Search

The funerary paintings at Tarquinia, recognized for their extraordinary cultural and artistic importance, reflect the Etruscan aristocracy's outlook on life, funeral rites, and their concept of the afterlife, such as their relationship with nature. Despite their recurrence, a botanical analysis of the painted trees was lacking. Here, we analysed 34 Etruscan-painted tombs, looking at the arboreal plants, studying their characteristic architecture, and providing key elements resulting from abstractions from real features for understanding how different species are represented. The identification was supported by a bibliography of Etruscan iconography and botanical atlas and online databases useful for the comparison with the diagnostic elements present in the represented trees. The results show that myrtles (Myrtus communis) and laurels (Laurus nobilis) were the most commonly depicted arboreal species in the fifth and fourth century BC tombs, respectively. Myrtles were prominent in funerary celebrations due to the plant's Dionysian connection, and laurel was sacred within Apollonian rites. To a lesser extent, we also found palms, with their auspicious symbolism (hybrid forms combining Chamaerops humilis and Phoenix dactylifera), and single occurrences of fig (Ficus carica), and fir (Picea cfr. excelsa). These findings help to better comprehend the role of trees in Etruscan culture, which here seem to contribute to the representation of a sacred space within the funerary tomb, in keeping with the ancient concept of the sacred forests or "nemora". The regular repetition of trees also helps to project sequences of temporal events and the progress of time in human life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In ancient time, life elements, like plants and animals, and unanimated forces of nature were usually associated with specific meanings related to deities and sacred rituals. In Roman archeology, the strong symbolic value of plants represented in wall paintings and artifacts was proved by several contributions, but this topic is often neglected. In this paper, for the first time, an interpretation is proposed for the plant represented in one of the most iconic paintings in Pompeii, the so-called "Flora" in Ariadne's house. Here, the analyzed plant is picked by a girl turned away and holding a floral cornucopia, and it plays a relevant role in the scene. Through the analysis of its morphological elements, and comparing them with other ancient representations, we suggest its identification as flax (Linum usitatissimum L.). Flax was an economically and culturally very important plant, widely represented in objects and paintings in the Mesopotamian and Egyptian area. We also suggest that the meaning behind the choice of depict flax was also related to its classical attribution as a symbol of fertility and afterlife as well as linked to the "feminine" sphere. This interpretation, together with other elements of the images, strengthens the already proposed interpretation of the yellow-dressed girl a wife, which is let to go this life for an afterlife, in the figure of Persephone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several hundred archaeobotanical studies now provide a broad overview of plant husbandry practices in northern France from the Bronze Age to the medieval period. Some unknowns nevertheless remain concerning the species considered as possible minor crops. They often have an ambiguous status, which deserves a closer examination in order to specify their possible cultivation and uses. This is the case of Bromus secalinus (rye brome), a wild member of the Poaceae, which was potentially used as food and fodder, and whose consumption has been suggested by several authors based on the regular discovery of mass finds of its seeds in domestic contexts and assemblages including cultivated plants. Rye brome has then been considered as a "near-crop". Could the re-examination of brome grass rich assemblages and processed crops of cereal grains help us to clarify the status of the plant? On the basis of the macrofossil results from 338 occupations in northern France dated from 1325 bc to ad 1500 and the comparison of archaeological finds with ancient texts, we try to discover what the uses of this plant may have been and how its perception may have evolved over time. The discovery of possible seed cake fragments made of brome grass in two rural settlements represents a hint for its potential consumption during the Iron Age. However a careful examination of the frequencies of rye brome over the time span shows that abundant finds are ultimately rather few and mainly clustered before the 2nd century bc, when a major change in crop choices happened. This led to a change in the processing of cereals and the form in which they were brought back to the sites. Abundant rye brome finds appear to be linked to the persistence of hulled cereals and the processing techniques that were specifically applied to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Excavation work carried out at Istres and Saint-Rémy-de-Provence (Provence, Southern France), in the framework of preventive archaeology, uncovered evidence of ancient gardens (13/14th–17th centuries), equipped with lined wells. Significant numbers of waterlogged remains of fruit species as well as legumes and condiments provided information on the availability of "healthy" foods to complement and diversify the daily diet of urban dwellers, largely dependent on bread. Other herbaceous plants reflecting the background environment of this agriculture-arboriculture production are also identified (weeds, ruderals, plants from meadows and other humid habitats etc.). The archaeobotanical assemblage identified in both sites also includes Ricinus communis, a