study compares the Latin American regions of Medellín, Colombia, and San Luis Potosí, Mexico. A variety of data collection procedures are used, including in-depth interviews with 33 relevant actors from the triple helix that participated in the S3 design. The paper contributes to the literature by identifying the leadership capabilities that lead to effective S3 in intermediate metropolitan regions, as well as the factors that foster and hinder those leadership capabilities. This paper argues that the leadership roles for S3 include a systemic perspective among a wide range of stakeholders, but also an evolutionary perspective to manage novelty and break path dependencies. Second, it argues that the degree of centralization and institutional context affect regional leadership. Finally, four leadership capabilities are suggested based on both systemic and evolutionary perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Worldwide, it is widely recognized that violent conflicts constrain economic growth and development. Thus, it is necessary to research and analyse the main causes of violence and their relationship with development. This paper analyses how violence has affected economic development in the Mexican context during the 2000–2015 period. It takes into account that in the last decade, this country has had increased levels of violence, especially since the 'war on drugs' against drug trafficking was promulgated in 2006. This study uses different econometric models that apply the assessments of the panel unit root and cointegration tests and panel cointegration estimation. The results indicate that the tests used to validate the data allow the panel data cointegration relationships to be calculated. They demonstrate the existence of a long-run relationship between violence and economic development. Specifically, the results take into account that gross domestic product per capita and public investments have inverse relationships with the homicide rate, whereas poverty, unemployment, illiteracy and the Gini index have direct relationships with the homicide rate. Moreover, violence is strongly related to the deterrence variables. The findings of this study demonstrate that drug trafficking explains the increased violence in Mexico. Thus, it is important to develop and formulate adequate policies to control this situation, take measures to control violence starting with its root causes and promote social and economic development with a strategy to strengthen legal activities in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers and practitioners recognise the importance of context when implementing healthcare interventions, but the influence of wider environment is rarely mapped. This paper identifies the country and policy-related factors potentially explaining the country differences in outcomes of an intervention focused on improving detection and management of heavy alcohol use in primary care in Colombia, Mexico and Peru. Qualitative data obtained through interviews, logbooks and document analysis are used to explain quantitative data on number of alcohol screenings and screening providers in each of the countries. Existing alcohol screening standards in Mexico, and policy prioritisation of primary care and consideration of alcohol as a public health issue in Colombia and Mexico positively contributed to the outcome, while the COVID-19 pandemic had a negative impact. In Peru, the context was unsupportive due to a combination of: political instability amongst regional health authorities; lack of focus on strengthening primary care due to the expansion of community mental health centres; alcohol considered as an addiction rather than a public health issue; and the impact of COVID-19 on healthcare. We found that wider environment-related factors interacted with the intervention implemented and can help explain country differences in outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology & Society is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The objective of this paper is to suggest a mathematical model of unpaid housework and empirically test its main predictions using data from Mexico (2014) and Colombia (2017) time-use surveys. The model, based upon the Marxist-feminist approach, suggests that the magnitude of unpaid housework is determined by the super-exploitation of labor, i.e. the gap between wages and the value of labor-power. The outcome is an equation that relates positively the magnitude of unpaid housework with the super-exploitation of labor. The parametric and nonparametric regression estimates applied in both countries show preliminary empirical support for the theoretical model. The theoretical and empirical findings have several implications for Marxist-feminist literature as well as for empirical research on unpaid housework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social participation has become a relevant topic in environmental agendas in recent decades. The first Ecological Land Use Planning Program (ELUPP) implemented in Mexico under a participatory approach was the ELUPP of the Jalisco Coast (ELUPPJC), decreed in 1999. This paper analyses participatory processes in the ELUPPJC from a long-term perspective to identify obstacles to their implementation from the perspective of different stakeholders. Data were obtained through document analysis and semi-structured interviews, first in 2001 shortly after the ELUPPJC was decreed, and subsequently in 2015 after decisions had already been taken based on the ELUPPJC. The findings show that the factors currently limiting social participation are similar to those identified in 2001. These limitations are related mainly to the lack of dialogue and negotiation among stakeholders. The adoption of bottom-up strategies to build local ELUPPs by some of the communities in the study site provides an essential lesson for participatory processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology & Society is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the politics of passage of the sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) tax in Mexico, using published documents, media articles, and interviews with key stakeholders. The article examines first the period of agenda setting when the tax was included in the President's fiscal reform package; and second, the period of legislative passage, when the bill was introduced in Congress and was passed. The analysis uses Kingdon's three streams theory of agenda setting, to explain how the tax emerged on the agenda and how agenda setting shaped and enabled legislative passage. The article offers five lessons related to the politics of passing the SSB tax in Mexico. First, passing an SSB tax was difficult and required high-level organization, cooperation, planning, and effort. Second, supporters needed an understanding of how to manage the political and economic context, facilitated by a grant from Bloomberg Philanthropies. Third, framing the tax as generating revenue helped get the proposal onto the policy agenda and enabled buy-in from the powerful Ministry of Finance (Hacienda). Fourth, forming networks within the legislature early on allowed tax proponents to have a network of allies within Congress ready when the SSB tax was introduced as a bill. Finally, early public relations campaigns helped shape public perception that Mexico's obesity epidemic was driven in part by SSB consumption. This is the first paper that uses political science theory and primary data collection and interviews with a broad range of stakeholders, to explain how Mexico passed an SSB tax despite opposition from a strong national SSB industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to forecast likely impacts, Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) has been applied worldwide. There are numerous social and cultural impacts that can hardly be addressed in a single EIA, and raise the awareness of social issues and proper assessment therein. This paper analyzes the social conflicts related to wind development projects in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, Mexico using a qualitative approach. By conducting a Constellation Analysis (CA) in our case studies, this article aims at: 1) identifying the challenges and improvement opportunities for the social and environmental assessment of wind energy projects in Oaxaca, and 2) presenting CA as a novel approach to visualize and identify social and environmental issues. This paper emphasizes the relevance of earlier assessment of social implications to projects. This example can contribute to a better understanding of further research at Mexico’s regional and national levels, as well as in other regions or countries with similar development patterns. Abbreviations: CA: Constellation Analysis; CDM: Clean Development Mechanism; CFE as in Spanish: Federal Electricity Commission; CIC: Community Interest Company; EIA: Environmental Impact Assessment; ESF: Environmental and Social Framework; FPIC: Free, Prior and Informed Consent; IFC: International Finance Corporation; ILO: International Labour Organization; LGEEPA as in Spanish: General Law on Ecological Balance and Environmental Protection; NEPA: National Environmental Policy Act; PDD: Project Design Document; SEMARNAT as in Spanish: Secretariat of Environment and Natural Resources; SENER as in Spanish: Secretariat of Energy; SIA: Social Impact Assessment; UNFCCC:  United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change; WB: World Bank. