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Studies the role of civilian scientist-advisers in U.S. defense policy-making in 1966-1968. Effect of the McNamara Line, an electronic barrier or fence aimed at stemming the infiltration of men and supplies into South Vietnam, on the importance of scientist-advisers; Dynamics of science-military relations.

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2009, President Nicolas Sarkozy decided that France should return to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation's (NATO) integrated military structure, which it had left in 1966. Sarkozy also restated the complete independence of the French arsenal, the policy of non-participation in NATO's nuclear mission: the nuclear exception. This article takes the view that this policy of nuclear exception is outdated and potentially damaging to French interests within NATO. This is so under two scenarios: (1) As long as American non-strategic nuclear weapons (NSNW) are on European soil, NATO's nuclear posture will evolve without official French input. (2) If these nuclear weapons were to be removed from Europe, France would stand as the predominant nuclear power among the European Union states. Since the consequences of removal would impact French interests directly, it seems unwise for Paris to opt out of this debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the evolution of the policy agenda of the EU-South Korea strategic partnership, based on key pillars of cooperation: politics, security, and economics. In the political arena, the Framework Agreement has provided a major platform for promoting EU-Korea political dialogue and developing a common stance toward a shared global agenda. When it comes to security, the main agenda involves North Korea's missiles, nuclear program, and the challenge of nonproliferation; the two parties have coordinated sanctions against North Korea. South Korea has enacted a Crisis Management Participation Agreement (FPA) with the EU and begun to participate in the EU common security and defence policy. The changing security environment on the Korean Peninsula, as a consequence of recent inter-Korean and US-North Korea dialogues, may offer the EU new opportunities for constructive engagement. In the economic arena, the EU-Korea FTA has established solid trade and investment relations. While these pillars of the strategic partnership have led to stable and mature bilateral relations, both the EU and South Korea need to find new momentum for an enhanced partnership to deal with the ongoing challenge of global security instability and the backlash against the liberal international order. The EU-South Korea strategic partnership also needs a global agenda that covers climate change, technology, education, and culture. This study assesses the development of each pillar of the strategic partnership, addressing key challenges, tasks, and future diplomatic developments between the EU and South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the Libyan crisis has produced a decisive turning point in three interconnected dimensions of the transatlantic relationship. The EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) proved to be ineffective in facing up to the Libyan crisis and needs to be rethought. The USA preferred to take a ‘back seat’ in handling the crisis and forced leading European powers to face up to their regional responsibilities and assume leadership of the Libyan mission, potentially offering a model for future allied operations. NATO, for its part, demonstrated that it is less of an alliance and more of a mechanism for the constitution of coalitions of the willing. It also struggled to overcome the mediocre forces of a small-time dictator. Key to the resolution of these three issues is the leadership role of France and the UK. Whatever the outcome, the signs are that we are facing a paradigm shift. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Introduction: Until 12 January 2000, the UK Armed Forces retained a policy of discharging all gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender personnel under exemptive military laws. The so-called 'gay ban' was enforced with the rationale that homosexuality was incompatible with military service. Little research has explored the experiences of LGBT + veterans or the impact of the 'gay ban' policy. Methods: In 2021, 15 LGBT + veterans who had been affected by the 'gay ban' participated in semi-structured interviews lasting around 90 minutes. Interview transcripts were analysed using thematic analysis. Results: Five overarching themes were identified in exploring the experiences and impact of the 'gay ban' policy: LGBT + identity struggle; camouflage; intense investigative process; extraction, exclusion and loss; and the personal impact. Conclusions: Serving in the UK Armed Forces during this homosexuality ban policy affected the social, health and well-being of LGBT + veterans. The necessity for LGBT + veterans to hide their sexual orientation and/or gender identity, the impact of investigations, loss of careers and alienation have led to long-term experiences of social isolation, loneliness due to barriers to connecting to others and difficulties around health and well-being. Policy Implications: LGBT + veteran vulnerability and traumatic experiences need to be understood in the context of help-seeking behaviour and service provision. The implications for policy change include achieving health and social care equity in relation to access to support services. Support services need to ensure that there is an awareness of the impact of serving under the discriminatory 'gay ban' policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We derive lessons for green public procurement (GPP) by examining it in the context of Canadian federal government expenditures in several sectors. These show that successful GPP is neither simple nor automatic but requires alignment of green policy visions between payers, purchasers and producers, and the existence of appropriate procurement frameworks to allow this alignment to persist. Attaining and maintaining this alignment longitudinally is especially difficult as priorities, and governments can change over time, ‘de-aligning’ any initial agreement on the merits of the strategy behind ‘strategic procurement’ of any kind. While less acute for short-term procurement, this problem exists for many longer-term green procurement projects and can lead to government attempts to downplay long-term efforts and seek less complex short-term purchases where alignment is easier to establish and maintain but where green efforts may be less impactful. These dynamics are illustrated in the case of green procurement efforts made in Canadian federal programmes including the little-examined but important defence sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]