highly toxic plant. As far as we know this is the first time Ricinus seeds are recorded by archaeobotany in Europe. The likely significance of this discovery is discussed taking into account the archaeological and palaeoenvironmental contexts of the findings and the known history of this plant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some biologists now argue in favour of a pluralistic approach to plant activities, understandable both from the classical perspective of physiological mechanisms and that of the biology of behaviour involving choices and decisions in relation to the environment. However, some do not hesitate to go further, such as plant "neurobiologists" or philosophers who today defend an intelligence, a mind or even a plant consciousness in a renewed perspective of these terms. To what extent can we then adhere to pluralism in the study of plant behaviour? How does this pluralism in the study and explanation of plant behaviour fit into, or even build itself up, in a broader history of science? Is it a revolutionary way of rethinking plant behaviour in the twenty-first century or is it an epistemological extension of an older attitude? By proposing a synthesis of the question of plant behaviour by selected elements of the history of botany, the objective is to show that the current plant biology is not unified on the question of behaviour, but that its different tendencies are in fact part of a long botanical tradition with contrasting postures. Two axes that are in fact historically linked will serve as a common thread. 1. Are there several ways of understanding or conceiving plant behaviour within plant sciences and their epistemology? 2. Can the behaviour of a plant be considered in the same way as that of an animal? The working hypothesis defended in this article consists in showing that the current opposition between growth, development and reductionist physiology on the one hand and the biology of behaviour involving sensitivity and choices in plant activity (i.e. agency) on the other hand has been built up through the history of botany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asian rice (Oryza sativa L.) was identified, among other plant remains, from several contexts in a fortified elite residence at the site of Mleiha (United Arab Emirates) that was partially destroyed by fire in the third century AD. These remains, present both as isolated grains and as clusters of rice, constitute the earliest example of the species in the Arabian Peninsula and raise numerous questions on the role of rice in local economies during the Late Pre-Islamic period. The discussion focuses on two aspects of the finds. On the one hand, the state of preservation and the archaeological contexts of the rice remains are investigated in detail in order to reconstruct crop processing activities that might have taken place within the building as well as different aspects of the preparation and consumption of what seems to have been a rare crop. On the other hand, we discuss the origin of the Mleiha rice weighing the possible cultivation in local irrigated date palm gardens against its importation through the long-distance trade networks across the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean that are well attested by archaeological and textual sources for the period of concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New plant macrofossil studies in northwestern France enable a better insight into agriculture through the Bronze and Iron Age. Most of the previous analyses, carried out in Calvados (Normandy) on Late Iron Age dwellings, suggested distinctive characteristics such as the increase of Avena (oat) and the abundance of pulses in storage pits. The collection of a new database with 25 sites was done in response to the previous lack of studies, which became an issue in Brittany, Normandy and the Loire region, which are known for their western location and trade links throughout Europe. This paper deals with farming practices and their changes during the Bronze and Iron Ages. The aim was to gather new evidence related to sowing times, tilling of fields and fertility management of soils in order to discuss extensive or intensive cultivation in northwestern France. The crop cultivation techniques were investigated by studying the weed flora composition according to the FIBS approach (Functional interpretation of botanical survey). The results reveal combinations of evidence and a pattern of intra-regional diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of symbols in architecture of the past centuries is evident, even if sometimes cryptic. The reasons behind the representation of plants in artistic and architectural contexts are of great interest as they help in their understanding. We analysed the plants carved in the Fountain of Four Rivers (Rome), designed by G.L. Bernini (mid-seventeenth century), through iconographic and historical documents. The carved plants (about 34 species) creates a natural and symbolic association with the selected rivers and continents. Some species are chosen to characterise various geographic contexts or fluvial and rupestrian habitats or are referred to the papal coats of arms (Innocent X Pamphilj). A certain number has auspicious connotation and takes a strong symbolic salvific meaning and protective against the evil's threat. The Kircherian influence emerges in several iconographic choices, as well as the river selection and orientation, in a philosophical-religious logic linked to the Papacy and Christianity role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paleontological, archaeological, and biogeographical evidences strongly suggest the common genet (Genetta genetta; Mammalia, Carnivora) was translocated by humans into Europe. A