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The number of unauthorized tunnels discovered through the U.S.-Mexico border has risen dramatically since the mid-1990s. These tunnels are problematic for the state because the subterranean border is both less visible and more difficult to monitor and control than is the surface border. In this era of heighten security, the debate on secure borders has intensified. As a result, the need to demonstrate security success at both the national and the agency level has risen. Efforts to make tunnel discoveries (and security) visible are made within border-security agencies and within national discourse and legislation. These efforts spatially fix tunnels to the border in ways that obscure fuller a understanding of drug trafficking in general. This paper employs archival research, content analysis, and informal interviews with security-enforcement agents to consider the material presence of tunnels within border landscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The local land surveys and land‐use drawings included in colonial judicial documents held in the national and regional archives of Mexico provide a largely under‐exploited medium for investigating post‐conquest cultural, economic and environmental change. If these maps are to be useful historical sources, their limitations as well as their potential need to be assessed in order to shed light on the processes of cultural interaction and on ways information was exchanged between colonist and colonized during a time of upheaval and transformation. The focus in this paper is on one particular group of maps, the land‐use maps and drawings (pinturas) produced for negotiations (diligencias) over land awards (mercedes) and lawsuits (pleitos). [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Our cost of illness study aimed to provide an estimate of the burden related to systemic lupus erythematosus (SLE) in the Mexican context. Our model was used to simulate the resource utilization and economic consequences over a period of 5 years for patients with SLE in Mexico. The model simulated four health states—three phenotypes of SLE, including mild, moderate, and severe states, and death. Clinical parameters were retrieved from the literature. Resource utilization in our model represents the most common practice in the Mexican healthcare system. These include disease management, transient events (e.g. infections, flares, and complications due to SLE-related organ damage), and indirect costs. Direct non-medical costs were not considered. One-way sensitivity analysis was performed. The number of targeted Mexican SLE patients was 57,754. The numbers of SLE patients diagnosed with mild, moderate, and severe phenotypes were 8,230, 44,291, and 5,233, respectively. Disease management costs, including the treatment of each phenotype and disease follow-up, were MXN 4 billion ($ 415 million); the costs of transient events (infections, flares, and consequences of SLE-related organ damage) were MXN 5 billion ($ 478 million). Productivity loss costs among adult employed Mexican patients with SLE were estimated at MXN 17 billion ($ 1.6 billion). The total SLE cost in Mexico over 5 years from the payer and societal perspectives is estimated at MXN 9 billion ($ 893 million) and 26 billion ($ 2.5 billion), respectively. Over 5 years, the costs per patient per year from the payer and societal perspectives were MXN 32,131($ 3,095) and MXN 91,661($ 8,830), respectively. The findings pointed out the substantial economic burden associated with SLE, including the costs of disease progression and SLE transient events, such as flare-ups, infections, and organ damage, in addition to productivity loss due to work capacity impairment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to structural inequalities, women's well-being faces greater privations than that of men, with both direct and indirect effects on individual well-being. Measuring women's poverty relative to men's is not easy due to the statistical reliance on the household as the unit of data collection and analysis. This is not ideal, as resources are unequally distributed within households. This study constructs a multidimensional poverty index in which the unit of analysis and identification is the individual, allowing researchers to identify and compare the poverty of Mexican women and men. Time poverty, which denotes a scarcity of time for leisure and self-care, is included. The multidimensional poverty index is constructed using nationally representative official Mexican data from 2020. The Alkire and Foster (2011, Counting and Multidimensional Poverty Measurement, Journal of Public Economics 95 (7-8): 476–487. doi:10.1016/j.jpubeco.2010.11.006) methodology is used to estimate and compare the poverty of women and men in different age groups. The results show that the multidimensional poverty index is greater for women than for men, and that its significance and importance vary with age. While education contributes most to the adjusted headcount ratio, time deprivation is also important, especially for women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a general geomorphological map of the coastal zone of Veracruz State, Mexico, produced using topographic information, digital orthophotos and high-resolution aerial photographs, as well as a study of geological materials and field survey. Hierarchical levels established for the typological classification are (a) relief categories (mountains, hills and plains); (b) relief subcategories (low mountains; foothills; large, medium and small hills; very high, high, medium, low and very low plains); (c) specific morphogenetic relief type, according to morphology, morphometry and the genetic formation process, and geological substratum; (d) relative age of relief, according to correlated data for the Mexican–Caribbean region; and (e) morphogenetic formations complex. The geomorphological history of relief development in the region reveals a period of compression of the palaeo-mesozoic substratum, during the Laramide orogeny, followed by neotectonic reconstruction of the morphostructure, primarily in the mountains, giving rise to intense erosion–denudation processes and the break-up of relief during the Pliocene and up to the present day. These conditions contributed to the spread of a varied, complex and interdigitated sedimentation, shaped by marine, fluvial, lacustrine–palustrine and aeolian processes which, under glacio-eustatic conditions during the Quaternary, established a system of terraced plains of different origin, dissected or not dependent on the prevailing lithology. The study area of 7872 km2 was divided into five sectors: Tamiahua, Poza Rica, Veracruz, Alvarado and Coatzacoalcos, and mapped at a scale of 1:110,000. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Monitoring and evaluation (M&E) have gradually become important and regular components of the policy-making process in Mexico since, and even before, the World Health Organization (WHO) Commission on Social Determinants of Health (CSDH) called for interventions and policies aimed at tackling the social determinants of health (SDH). This paper presents two case studies to show how public policies addressing the SDH have been monitored and evaluated in Mexico using reliable, valid, and complete information, which is not regularly available. Prospera, for example, evaluated programs seeking to improve the living conditions of families in extreme poverty in terms of direct effects on health, nutrition, education and income. Monitoring of Prospera's implementation has also helped policy-makers identify windows of opportunity to improve the design and operation of the program. Seguro Popular has monitored the reduction of health inequalities and inequities evaluated the positive effects of providing financial protection to its target population. Useful and sound evidence of the impact of programs such as Progresa and Seguro Popular plus legal mandates, and a regulatory evaluation agency, the National Council for Social Development Policy Evaluation, have been fundamental to institutionalizing M&E in Mexico. The Mexican experience may provide useful lessons for other countries facing the challenge of institutionalizing the M&E of public policy processes to assess the effects of SDH as recommended by the WHO CSDH. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Monitoring and evaluation (M&E) have gradually become important and regular components of the policy-making process in Mexico since, and even before, the World Health Organization (WHO) Commission on Social Determinants of Health (CSDH) called for interventions and policies aimed at tackling the social determinants of health (SDH). This paper presents two case studies to show how public policies addressing the SDH have been monitored and evaluated in Mexico using reliable, valid, and complete information, which is not regularly available. Prospera, for example, evaluated programs seeking to improve the living conditions of families in extreme poverty in terms of direct effects on health, nutrition, education and income. Monitoring of Prospera's implementation has also helped policy-makers identify windows of opportunity to improve the design and operation of the program. Seguro Popular has monitored the reduction of health inequalities and inequities evaluated the positive effects of providing financial protection to its target population. Useful and sound evidence of the impact of programs such as Progresa and Seguro Popular plus legal mandates, and a regulatory evaluation agency, the National Council for Social Development Policy Evaluation, have been fundamental to institutionalizing M&E in Mexico. The Mexican experience may provide useful lessons for other countries facing the challenge of institutionalizing the M&E of public policy processes to assess the effects of SDH as recommended by the WHO CSDH. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses an alternative macroeconomic strategy proposal for Mexico. The author argues that, in the short-run the primary task should be to put to work idle resources, and that a competitive and stable real exchange rate, coupled with supply-side measures that benefit domestic producers, can contribute to make higher domestic production competitive. Speeding-up growth in the near future would make it easier to achieve a high growth rate in the medium- and long run. However, a medium- and long-run growth strategy entails also a careful investment strategy. Last, an economic strategy must consider also measures to redistribute income, because this will not be achieved as a spontaneous consequence of economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Culture, Health & Sexuality is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to disentangle the effects of trade liberalization during the mid-1980s from the liberalization involved in the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on exports, imports, and the balance of trade in Mexico. The main empirical results suggest that the trade reforms during the mid-1980s had a significant effect on trade, exports, and imports; however, the effects of NAFTA, at least on exports, are negligible. Since the mid-1980s, the propensity to import has exceeded the propensity to export, and this has worsened the growth rate consistent with balanced trade, which is a major explanation of the slowdown of Mexico's growth in recent years. NAFTA has not delivered the improved growth performance that was promised by Mexico's political leaders at the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores tropical agriculture as a combination of field cultivation and tree management along Mexico's Gulf Coast during the Formative period (1400 bc–ad 300). I consider two complementary models of contemporary tropical agriculture and consider their applicability to the archaeological data. I argue that appropriate comparisons can be made between the past and present by focusing on cases with similar environments, logistical constraints and shared culture history. Archaeobotanical data are used to consider the shift from extensive to intensive field agriculture as it relates to the development of an agro-forestry system. The data indicate that Formative people increasingly focused maize production in fields located near the residence while simultaneously harvesting more tree fruits through time. I argue that the intensification of tree management is an outgrowth of systems of tropical field cultivation in Formative Gulf Coastal Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper combines ethnographic research with discourse analysis to discuss how the protests of women sex workers in downtown Ciudad Juárez also represent protests against a larger urban economy that valorizes the disappearance of women from urban space. In Ciudad Juárez today, these disappearances are taking place as women and girls vanish from the publicity regarding progress in the maquiladora industry. The disappearances occur as more women and girls are kidnapped and murdered, and the disappearances occur as the police remove sex workers from the downtowns of border cities long famous for prostitution. While these different types of disappearances are not equivalent—to be denied access to public space is not the same as to be kidnapped and murdered—they are knit together through a discourse deployed by the city's political and corporate elites that equates the removal of women from public space with urban development and industrial progress. By combining ethnographic research with discourse analysis, and Marxist with feminist critique, I am following the lead of several geographers who regard discourses as “sociospatial circuits” that are productive of urban, economic, and cultural landscapes. This approach allows for an analysis of how the women sex workers' efforts to reappear in public space represents a protest, with potential for creating political alliances with other activists, against those invested in generating value from the disappearance of women across the Ciudad Juarez industrial and urban landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the French Intervention in Mexico, 1861-67, the French Ministry of Public Instruction established a scientific com- mission (Commission scientifique du Mexique, 1864-1867) that would perform functions similar to those of earlier missions to Egypt, Greece, and Algeria. This paper places the work of the Commission in the context of 19th-century French science and complements recent studies on scientific colonialism or imperialism. The role of geography and geographers is emphasized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transfer of cattle and sheep from Spain to Mexico during the sixteenth century raises questions about regional evolution and variability of livestock economies in the source area, the regional and socioeconomic roots of the emigrants, and the ecological and economic integration of specific animals, management methods, and related products within New Spain. Such issues of diffusion, cultural adaptation and transformation must be disentangled before interpretation is attempted, and this paper focuses on the Old World antecedents. Traditional nineteenth- century patterns of livestock herding in different regions of the Iberian Peninsula were already established in Roman times and changed but little during the Islamic period. Long-distance sheep transhumance is verified prior to the Christian reconquest and was greatly amplified thereafter. Yet late Medieval Spain was not a great ranching frontier, but an agrosystem in which farming and livestock raising always formed a complementary but interlinked economy. This duality was ex- pressed in different forms of land ownership: cultivated land was intricately subdivided and carried clear title, while pasture zones remained to some degree in the public domain. Sheep raising, both within the mixed, Mediterranean economy and in the form of long-distance transhumance (the Mesta), was broadly familiar throughout Castile and was reflected in similar counterparts on the Mexican plateau. But cattle raising was small-scale and of subordinate importance in Spain, except in the estuarine marshland below Seville. Whereas the early cattle owners in Mexico came from all over Spain, their highly extensive management style appears to derive from the Marismas of Sevilla. This evidence may be explained by the interplay of cattle owners and cattle herders as they adjusted to a new ecology in the tropical lowlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology & Society is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Countries often lack methods for rapidly, but robustly determining greenhouse gas (GHG) mitigation actions and their impacts comprehensively in the land use sector to support commitments to the Paris Agreement. We present rapid assessment methods based on easily available spatial data and adoption costs for mitigation related to crops, livestock and forestry to identify priority locations and actions. Applying the methods for the case of Mexico, we found a national mitigation potential of 87.88 million tons (Mt) CO2eq yr−1, comprising 7.91, 7.66 and 72.31 Mt CO2eq yr−1 from crops, livestock and forestry/agro-forestry, respectively. At the state level, mitigation potentials were highest in Chiapas (13 Mt CO2eq) followed by Campeche (8 Mt CO2eq). Eleven states had a land use mitigation potential between 2.5 to 6.5 Mt CO2eq, while other states