widespread hypothesis considers the Muslims, which conquered Iberia at the eighth century AD, as the putative agents of translocation. This hypothesis was reinforced because the first record of the species in Europe until now was reported on an Almohad (i.e., early thirteenth century AD) deposit in Mértola (Portugal). Besides, the European genets share a mitochondrial clade with those of coastal Algeria. We have radiocarbon dated some bones of two intrusive genets retrieved at prehistoric levels of Abrigo 6 del Humo complex (Málaga, south Spain). One of them was dated at a 14C age of 1310 ± 30 BP (calibrated date 656-773 AD, 95.4% probability), five centuries earlier than the specimen from Mértola. Sequenced mitochondrial DNA from this A6H individual resulted in a 264-bp fragment of cytochrome b and 248 bp of the control region, concatenated in a single 512-bp sequence. The Abrigo 6 haplotype differed from those of the most common haplogroup (including the specimen from Mértola) previously described in European genets, being much closer to a divergent haplogroup restricted to Andalusia. We discuss the new insights from this genet in its phylogeographical, archaeozoological, and historical frames to conclude that the more widely dispersed haplogroup of genets in Europe could be related to Muslim activities, while the "Andalusian" haplogroup would correspond to an earlier introduction event, probably by the Phoenicians or their Carthaginian heirs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents archaeobotanical evidence of rice (Oryza cf. sativa L.) and black pepper (Piper nigrum) recovered from an early 2nd century AD septic pit excavated near the centre of colonia Aelia Mursa (Osijek, Croatia). Within Roman Panonnia the archaeobotanical record shows evidence of trade consisting mostly of local Mediterranean goods such as olives, grapes and figs, however, the recovery of rice and black pepper from Mursa provides the first evidence of exotics arriving to Pannonia from Asia. Preliminary thoughts on the role of these foods within the colony and who may have been consuming them are briefly discussed. The Roman period represents a time of major change in the diet of newly assimilated regions and the results here highlight the contribution that archaeobotanical remains can make to the growing discourse on the development of societies on the Roman frontier. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Six mineralised seeds of Sesamum indicum L. (sesame) have been found in a cesspit dating from the Samnite occupation (Republican period, 2nd century bc) of Pompeii in southwest Italy. This oil plant is of tropical Asian origin, and its occurrences in prehistoric Italy and more generally in the Mediterranean region are very scarce and only from sea ports. It thus raises the question about its role in long distance trade between the Italian Peninsula and Asia, in relation to the Roman conquest of the east including the near east which started in the 2nd century bc. The present contribution reviews the archaeobotanical evidence of early sesame in Asia and Europe and explores the potential routes of its spread to the west. The possibility of an introduction and acclimatization of the plant in southern Europe is also discussed in the light of archaeobotanical finds and ancient texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The successful introduction of the common genet ( Genetta genetta) into Europe has been traditionally associated to the Muslim invasion of Iberia, although diverse evidence suggested an earlier arrival. In this study, we assessed genetic variation at 11 microsatellite loci in 199 individuals from the Mediterranean Basin and used approximate Bayesian computation (ABC) combining genotypes and published mitochondrial sequences. Our objectives were to (1) test alternative scenarios of introduction of the species in Europe, (2) re-assess the mitochondrial signatures of 'introduction hotspots' in Iberia, and (3) evaluate how post-introduction demographic processes have shaped genetic structure in the invaded range. ABC estimates favored a scenario of independent introductions from Maghreb into the Balearic Isl. and Iberia; the latter was dated between the Upper Palaeolithic and the end of Phoenicians' influence. Patterns of genotypic diversity broadened the Andalusian introduction hotspot to the antique Tartessos Kingdom and suggested multiple introductions and/or long-term genetic drift. The best fit ABC scenario implied a natural spread from Iberia to France, but was in potential conflict with our delimitation of two genetic clusters (France and Iberia) in continental Europe. In fact, southwestern France populations showed a fair proportion of alleles shared with Maghreb and low levels of heterozygosity that may reflect subsequent introduction from Iberia, in line with the high error rates in favor of this alternative scenario. Significant patterns of isolation-by-distance among individuals within both genetic clusters are suggestive of natural dispersal from both Iberian and French introduction sites resulting in a secondary contact zone in northern Iberia. Overall, our study strongly suggests that the common genet was intentionally introduced in southern Iberia at a time antedating the Muslim invasion, possibly via Phoenicians' commercial routes. Subsequent introduction in France, long-term genetic drift and admixture likely shaped the species genetic variation currently observed in continental Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relatively little research has been carried out in the field of iconography in ancient Roman sculpture and painting. Therefore, we have compiled a botanical database to define the qualitative and quantitative aspects of botanical elements found in archaeological structures, and to name taxa cited in ancient literary sources which are of uncertain identification. This includes data set of about 420 art works and 3,000 related images based on information found in ancient writers and new discoveries, which have emerged from the research process. 