had mitigation potentials of less than 2 Mt CO2eq. Mitigation options for crops and livestock could reduce 60% and 6% of the respective emissions. Mitigation options for forestry could reduce emissions by half. If properly implemented, mitigation potentials on cropland can be realized with net benefits, compared to livestock and forestry options, which involve net costs. The method supports science-based priority setting of mitigation actions by location and subsector and should help inform future policy and implementation of countries' nationally determined contributions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at Master of Public Administration (MPA) programs in Mexico and identifies four basic themes that compose Mexican public administration. Public service, justice, transparency, and good governance are all found in MPA programs in Mexico. The paper begins with an examination of public administration in Mexico and suggests that Mexico is currently undergoing its own progressive era. It looks at the administrative reforms and corruption in Mexico and their impact on various functions of government. MPA program curricula in Mexico are assessed to examine course offerings as they contribute to the reform movement. We introduce our study by highlighting key issues in the country of Mexico and then proceed to discuss their absence in some MPA programs. Finally, our findings show the various course offerings and regional differences in MPA program curricula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last two decades, Mexico adopted policies intended to increase the efficiency and effectiveness of medicines procurement in its nationally fragmented health system. In this policy report, we review Mexico's efforts to guarantee access to medicines during three national administrations (from 2000 to 2018), and then examine major health system changes introduced by the current government (2018–2024), which have created significant setbacks in guaranteeing access to medicines in Mexico. These recent changes are having important consequences in the levels of satisfaction of health care users and citizens, household expenditure on health, and health conditions. We suggest key lessons for Mexico and other countries seeking to improve pharmaceutical procurement as part of guaranteeing access to medicines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background. While overall trends in tobacco use among men are declining, tobacco use continues to rise significantly among women in developing countries. This study aimed to explore the gender-related beliefs and attitudes about tobacco use and smoking cessation in Mexico, one of the top five Latin America countries with the highest prevalence of tobacco consumption. Materials and Methods. This study was conducted using an explanatory qualitative methods design. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 14 adults smokers (8 women & 6 men) who visited primary healthcare clinics in Mexico City. Two researchers independently coded the interviews and applied the final codes upon consensus. Inter-rater reliability was assessed for four groups of codewords (92% agreement), based on an ecological model on socio-cultural factors. Findings. Initiation to smoking in women begins out of curiosity, and in men by imitation. Also, women start using tobacco at an older age compared to men. During maintenance of smoking, women report experiencing loneliness and anxiety about multiple responsibilities, e.g. women reveal that they feel guilty when they smoke due to their maternal role as caregivers. Additionally, some women report that smoking is a symbol of freedom, recalling the media messages associated with promoting tobacco products. Among men, the results show that they smoke for pleasure and to socialize, and consider that women smoke to imitate men and feel powerful. Regarding cessation, women are ambivalent about quitting smoking or not, and men mention not needing professional support. For organizational barriers, women mention the cost of treatment and men, the distance to clinics. Conclusion. Smoking cessation interventions should be proposed from an approach that involves changes in social norms, seeking a more equitable relationship between men and women. Therefore, there must be broad engagement from different sectors and not just at the health sector level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Milk contains fatty acids (FA) beneficial to human health, so there is interest in the effect of feeding strategies on the FA content of milk. Small-scale dairy systems require conserved forages in the dry season. Cow diets of silages and concentrates yield a lower content of beneficial FA in milk. The objective was to determine the FA profile of feeds and milk from dairy cows on daytime grazing of pastures fed two levels of triticale silage and concentrate. Eight Holstein cows grazed pastures of perennial ryegrass or tall fescue. Triticale silage was offered at two levels (7.5 and 5.0 kg DM/d), in addition to 4.65 kg DM/d of concentrate. The experimental design was a 2 × 2 factorial with two pastures and two levels of silage in a repeated 4 × 4 Latin Square. Linolenic, linoleic, and palmitic acids comprised over 85% of FA in forages, and linoleic acid constituted 50% of FA in the concentrate. There were no differences in the milk composition, or the FA content of milk among treatments or periods (P>0.05). A higher inclusion of triticale silage did not change the fatty acid profile of milk. The content of beneficial FA in milk was similar to that of grazing cows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the neoliberal policy, Mexico has suffered weak economic growth, increased macroeconomic instability, and rising disparity. In the UTIP macro-model of pay, intra-sectoral pay disparity results from institutional settings. Inter-sectoral disparity drives overall pay disparity, is explained by differing degrees of monopoly power, and evolves according to the struggle for such power. Since sectors with greater monopoly power are better suited to weather negative conditions, pay disparity rises under adverse macroeconomic conditions. Poor Mexican macroeconomic performance is associated with increased industrial pay disparity and sectors that have been able to insulate themselves from external competition have been relative winners [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A livelihood approach to impact assessment (IA), by integrating livelihood and economic analyses, permits a more comprehensive assessment than does conventional IA. CIMMYT recently completed two studies on the impacts of maize research in the hill regions of Mexico and Nepal to assess the impacts of this research, examine changes in farmers' livelihoods that resulted from the research projects and learn how such investments can have more impact in the future. This paper compares and contrasts the methodologies and results of the two studies, arriving at the key lessons on the impacts of research and of the international public goods generated, and on what was learned so as to better target and enhance maize research to improve the livelihoods of farmers in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Breast cancer is a serious threat to the health of women globally, and an unrecognised priority in middle-income countries. This paper presents data from Mexico. It shows that breast cancer accounts for more deaths than cervical cancer since 2006. It is the second cause of death for women aged 30–54 and affects all socio-economic groups. Data on detection, although under-reported, show 6,000 new cases in 1990, and a projected increase to over 16,500 per year by 2020. Further, the majority of cases are self-detected and only 10% of all cases are detected in stage one. Mexico's social security systems cover approximately 40–45% of the population, and include breast cancer treatment. As of 2007, the rest of the population has the right to breast cancer treatment through the Popular Health Insurance. Despite these entitlements, services are lacking and interventions for early detection, particularly mammography, are very limited. As of 2006 only 22% of women aged 40–69 reported having a mammogram in the past year. Barriers exist on both the demand and supply sides. Lobbying, education, awareness-building and an articulated policy response will be important to ensure expanded coverage, access to and take-up of both treatment and early detection. Le cancer du sein menace gravement la santé des femmes dans le monde et c'est une priorité non reconnue dans les pays à revenu intermédiaire. Des données au Mexique montrent que, depuis 2006, il provoque plus de décès que le cancer du col de l'utérus. C'est la deuxième cause de décès des femmes âgées de 30 à 54 ans et le cancer du sein touche tous les groupes socio-économiques. En 1990, malgré une sous-notification, 6000 nouveaux cas avaient été détectés et les projections prévoient plus de 16 500 par an d'ici à 2020. De