202 taxa of plants (78 families, 159 genera, and 168 species) have been identified to date, and the main characteristics of their floristic elements and their degree of rarity are reported. Acanthus mollis, Vitis vinifera, Phoenix dactylifera, Punica granatum, Ficus carica, Laurus nobilis, and Hedera helix proved to be the species represented most frequently, due to their strong association with mythological and religious symbolism. The database contains 97 (47.8 %) new or very recently identified species, representing almost half of the information currently available in academic literature; a large proportion of species represented in the artworks (70.0 %) seems to occur with very low frequency. A number of doubtful exotic taxa attributed to Pompeian gardens in some previous iconographic studies have probably been confused with native species. The database confirms the wide variety of botanical elements and their frequent recurrence in ancient Roman decorations. The ancients' extensive knowledge of their natural surroundings is also confirmed, suggesting the need for a more wide-reaching cataloguing of archaeological structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Macroscopic charred remains of Spinacia oleracea L. (Amaranthaceae) have been found in the Pyrenean village of Montaillou, France, in several contexts of a house dated to the end 12th-mid 13th century a.d. This is the first archaeobotanical record of this vegetable in France and the earliest European archaeobotanical material so far found. The paper presents the morphological criteria used for identifying the charred remains of the species. After a review of archaeobotanical finds in Europe, hypotheses on the economic status of this vegetable, which is unknown as a wild plant in Europe, are discussed with reference to medieval written and illuminated sources and to archaeological deposits. It appears that Spinacia was first introduced into France from Moorish Spain where it was cultivated at least since the 11th century. The French evidence of Spinacia thus represents a milestone in the history and geographic diffusion of this vegetable into temperate Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While some consensus exists about the roles of southwestern China and northeastern India in the origin and diversification of the genus Citrus, the scarcity of its archaeological remains, as well as some methodological limits in unequivocally identifying taxa, do not facilitate reconstruction of the tempo and mode of spread of the genus towards other areas, notably the Mediterranean. Recent discoveries of archaeobotanical macro-remains (seeds and fruits) and pollen records from some important Italian sites in the Vesuvius area and Rome can be used to shed new light on this history. However, due to their morphological variability and the changes derived from the preservation processes, Citrus seeds appear difficult to recognise. In this paper, we present criteria to facilitate their precise identification, based on the observation of the morphology of modern seeds, and most of all the seed-coat patterns. The reference material consisted of 'archaic' varieties of C. medica L. (citron), C. × limon (L.) Burm. f. (lemon) and seeds of C. × aurantium L. (bitter or Seville orange) , C. × aurantiifolia (Christm.) Swingle (lime) and C. reticulata Blanco (tangerine, mandarin orange). Considering the fact that the general morphology of seeds, especially when mineralised, can confuse the identification of Citrus with Maloideae types, we also add criteria for the recognition of Cydonia oblonga Mill. (quince), Malus domestica Borkh. (apple), Pyrus communis L. (pear), Sorbus aria (L.) Crantz (whitebeam) and S. domestica L. (service tree). The observation of the keels and cell patterns was mostly useful to identify new material from Pompeii and Rome dating from the 3rd/2nd century b. c. and the Augustan period around the beginning of the Common (Christian) Era as C. medica L. (citron) and C. cf. × limon (L.) Burm. f. (possible lemon). The classical Greek and Latin sources helped us to understand the use and status of citrus fruits in the ancient world and, in combination with all available archaeobotanical remains compiled in this paper, have allowed us to discuss the spread of Citrus from its regions of origin to the eastern Mediterranean and then within the Mediterranean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abundant and diverse Prunus fruitstone remains from cherries, plums, sloes, peaches, etc. are frequently recovered from archaeological waterlogged contexts such as wells, latrines, lake dwellings etc. in Europe. The distinction between most of the Prunus species, based on traditional morphological characters of the fruit stones, is usually not problematic. However the discrimination between P. avium L., P. cerasus L. and related cherry species, based on classical criteria alone, often turns out to be ambiguous because of the increasing number of varieties which have been bred since Roman times. By combining geometric and traditional morphometrical approaches, the overall variation in shape and size of stones from French and Swiss excavations dating from the 1st century to the 16th century a.d. were assessed. Among these important archaeobotanical data, the detailed examination of 100 waterlogged stones from the 16th century Hôtel-Dieu cesspit at Tours, France, revealed that the morphological diversity is structured into two distinct morphotypes which