plus, la majorité des cas sont détectés lors d'un auto-examen et 10% seulement des cas sont décelés au stade 1. La sécurité sociale mexicaine couvre environ 40–45% de la population et prévoit le traitement du cancer du sein. En 2007, le reste de la population pouvait bénéficier d'un traitement au titre de l'Assurance populaire. Malgré ces droits, les services font défaut et les interventions de dépistage précoce, particulièrement la mammographie, sont très limités. En 2006, 22% seulement des femmes âgées de 40 à 69 ans ont indiqué avoir subi une mammographie l'année précédente. Des obstacles existent aussi bien du côté de l'offre que de la demande. Les groupes de pression, l'éducation, la sensibilisation et une riposte politique articulée seront des facteurs importants pour élargir la couverture du traitement et du dépistage précoce, ainsi que l'accès et le recours à ces services. El cáncer de mama es una grave amenaza para la salud de las mujeres mundialmente y una prioridad no reconocida en países de ingresos medios. En ese artículo se exponen datos de México. Se muestra que el cáncer de mama ocasiona más muertes que el cáncer cervical desde 2006. Es la segunda causa de muerte entre las mujeres de 30 a 54 años de edad y afecta a todos los grupos socioeconómicos. Los datos sobre su detección, aunque subreportados, muestran 6,000 casos nuevos en 1990, y un aumento previsto en más de 16,500 al año al cabo de 2020. Más aún, la mayoría de los casos son autodetectados y sólo el 10% de todos los casos se detectan en la primera etapa. Los sistemas de seguridad social de México cubren aproximadamente entre el 40 y el 45% de la población e incluyen tratamiento para el cáncer de mama. Desde 2007, el resto de la población tiene derecho a recibir tratamiento del cáncer de mama mediante el Seguro de Salud Popular. Pese a estos derechos, los servicios son escasos y las intervenciones para la detección temprana, particularmente la mamografía, son muy limitadas. Desde 2006 sólo el 22% de las mujeres de 40 a 69 años informaron haber tenido una mamografía en el último año. Existen barreras tanto en demanda como en oferta. El cabildeo, la educación, la concienciación y una respuesta articulada de políticas serán importantes para garantizar mayor cobertura, acceso al tratamiento y a las intervenciones de detección temprana, y la aceptación de ambos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1995 the Mexican government began to develop policies on establishing collaborative agreements with civil society organisations, and there is currently interest in Mexico in government and NGOs working together. This paper analyses whether the conditions exist in Mexico for successful partnerships between the public sector and NGOs in the reproductive health field. In-depth interviews were carried out with key informants in the public sector at national and state level and the NGO sector in six states in Mexico. Partnerships were found to be an option for the provision of reproductive health services in geographical areas where the population is under-served, and for services the government does not provide. While the contribution of NGOs to the reproductive health field is recognised, at least at federal level, there are still very few public agencies that collaborate with NGOs, and agreements are often limited to short-term financing of projects. The future of NGOs in Mexico will depend largely on their ability to obtain funding from within the country. More effective mechanisms are needed by government to generate resources for health care. Government must recognise the specific contribution of NGOs, including inputs of social capital and creation of community networks, and must share decision-making more equitably with NGO for partnerships to succeed. En 1995, le Gouvernement mexicain a commencé à réguler les accords de collaboration avec les organisations de la société civile, et le Mexique s'intéresse actuellement à la collaboration entre l'É tat et les ONG. Cet article se demande si le pays réunit les conditions pour des partenariats réussis entre le secteur public et les ONG dans le domaine de la santé génésique. Des entretiens ont été menés avec des informateurs clés dans le secteur public au niveau national et des É tats, et dans des ONG de six É tats mexicains. Les partenariats sont une option pour la prestation de services de santé génésique dans des régions où la population est sous-desservie et pour des services que l'É tat n'assure pas. Alors que la contribution des ONG à la santé génésique est reconnue, au moins au niveau fédéral, rares sont encore les organismes publics qui collaborent avec les ONG, et les accords sont souvent limités à un financement de projets à court terme. L'avenir des ONG au Mexique dépendra largement de leur capacité à obtenir un financement auprès de sources nationales. Il faut des mécanismes plus efficaces qui permettront au Gouvernement de créer des ressources pour les soins de santé. Afin que les partenariats ré ussissent, l'É tat doit reconnaı̂tre la contribution des ONG, notamment les apports de capital social et la création de réseaux communautaires, et il doit partager plus équitablement la prise de décisions avec les ONG. En 1995 el gobierno mexicano empezó a formular polı́ticas para colaboració n con las organizaciones de la sociedad civil. Actualmente, existe interés en Mé xico por que el gobierno y las ONG colaboren. En este artı́culo se analiza si existen las circunstancias en Mé xico para establecer alianzas exitosas entre el sector pú blico y las ONG en el campo de la salud reproductiva. Se llevaron a cabo entrevistas a profundidad con informantes clave del sector pú blico a nivel nacional y estatal y en el sector de las ONG en seis estados de Mé xico. Se encontró que las alianzas son una opció n parala prestació n de los servicios de salud reproductiva en las zonas con sectores desatendidos de la població n, y para brindar servicios que no son prestados por el gobierno. A pesar de que se reconocen los aportes de las ONG al campo de la salud reproductiva, por lo menos a nivel federal, aú n existen muy pocas instituciones pú blicas que colaboran con ellas, y los acuerdos con frecuencia se limitan al financiamiento de proyectos de corta duració n. El futuro de las ONG en Mé xico dependerá en gran parte de su capacidad de obtener fondos nacionales. El gobierno necesita mecanismos má s eficaces para generar recursos para la prestació n de servicios de salud. Ademá s, el Estado debe renocer la contribució n de capital social y la creació n de redes comunitarias de las ONG, y debe compartir la toma de decisiones de manera má s equitativa con las ONG a fin de que las alianzas tengan éxito. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: Skeletal-related events (SREs) are major bone complications that frequently occur in patients with solid tumors (ST) and bone metastases, and in patients with multiple myeloma (MM). SREs include pathological fracture, spinal cord compression, radiation to bone, and surgery to bone. Limited data are available regarding the burden of SREs in Latin America. We built an economic model to quantify the current and future economic burden of SREs among adults in four Latin American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico. Methods: A comprehensive literature review with a systematic search strategy was conducted to parameterize the economic burden of illness (BOI) model. Economic analyses were conducted using a prevalence-based model. Aggregate SRE costs obtained from country-specific sources were used. We also included patient productivity losses. Costs were expressed in 2020 USD for the total annual burden, annual burden per 1,000 at risk, and projected five-year burden. Results: The estimated total number of SREs was 251,503 in 2020, amounting to a total annual cost of USD 1.4 billion. The total projected five-year cost was USD 6.9 billion. Annual costs were highest in Brazil (USD 779.1 million), followed by Mexico (USD 281.8 million), Argentina (USD 174.6 million), and Colombia (USD 120.1 million). The average financial burden per 1,000 at risk was greatest in Brazil (USD 3.6 million), followed by Mexico (USD 3.4 million), Colombia (USD 2.9 million), and Argentina (USD 2.7 million). Conclusion: Despite recommendations by medical societies for the use of bone-targeted agents in patients with solid tumors and bone metastasis or with multiple myeloma and bone lesions, a large proportion of patients at risk of experiencing SREs are not treated. Early detection of bone metastases and SREs and the use of the most effective preventative treatments are needed to decrease the clinical and economic burden of SREs in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: Fracture liaison services (FLS) use a multidisciplinary approach to treat patients who have experienced an osteoporotic fracture to reduce the risk of subsequent fractures. To date, there has been minimal FLS implementation in Latin America where fractures continue to be undertreated. This study aims to estimate the number of fractures averted, bed days avoided, and costs saved resulting from universal FLS implementation in Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, and Argentina. Materials and methods: A calculator was developed to estimate the annual benefits of FLS programs in Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, and Argentina from a public hospital perspective. It was assumed all patients with a hip, vertebral, or wrist fracture were referred to an FLS program. Country-specific data were obtained from a previous systematic review and interviews with osteoporosis experts. Hospitalization and post-hospitalization costs were expressed in 2019 USD without discounting. Costs of FLS implementation were not considered. Results: In 2019, the number of FLS patients prevented from having a subsequent hip, vertebral, or wrist fracture was estimated as 15,607 in Brazil, 8,168 in Mexico, 5,190 in Argentina, and 2,435 in Colombia with total bed days saved of 142,378 in Brazil, 75,877 in Mexico, 52,301 in Argentina, and 21,725 in Colombia. The annual cost savings in 2019 were highest in Argentina (28.1 million USD), followed by Mexico (19.6 million USD), Brazil (7.64 million USD) and Colombia (3.04 million USD). Over five years (2019-2023) the cumulative cost savings were 145 million USD in Argentina, 106 million USD in Mexico, 40.5 million USD in Brazil, and 16.1 million USD in Colombia. Conclusion: Universal FLS implementation in Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, and Argentina was predicted to prevent 31,400 fractures, avoid 292,281 bed days, and save 58.4 million USD in 2019, though caution is warranted in the interpretation of these results due to high uncertainty. Increased implementation of FLS programs in Latin American countries may help to realize these benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the last three decades, government and health institutions have recognised that unsafe abortion is an important social and public health problem in Mexico. Although the Penal Code in every state defines at least one situation in which abortion is legal, access to legal abortion services is restricted for women throughout Mexico. In August 2000, the Mexico City Legislative Assembly reformed the Penal Code to include a wider range of grounds on which abortion is legal and added regulations to ensure access to legal abortion services in cases of rape and forced artificial insemination. The Mexican Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the reforms in January 2002. This paper describes a collaborative project between Ipas Mexico and the Mexico City Department of Health to provide legal abortions in cases of rape and to ensure that comprehensive health services for survivors of sexual violence are available and accessible. It describes a model of care being introduced into 15 public general and maternal-child health hospitals in Mexico City through a programme of multi-disciplinary consciousness-raising workshops and training courses on sexual violence and legal abortion. Few health care providers have had prior training in service provision for survivors of sexual violence or abortion service delivery. Workshop participants showed a high level of willingness to participate in legal abortion services for survivors of sexual violence when and if they are receive solid institutional support. Depuis trente ans, le Gouvernement et les institutions sanitaires reconnaissent que l'avortement non médicalisé est un important problème social et de santé publique au Mexique. Bien que dans tous les Etats, le code pénal définisse au moins un cas d'avortement légal, l'accès aux services d'interruption de grossesse est restreint pour les femmes dans tout le pays. En août 2000, l'Assemblée législative de Mexico a réformé le code pénal pour y inclure davantage de cas où l'avortement est légal et l'assortir d'une réglementation garantissant l'accès à des services d'avortement légal en cas de viol ou d'insémination forcée. En janvier 2002, la Cour suprême mexicaine a confirmé la constitutionnalité des réformes. Cet article décrit un projet de collaboration entre Ipas Mexique et le Département de la santéde Mexico pour fournir des avortements légaux en cas de viol et s'assurer que les victimes de violences sexuelles disposent de services complets de santé. Il décrit un modèle de soins introduit dans 15 hôpitaux publics généraux et de santé maternelle et infantile á Mexico grâce à un programme d'ateliers et de cours de sensibilisation multidisciplinaire sur les violences sexuelles et l'avortement légal. Peu de prestataires de soins de santéont suivi une formation préalable sur les services destinés aux victimes de violences sexuelles, ou sur l'avortement. Les participants aux ateliers étaient prêts à participer à des services d'avortement légal pour les victimes de violences sexuelles pour autant qu'ils reçoivent un soutien institutionnel solide. Durante las últimas tres décadas, las instituciones gubernamentales y de salubridad han reconocido que el aborto practicado en condiciones de riesgo es un importante problema social y de salud pública en México. Si bien el Código Penal en cada estado define por lo menos una situación en que el aborto es legal, el acceso a servicios de aborto legal está restringido para las mujeres en todo el país. En agosto 2000, la Asamblea Legislativa de la Ciudad de México adoptóuna reforma al Código Penal que incluyera una gama más amplia de causas por las cuales el aborto es legal, y agregó regulaciones para asegurar el acceso a servicios de aborto legales en casos de violación e inseminación forzada. En enero 2002 la Corte Suprema Mexicana confirmóla constitucionalidad de las reformas. Este artı́culo describe un proyecto de colaboración entre Ipas-México y el Departamento de Salubridad de la Ciudad de México para proveer abortos legales en casos de violación y asegurar la disponibilidad y accesibilidad de servicios integrales de salud para los y las sobrevivientes de violencia sexual. Describe un modelo de atención que se está introduciendo en 15 hospitales públicos generales y de salud materno-infantil en la Ciudad de México mediante un programa de talleres multidisciplinarios de sensibilización y cursos de capacitación en violencia sexual y aborto legal. Pocos proveedores de atención en salud han recibido capacitación anterior en la provisión de servicios para sobrevivientes de violencia sexual o servicios de aborto. Los participantes en los talleres mostraron una alta disposición a participar en los servicios de aborto legal para sobrevivientes de violencia sexual siempre y cuando reciban un sólido apoyo institucional. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "Paulina case" is the story of a 13-year-old girl in Mexico who became pregnant in 1999 after being raped. Although she received permission to obtain a legal abortion, the hospital convinced her mother through misleading information to decline the abortion. This case has become an almost obligatory point of reference when abortion is discussed in Mexico. This paper analyses how the Mexican press portrayed the Paulina case and the social actors who participated in it – Paulina herself, Paulina's allies, the state government, the Catholic Church, members of the political party PAN and the National Human Rights Commission. One of the great breakthroughs of this case was that the denial of an abortion was judged to be a form of negligence. In demanding justice for Paulina, Paulina's allies were given moral authority in the press to denounce those who denied her an abortion. While the government of Baja California state and members of the PAN were held responsible for their role in the case, the Catholic Church, who was also responsible, seemed to escape criticism. It is probable that the large emotional weight of the Paulina case accomplished more in terms of changing public opinion in support of women's right to decide on abortion than any other single event to date. ≪ L'affaire Paulina ≫ est l'histoire d'une adolescente mexicaine de 13 ans, enceinte en 1999 à la suite d'un viol. Bien qu'elle ait été autorisée à avorter légalement, l'hôpital a convaincu sa mère par des informations trompeuses de refuser l'avortement. Cette affaire est devenue une référence obligée lors de tout débat sur l'avortement au Mexique. Cet article analyse comment la presse mexicaine a décrit l'affaire Paulina et les acteurs sociaux y ayant participé – Paulina, ses alliés, les autorités de l'Etat, l'Eglise catholique, les membres du parti politique PAN et la Commission nationale des droits de l'homme. L'un des grands progrès de cette affaire est que le refus d'avortement a été jugé comme une forme de négligence. En demandant justice pour Paulina, ses alliés ont reçu dans la presse l'autorité morale requise pour dénoncer ceux qui lui avaient refusé l'avortement. Alors que les pouvoirs publics de l'Etat de Baja California et les membres du PAN ont été tenus pour responsables de leur rôle dans