diverge mainly according to geometrical features. Finally, the comparison between morphological features of these well-preserved archaeological stones and modern reference material including P. avium, P. cerasus and P. × gondouinii, suggests that these two morphotypes, which have been initially attributed to P. avium (long stones) and P. avium/cerasus (rounded stones) according to traditional morphological parameters, would correspond to two different cultivated varieties, both belonging to Prunus avium. Results presented in this work constitute new and preliminary data obtained during the development of this project that throw light on morphological variability and biosystematic aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract  Excavations and sampling conducted at the ancient city of Lattara (Lattes, France) have revealed a foundation offering in a small pit situated in a storehouse in the Roman port of the city. This offering, dated to around a.d. 25–60, consisted of pottery vessels, oil lamps, a coin, a pin (made out of bone), an egg and several plant products. The archaeobotanical remains presented in this work are charred seeds, fruits and charcoal. The primary aim of this study is to analyse whether the plant taxa are unusual or the same ones that appear in the contemporary domestic contexts in the city, in order to assess the possibility of a special use of the plants related to, for instance, their symbolic or magical value. The discovery of domestic or public burnt offerings containing plant remains is unknown in the Mediterranean region of France during the Roman period, except for those found in funerary contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What makes the structure and dynamics of coupled natural and human systems difficult to interpret in the Mediterranean is the extreme diversity in space and time of both environments and human societies. The succession of civilizations that waxed and waned in the Mediterranean Basin over several millennia has had great impacts on biota and ecosystems everywhere in the basin. A complex ‘coevolution’ has been claimed to shape the interactions between ecosystem components and human societies. Two opposing schools of thought traditionally have considered the consequences of human pressures on Mediterranean ecosystems. The ‘Ruined Landscape’ or ‘Lost Eden theory’ argues that human action resulted in a cumulative degradation and desertification of Mediterranean landscapes. The second school argues that humans actually contributed to keeping Mediterranean landscapes diverse since the last glacial episode. With this debate in mind, I show the following: (1) One cannot understand the components and dynamics of current biodiversity in the Mediterranean without taking into account the history of human-induced changes; (2) The various systems of land use and resource management that provided a framework for the blossoming of Mediterranean civilizations also had profound consequences on the distribution and dynamics of species, communities, and landscapes; (3) The processes of domestication of plant and animal species, which first occurred in the eastern Mediterranean area some 10,000 years ago, contributed to the increase of certain components of biodiversity at several spatial scales. Positive and negative feedback cycles between cultural practices and natural systems at the local and regional levels have kept ecosystems robust and resilient; (4) Assuming that human action can, to a certain extent, be considered a large-scale surrogate for natural sources of ecosystem disturbance, such patterns give support to the diversity-disturbance hypothesis—specifically, intermediate levels of disturbance have promoted biological diversity; (5) Intraspecific adaptive variation increased as a result of human-induced habitat changes over millennia, resulting in bursts of differentiation during the later Holocene of local ecotypes and gene pools of domesticated and wild plant and animal species, with region-specific characters fitting them to local climate and environmental conditions. High intraspecific adaptive variation also arose from earlier natural processes of the Pleistocene, mainly from a combination of periodic refugia formation and climate dynamics. During the Holocene, the main sources of disturbance came increasingly from humans, specifically from the coupled cultural and natural modifications of community and landscape structure. It is concluded that a high degree of resilience of Mediterranean ecosystems resulted in a dynamic coexistence of human and natural living systems, which in some cases provided stability, while fostering diversity and productivity (Blondel and Aronson, ). The word “design” used in the title and elsewhere in this paper metaphorically indicates that the long-lasting influence of human impacts resulted in an unintentional shaping of individual components of landscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Andrologie (11662654) is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study was designed to evaluate the effects of a «familiar» learning situation on the strategies used by students in a computer mediated interactive environment. We examine the strategies used by 14-15 year-old students in solving physics problems according to whether the technical situation was presented using a canonical version of an electric circuit (rules currently used in class) or a non-canonical version. Students worked either in pairs or individually with a computer. The results show that the dyads only performed better than individuals in the non-canonical version to the problem. The results are discussed in a perspective which offers a renewed approach of student-computer interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]