l'affaire, l'Eglise catholique qui était aussi responsable semble avoir échappée aux critiques. Il est probable que le fort poids émotionnel de l'affaire Paulina aura fait davantage pour modifier l'opinion publique en faveur du droit des femmes à décider si elles veulent avorter que tout autre événement. El "caso Paulina" es la historia de una niña mexicana de 13 años que resultó embarazada en 1999 después de haber sido violada. Aunque recibió permiso para obtener un aborto legal, el personal del hospital convenció a su madre, mediante información distorsionada, de rechazar el aborto. El caso se ha convertido en un punto de referencia obligatorio cuando se habla del aborto en México. Este artı́culo analiza cómo la prensa mexicana representó el caso Paulina y los actores sociales que participaron en él: Paulina, sus aliadas, el gobierno estatal, la Iglesia Católica, los afiliados al Partido de Acción Nacional (PAN), y la Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos. Uno de los hitos más significativos del caso fue que se consideró que la decisión de negarle el aborto a Paulina constituyera una forma de negligencia. Al demandar justicia para Paulina, la prensa atribuyó a sus aliadas la autoridad moral para denunciar a quienes le negaron el aborto. Si bien se responsabilizó al gobierno de Baja California y los miembros del PAN por su papel en el caso, la Iglesia Católica, que era también responsable, parece haberse librado de las crı́ticas. Es probable que el gran peso emocional del caso Paulina haya tenido más impacto sobre la opinión pública a favor del derecho de la mujer de decidir en materia del aborto que cualquier otro acontecimiento hasta la fecha. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports on research carried out in Mexico City in 1995–1996 on the meaning of motherhood, contraception, an unwanted pregnancy or child, and the experience of illegal, clandestine abortion, as described by 12 women of different ages, class, education and marital status who had one or more clandestine abortions. A priest, two doctors from the public health system, a group of gynaecologists and nurses and a health social worker were also interviewed. The data show that it is the illegal and clandestine nature of abortion that has a negative effect on women in Mexico. Although terminating a pregnancy can also be a difficult experience in itself, it became traumatic for most (though not all) of the women interviewed due to the dominant Catholic church doctrine that abortion is a sin, and because of the criminal law punishing those who have abortions, which forces women to have the procedure in high risk conditions, all of which adversely affected their mental and physical health. In spite of this, all the women considered abortion a personal decision that they had to make. Even those who believed that termination of pregnancy was the transgression of a divine commandment also believed that it was a rightful and necessary decision, given their circumstances. Une recherche menée à Mexique en 1995–1996 s'est penchée sur la signification de la maternité, la contraception et une grossesse ou un enfant non désiré, et l'avortement illégal, clandestin. Cette expérience a été décrite par 12 femmes d'âges, de classes, de niveaux d'instruction et de situations de famille différents ayant subi un ou plusieurs avortements clandestins. Un prêtre, deux médecins du système public, un groupe de prestataires de services et un travailleur social ont également été interrogés. Les données montrent que c'est la nature illégale et clandestine de l'avortement au Mexique qui crée un effet négatif sur les femmes. Bien qu'une interruption de grossesse puisse être une expérience difficile en soi, elle est devenue traumatique pour la plupart des femmes interrogées (mais pas toutes) en raison de la doctrine catholique dominante selon laquelle l'avortement est un péché, et du code pénal qui punit les avortements, ce qui force les femmes à avorter dans des conditions à haut risque, aux dépens de leur santé mentale et physique. Pourtant, toutes les femmes considéraient l'avortement comme une décision personnelle. Même celles qui pensaient que l'interruption de grossesse violait un commandement divin croyaient qu'il s'agissait d'une décision juste et nécessaire, compte tenu de leur situation. En la Ciudad de México en 1995–1996 se llevó a cabo una investigación acerca del significado de la maternidad, la anticoncepción, un embarazo o un/a hijo/hija no deseado/a, y la experiencia del aborto ilegal y clandestino, descrito por 12 mujeres de distintas edades, clases sociales, nivel de educación y estado civil, quienes habı́an tenido uno o más abortos clandestinos. Se entrevistaron además a un sacerdote, dos médicos a de salud público, un grupo de ginecólogos y enfermeras, y una asistente social de la salud. Los datos indican que es la naturaleza ilegal y clandestina del aborto en México que causa un efecto negativo en las mujeres. Si bien el terminar un embarazo es puede ser una experiencia difı́cil en sı́, para la mayorı́a (aunque no todas) de las mujeres entrevistadas, les fue traumático debido a la doctrina de la iglesia católica que califica el aborto como un pecado, y por la ley que penaliza a quienes abortan. A consecuencia, las mujeres se ven forzadas a buscar abortos en condiciones de alto riesgo, lo cual les afecta negativamente tanto la salud fı́sica como mental. A pesar de ello, todas las mujeres consideraban que la decisión de abortar era una decisión personal que debı́an tomar. Aquellas que creı́an que terminar el embarazo significaba transgredir un mandato divino, también creı́an que habı́an tomado una decisión necesaria y correcta, considerando las circunstancias en que se encontraban. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Mexico has the second-highest index of crimes motivated by transphobia in the world. Transphobic violence manifests in a pervasive and complex manner in a country where violence permeates all aspects of social life. Some progress has been made to improve transgender rights and fight discrimination, but this has had an unequal impact in different geopolitical and cultural contexts within the country, particularly outside of metropolitan centers. Aim: The study explores how transphobia is experienced in the conservative province of Colima and how transphobic practices play a part in shaping transgender subjective experience and identity construction. A psychosocial theoretical framework is adopted to attend to the relationship between cultural, institutional and interpersonal practices in this process. Methods: A qualitative approach is used to explore how different forms of transphobic violence are experienced by trans women in Colima. A purposive sample of 12 trans women, aged 22-38 years took part in narrative interviews which were analyzed thematically. Findings: The analysis is organized into three themes: (a) narratives of gender identity construction (b) gender expression and experiences of transphobic violence in Colima (c) sites for social support and change. Discussion: We argue that the psychosocial processes related to transphobia are context specific shaping transgender identities and limiting and regulating gender expression. Family, education, LGBT community and the police were identified as key sites for support against or source of transphobic violence. Conclusion: Despite the challenging socio-political context interventions are needed in policy and institutional practices to tackle stigma, transphobia and, trans-misogyny and improve the lives of transgender people living in regional areas in the global south. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spinactaletes boneti mitochondrial genome was assembled and annotated. It has 14,766 bp in length, all 37 genes are present and the gene order is the same as the Pancrustacean ancestral gene order. Phylogenetic analyses based on maximum likelihood placed the species as a sister group of the remaining Entomobryomorpha, not closely related to the Isotomoidea superfamily, contradicting the actual systematics of the group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Skeletal-related events (SREs) are major bone complications that frequently occur in patients with solid tumors (ST) and bone metastases, and in patients with multiple myeloma (MM). SREs include pathological fracture, spinal cord compression, radiation to bone, and surgery to bone. Limited data are available regarding the burden of SREs in Latin America. We built an economic model to quantify the current and future economic burden of SREs among adults in four Latin American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico. A comprehensive literature review with a systematic search strategy was conducted to parameterize the economic burden of illness (BOI) model. Economic analyses were conducted using a prevalence-based model. Aggregate SRE costs obtained from country-specific sources were used. We also included patient productivity losses. Costs were expressed in 2020 USD for the total annual burden, annual burden per 1,000 at risk, and projected five-year burden. The estimated total number of SREs was 251,503 in 2020, amounting to a total annual cost of USD 1.4 billion. The total projected five-year cost was USD 6.9 billion. Annual costs were highest in Brazil (USD 779.1 million), followed by Mexico (USD 281.8 million), Argentina (USD 174.6 million), and Colombia (USD 120.1 million). The average financial burden per 1,000 at risk was greatest in Brazil (USD 3.6 million), followed by Mexico (USD 3.4 million), Colombia (USD 2.9 million), and Argentina (USD 2.7 million). Despite recommendations by medical societies for the use of bone-targeted agents in patients with solid tumors and bone metastasis or with multiple myeloma and bone lesions, a large proportion of patients at risk of experiencing SREs are not treated. Early detection of bone metastases and SREs and the use of the most effective preventative treatments are needed to decrease the clinical and economic burden of SREs in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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We have found that community health workers (CHWs) with appropriate training are able to accurately identify people at high cardiovascular disease (CVD) risk in the community who would benefit from the introduction of preventative management, in Bangladesh, Guatemala, Mexico, and South Africa. This paper examines the attendance pattern for those individuals who were so identified and referred to a health care facility for further assessment and management. Patient records from the health centres in each site were reviewed for data on diagnoses made and treatment commenced. Reasons for non-attendance were sought from participants who had not attended after being referred. Qualitative data were collected from study coordinators regarding their experiences in obtaining the records and conducting the record reviews. The perspectives of CHWs and community members, who were screened, were also obtained. Thirty-seven percent (96/263) of those referred attended follow-up: 36 of 52 (69%) were urgent and 60 of 211 (28.4%) were non-urgent referrals. A diagnosis of hypertension (HTN) was made in 69% of urgent referrals and 37% of non-urgent referrals with treatment instituted in all cases. Reasons for non-attendance included limited self-perception of risk, associated costs, health system obstacles, and lack of trust in CHWs to conduct CVD risk assessments and to refer community members into the health system. The existing barriers to referral in the health care systems negatively impact the gains to be had through screening by training CHWs in the use of a simple risk assessment tool. The new diagnoses of HTN and commencement on treatment in those that attended referrals underscores the value of having persons at the highest risk identified in the community setting and referred to a clinic for further evaluation and treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexico's health system is undergoing major restructuring by the administration of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (known as AMLO) starting in December 2018. The government has eliminated the 2003 health reform (Seguro Popular) from national laws and government agencies and is returning Mexico to a centralized health system with integrated public financing and delivery and reduced private participation. This article looks at the political drivers of Mexico's restructuring reform. Three main ethical principles are identified as the foundation for the government's health system vision: universality, free services, and anti-corruption. The article then compares what existed under Seguro Popular with the new system under the Instituto de Salud para el Bienestar (INSABI), which began on 1 January 2020. The analysis uses the five policy levers that shape health system performance: financing, payment, organization, regulation, and persuasion. The article concludes with five lessons about the reform process in Mexico. First, undoing past reforms is much easier than implementing a new system. Second, the AMLO government's restructuring emerged more from broad ethical principles than detailed technical analyses, with limited plans for evaluation. Third, the overarching values of the AMLO government reflect a pro-statist and anti-market bias, swimming against the global flow of health policy trends to include the private sector in reforming health systems. Fourth, the experiences in Mexico show that path dependence does not always work as expected in policy reform. Finally, the debate of Seguro Popular versus INSABI shows the influence of personality politics and polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tapuya: Latin American Science, Technology & Society is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Throughout the world, tropical glaciers are rapidly receding and some are at risk of complete loss within the next several decades. It is therefore important to monitor these glacial regions to better understand the factors affecting glacier loss and risks to nearby communities. Here, we provide an update on the summit glacier extents of Pico de Orizaba (19.03°N, 97.27°W) and Iztaccíhuatl (19.18°N, 98.64°W) in central Mexico, reporting areas every 1–11 years between 2001 and 2019 (depending on the availability of high-quality imagery). Glacier extents are derived from multispectral satellite imagery (Landsat 7–8 and the European Space Agency's Sentinel-2) using a semi-automated mapping method that takes the ratio of the near-infrared (or panchromatic) and shortwave infrared bands and applies appropriate threshold(s) for glacier identification. We also use thermal band imagery from Landsat 7–8 to estimate surface temperatures of both the glaciers and the surrounding terrain to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the summit environment. We find that glacier retreat has continued on both summits, and surface temperatures (even over glacier ice) can be at or near the melting point of water during some parts of the year, particularly on lower-elevation Iztaccíhuatl, suggesting a risk of continued ice loss in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the paradoxical outcomes of a mechanism to promote women's participation in payment for ecosystem services (PES). Focusing specifically on the Legal Representative position, I examine how gendered and generational power dynamics become reinscribed through this position and the various ways that this position is conceptualized, performed, and negotiated. To do this, I combine theoretical insights from feminist theories of subjectivity, political ecology, and forest governance with empirical evidence from a small case study of PES in Jalisco, Mexico. I find that the subjectivity of women within the case study both produce and are produced by gendered and generational differences that simultaneously both challenge and also maintain social‐spatial exclusions. Although this study is limited by its focus on the Legal Representative and a small sample size, such a focused case study sheds light on the social and spatial ways in which PES runs the risk of exacerbating already existing inequities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexico is a center of origin for several economically important plants including maize, cotton, and cocoa. Maize represents more than a food crop, has been declared a biological, cultural, agricultural and economic patrimony, and is linked to the national identity of Mexicans. In this review, we describe the historic and current use of genetically modified plants in Mexico and factors that contributed to the development of the biosafety regulation. We developed a database containing all permit applications received by the government to release genetically modified plants. A temporal and geographical analysis identified the plant species that have been authorized for experimental purposes, pilot programs, or commercial production, the geographic areas where they have been released, and the traits that have been introduced. Results show that Mexico has faced a dual challenge: accepting the benefits of genetically modified plants and their products, while protecting native plant biodiversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We assembled the plastomes of Pinus greggii, P. jaliscana and P. oocarpa from 100 bp paired-end Illumina reads. We combined de novo (comparing Velvet and SPAdes) with reference-guided assembly and a final step of gap filling. SPAdes performed better than Velvet based on scaffold number (180 vs. 263) and mean length (1886 vs. 560 bp), and number of gaps (2 vs. 4). Annotations were automatically transferred from P. taeda NC_021440 and carefully revised by hand. Phylogenetic analysis with additional plastomes revealed very short branch lengths, supporting a rapid diversification within Australes and close relatedness among pines from Western Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]